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973.005 FORT WAYNE i ALLEN CO.. tN«> 





3 1833 01747 6968 










Champlain's Expedition against the Onondagas in 1615, by O. H. Marshall, i 
The Lost City of New England, by B. F, De Costa, ..... 14 
David Jamison, Attorney General of New' York, by E. B. O'Callaghan, 21 
Diary of Goldsbrow Banyar, Deputy Secretary of the Province of New 

York. Campaign of 1757, . . . . . . . . -25 

Baurmeister's Narrative of the Capture of New York, September, 1776, . ^s 

Poem, by Thomas Paine, 39 

Letters of Laurence Butler to Mrs. Cradock, 1784 to 1793. Early Settlement 

of the Ohio Valley. 40, 112 

Notes and Queries, . 47, 124, 193, 249, 324, 386, 448, 510, 571, 629, 682, 754 
Proceedings New York Historical Society, 57, 134, 199, 263, 332, 394, 454, 695, 765 
Literary Notices, . 62, 138, 200, 266, 334, 396, 455, 515, 577, 637, 697, 766 
Obituary Notices — Solomon Alofsen, 64; the three Admirals (James Alden, 

Charles Wilkes and Theodorus Bailey), 208; Prof. Henry B. Smith, 264; 

Thomas Balch, 400; John Lothrop Motley, 45 S 

Mount Washington and its Capture, November i6th, 1776, by Edward F. de 

Lancey, • ^5 

Sketch of Pierre Daille, the first Huguenot Pastor of New York, by Charles 

W. Baird, 91 

Journal of Col. Rudolphus Ritzema of the Continental Army. The Canada 

Expedition, 1775-1776, 98 

Narrative of Sieur Pastour de Costebelle of the French Expedition of 1705 

against St. Johns, Newfoundland, 107 

The Maryland Declaration of 1689. Reasons and motives for the present 

appearing in arms of their majesties protestant subjects in the province 

of Maryland, 118 

Indian Languages of the Pacific States and Territories, by Albert S. Gatschet 145 
Sketch of John Cruger, Mayor of New York, 1757-1766, by John A. Dix, . 172 
Diary of his Western Tour, by Major Erkuries Beatty, Paymaster U. S. A., 

1786-1787, 175, 235, 309, 380, 432 

Narrative of the Prince de Broglie, translated by E. W. Balch, 180, 231, 306, 374 
Loose Notes of the Proceedings of Henry Hamilton, Esq,, Governor of 

Detroit, while prisoner at Williamsburg, 1779, 186 

The First Sea Fight of the Revolution, by Com. Foxhall A. Parker, . . 209 
Massacre at Falling Creek, Virginia, 1621-1622, bfy Edward D. Neill, . . 222 
John Alsop, N. Y. Delegate in Continental Congress, by John Austin Stevens, 226 
The Wonders of Canada. A letter from a gentleman to the Antiqua 

Gazette, 1768, . 243 



Transfer of the Body of Columbus to Havana, ...... 247 

The Battle of Saratoga, by Ellen Hardin Walworth, ..... 273 

Philip Livingston, N. Y. Delegate in Continental Congress, by Ethan Allen, 303 
Norumbega. A chapter from Champlain's Voyages, . . . . .321 

The Stamp Act in New York, by John Austin Stevens, .... 337 

Erkuries Beatty, Paymaster in the Western Army, 1 786-1 787, by John B. Linn 372 
Poetic Prophecy of the Greatness of America, ...... 385 

Our National Flag; the Stars and Stripes. Its History in a Century, by 

Major-General Schuyler Hamilton, ....... 401 

William Floyd, N.Y. Delegate in Continental Congress, by Frederic de Peyster, 429 
Diary of Governor Samuel Ward, Delegate from Rhode Island in Continental 

Congress, 1774-1776, 438, 503, 549 

Quinibequy. A Chapter from Champlain's Voyages, ..... 442 
Description of New England, from the Merchants' Map of Commerce, 1700 445 
The Uniforms of the American Army, by Asa Bird Gardner, . . .461 

William Shippen, Penn. Delegate in Continental Congress, by Thomas Balch, 493 
Keese-ana. Recollections of the late John Keese, by Evert A. Duyckinck, . 497 

Keese-ana, by W. L. Keese, 734 

The Dauphin's Birthday. A letter by Dr. Benjamin Rush, . . . 506 

The French Invasions of Onondaga, by George Geddes, . . . -521 
Martial Law during the Revolution, by G. Norman Lieber, . . . 538 

Martial Law during the Revolution, by Asa Bird Gardner, .... 705 

Abel Parker Upshur, by Mary Upshur Sturges, 542 

Champlain's Expedition of 1615, 561 

The Location of the National Capital, by Thomas Henry, .... 581 
Ebenezer Stevens, Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery in the Continental Army, 

by John Austin S' ^ens, 588 

A Bundle of Old Letters, 1746-1814, 611 

Death of Diego Velazquez, by Don F. Sandalio de Noda, .... 622 
The Historical Significance of the Battle of Oriskany, by S. N. D. North, . 641 
John Adams at the Court of St. James, by E. E. Beardslee, . . . 649 

James William Beekman, by Evert A. Duyckinck, 653 

The Family of Bache, by John Austin Stevens, 663 

Narrative of Cap. John Stuart of Gen. Andrew Lewis' Expedition against 

the Indians in 1774, and the Battle of Point Pleasant, Virginia, 668, 740 

French Colonization on the Mississippi, ....... 679 

Cuban Antiquities. The Caneys of the Dead, by Antonio Bachiller, . 720 

Marquis De Fleury, Lieut.-Col. in the Continental Army, by E. W. Balch, . 724 
Henry White and his family, by John Austin Stevens, . . . .727 

Explanation of the devices on the Continental Bills of Credit, . . .751 


The map prefixed is a photo-lithographic fac-simile of the original which ac- 
companies the edition of the Voyages of Champlain in New France, printed at 
Paris, in 1632. 

The numbers 89, 90, 93 appear in the original, and are thus explained in a table 
annexed : 

89. Village renferme de 4 pallisades ou le Sieur de Champlain fut a la guerre 
contre les Antouhonorons, ou il fut pris plusieurs prisonniers sauvages. 

Translation : Village enclosed within 4 palisades, where the Sieur de Cham- 
plain was during the war upon the Antoulionorons, and where numerous savages 
were made prisoners. 

90. Sault d'eau au bout du Sault Sainct Louis fort hault oil plusieurs sortes 
de poissons descendans s'estourdissent. 

Translation : A waterfall of considerable height, at the end of the Sault St, 
Louis, where several kinds of fish are stunned in their descent. 

93. Bois des Chastaigniers oil il y a forces chastaignes sur le bord du lac S. 
Louis et quantite de prairies, vignes et noyers. 
^ Translation : Woods of chestnut trees, with abundance of chestnuts, and exten- 

sive meadow lands, with vines and walnut trees on the border of Lake St. Louis. 


Vol. I JANUARY 1877 No, 1 



IN the year 161 5, there dwelt on the south-eastern shore of Lake 
Huron, between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian Bay, a nation of 
Indians who were called in their own language, " Wendats " or 
*' Wyandots," and by the French " Hurons." There is no record of their 
having been visited by the white man prior to the above date. In the 
same year, the Sieur de Champlain, the Father of French Coloniza- 
tion in America, who had entered the St. Lawrence in 1603 and founded 
Quebec five years later, ascended the river Ottawa as far as the Huron 
country — Le Caron, the Franciscan, having preceded him by a few days 
only. These adventurous pioneers were seeking, in their respective 
spheres, and by concurrent enterprises, the one to explore the western 
portions of New France, and the other to establish missions among the 
North American Indians. 

The Hurons, and their Algonkin allies who dwelt on the Ottawa, being 
at that time engaged in a sanguinary war with the confederated Iroquois 
tribes south of Lake Ontario, persuaded Champlain to join them in an 
expedition which they were projecting into the territories of their enemy. 
The combined forces set out from Ca-i-ha-gue, the chief town of the 
Hurons, situated between the river Severn and Matchedash Bay, on the 
first day of September, 1615.' 

Crossing Lake Simcoe in their bark canoes, they made a short port- 
age to the headquarters of the River Trent, and descended in its zigzag 
channel into Lake Ontario. Passing from island to island in the group 
which lies in the eastern extremity of that Lake, they safely reached its 
southern shore, and landed in the present State of New York. Conceal- 
ing their canoes in the adjacent woods, they started overland for their 
Iroquois enemies. 

* Champlain's Voyages. Edition of 1632, p. 251. 

2 champlain's expedition of 1615 

In an account of this expedition, read before the New York Historical 
Society in March, 1849, ^^^^ published in its Proceedings for that year/ 
I endeavored to establish the precise point where the invaders landed, 
the route which thev pursued, and the position of the Iroquois fort which 
thev beseiged. The fact that Champlain had, at that early day, visited 
the central part of the State of New York, seemed to have been over- 
looked bv all previous writers, and was deemed to be an interesting 
topic for historical investigation. Taking for my guide the edition of 
Champlain's works published in 1632, the only one then accessible," I 
became satisfied on a careful study of the text alone, the map being lost, 
that the expedition landed at or near Pointe de Traverse, now called 
*' Stony Point," in Jefferson County, and from thence proceeded in a 
southerlv direction, and after crossing the Big and Little Sandy creeks 
and Salmon and Oneida rivers, reached the Iroquois fort on Onondaga 
Lake. 1 fuUv stated these conclusions in the communication above refer- 
red to. and thev were approved and adopted by several of our American 
historians.' Other writers, however, of equal note and authoritv, locate 
the fort as far west as Canandaio:ua Lake.' 

In view of these considerations, I have been led to reexamine the 
subject, aided by additional sources of information, particularly by the 
late Abbe Laverdiere's recent edition of all of Champlain's works. My 
present purpose is to state, briefly, the result of that re-examination, and 
the additional grounds upon which I adhere to my former conclusions, 
I will first, for convenient reference, give a literal translation of that part 
of Champlain's narrative which relates to the question. It is taken from 
the edition of 161 9, which differs in a few imimportant particulars from 
that of 1632. After describing the voyage until their embarkation near 
the eastern end of Lake Ontario, a synopsis of which has already been 
given, our historian says : — ' 

" We made about fourteen leagues in crossing to the other side of the 
Lake, in a southerly direction, towards the territories of the enemy. 
The Indians concealed all their canoes in the woods near the shore. 
We made by land ab(M{t four leagues, over a sandy beach, where I no- 

' Proceedings for 1849, P- 0- 

' The first account of the expedition was published in 1619. 

' Brodhead's History of New York, Vol. I., p. 69; Clark's History of Onondaga, Vol. I., p. 253; 
Shea's edition of Charlevoix's New France, Vol. II., p. 28, note. 

* O'Callaghan's Doc. Hist, of New York, Vol. Ill , p. 10, note; Ferland's Cours D'Histoire du 
Canada, p. 175; Parkman's Pioneers of New France, p. 373; Laverdiere's W^orks of Champlain, p. 
52S, note. 

• Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 526. 

champlain's expkditiox of 1615 3 

ticed a very agreeable and beautiful country, traversed by many small 
streams, and two small rivers which empty into the said Lake. Also 
many ponds and meadows, abounding in an infinite variety of game, 
numerous vines, and fine woods, a great number of chestnut trees, the 
fruit of which was yet in its covering. Although very small, it was of 
good flavor. All the canoes being thus concealed, we left the shore 
of the Lake, which is about eighty leagues long and twenty-five wide, 
the greater part of it being inhabited by Indians along its banks, and 
continued our wa}- by land about twenty-five or thirty leagues. During 
four days we crossed numerous streams and a river issuing from a 
Lake which empties into that of the Eiitoiihonorotis. This Lake, which 
is about twenty-five or thirty leagues in circumference, contains several 
beautiful islands, and is the place where our Iroquois enemies catch their 
fish, which are there in great abundance. On the 9th of October, our 
people being on a scout, encountered eleven Indians whom they took 
prisoners, namely, four women, three boys, a girl, and three men, who were 
going to the fishery, distant four leagues from the enemies' fort. * * 
The next day, about three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived before 
the fort. " " * Their village was enclosed with four strong 

rows of interlaced palisades, composed of large pieces of wood, thirty 
feet high, not more than half a foot apart and near an unfailing 
body of water. * * - We were encamped imtil the i6th of the 
month. " ^' '^' As the five hundred men did not arrive,' the 
Indians decided to leave by an immediate retreat, and began to make 
baskets in which to carry the wounded, who were placed in them doubled 
in a heap, and so bent and tied as to render it impossible for them to stir, 
any more than an infant in its swaddling clothes, and not without great 
suffering, as I can testify, having been carried several days on the back 
of one of our Indians, thus tied and imprisoned, which made me lose all 
patience. As soon as I had strength to sustain myself, I escaped from 
this prison, or to speak plainly, from this hell. 

" The enemy pursued us about half a league, in order to capture 
some of our rear guard, but their efforts were useless and they with- 
drew. * " " '^' The retreat was very tedious, being from 
twenty-five to thirty leagues, and greatly fatigued the wounded, and 
those who carried them, though they relieved each other from time to 
time. On the i8th considerable snow fell which lasted but a short time. 
It was accompanied with a violent wind, which greatly incommoded us. 

' A reinforcement they were expecting from the Carantouanais, who lived on the sources of the 

4 champlain's expedition of 1615 

Nevertheless we made such progress, that we reached the banks of the 
Lake of the Entoiihonorons, at the place where we had concealed our 
canoes, and which were found all whole. We were apprehensive that 
the enemy had broken them up.'" 

I will now proceed to examine the reasons which have been assigned 
in favor of locating the Iroquois fort on or west of Canandaigua Lake. 
They are three-fold, and founded on the following assumptions: ist. 
That the Entouhonorons^ whose territory was invaded, were the Senecas, 
then residing on and west of Canandaigua Lake.'' 2d. That the route, 
as laid down on the map of Champlain, which is annexed to the edition 
of 1632, indicates that the fort was on Canandaigua Lake, or on a tribu- 
tary of the Genesee river, and consequently in the Seneca country.^ 3d. 
That the distances traveled by the expedition, as stated by Champlain, 
prove that the extreme point he reached must have been in the Seneca 

I will notice these propositions in cheir order, ist. In regard to the 
identity of the Entouhonorons with the Senecas. One of the arguments 
urged in favor of this identity is based on the similarity of name, the 
Senecas being called " SonontoerrJwnons'' by the Hurons. But the latter 
called the Onondagas " Onojitaerrhonons,''- which bears quite as strong a 
resemblance to E,ntou]ionorons as the name they applied to the Senecas. 
It may be stated here that O'Callaghan, Parkman, Ferland, and Laver- 
diere, each called the tribe in question '' ^Yv\.ow\\oronons,'' whereas, 
Champlain, in all the editions of his woiks, refers to them invariably as 
''^.nX.Q\x\\onoronsy He never calls them '' Entouhor^;?<?;/^ " in his text. 
On the map annexed to the edition of 1632, they are named '' .-^;/touor^;- 
nons'' but in the index to the map, '' Antouho/iorons.^ It must, 
therefore, have been from the map, and not from the text, that the 
word '' Entouhoronons " was derived. The other name, as uniformly 
given by Champlain in his text, we must assume to be correct, in 
preference to the solitary entry on the map." 

'Champlain's Voyages. Ed. 1632, Part I., pp. 254-263. Laverdiere's Reprint of the Narrative 
of 1619, pp. 38-48. 

''Laverdiere's Champlain, Vol. i, p. sMt"- i- Parkman's Pioneers, p. 373, n. 

•■'O'Callaghan, in Doc. Hist. N. Y., Vol. i, p. 10., n. Parkman's Pioneers, p. 373. 

* Laverdiere's Champlain, Vol. I, p. 518, n. 
^ Laverdiere's Champlain, Vol. 2, p. 1392. 

* If it be assumed that the terminations '^rofions" and ^'uorotis" are identical, and mere suf- 
fixes, signifying, in the Huron Lmguage, "people," see Father Bruya's Mohawk Dictionary, p. 18, 
then, if those terminations are dropped from each of the three words, they will respectively be- 
come " sonoji/of," " o/iofi/ae," and '' cn/ou/io," and represent the names of the ptaces where those 
nations resided. Now it cannot be said that there is any stronger resemblance between sonontoe 
and entouho, then between onontae and entoiiho. 


It is supposed by some that the edition of 1632, which ajiilains the 
map, and is composed of his previous pubHcations, was not the work of 
Champlain, and never passed under his personal supervision. It is 
asserted that it was compiled by his publisher, Claude Collet,' to whose 
carelessness the error in the name, as contained on the map, may be 
attributed. There was no map annexed to the edition of 16 19, and the 
one which accompanied that of 1632 was not constructed until seven- 
teen years after the date of the expedition, as appears from a memoran- 
dum on its face. It may not have been compiled from authentic data. 
One of the discrepancies between it and the text is its location of the 
'' Antouoronons^' not at the Iroquois fort, but a long distance west of it, 
thus making a distinction between them and the Iroquois who were living 
at the fort that is wholly unwarranted by anything contained in the nar- 
rative. It is also worthy of note, that the map is not once referred to by 
Champlain in his text. Not only was it constructed after all hi§ narratives 
were written, but the index to it was evidently added by some other 
hand. Another argument urged in favor of the identity of the Eiitouko- 
norous with the Senecas has been drawn from the existence of a nation, 
called by Champlain " Choimtoiuirouon^' which is undoubtedly a misprint 
for " Clionontoiiaronon? They are described as living between the Hu- 
rons of Canada, and the Carantoiianais (or Andastes), on the Susque- 
hanna.' Champlain says that, " in going from the one to the other, a 
grand detour is necessary, in order to avoid the Chonontoiiaronon, which is 
a very strong nation.'" From the name and location, they can be no other 
than the Senecas. 

The Abbe Laverdiere assumes that the CJiouomouaroiofis and Ii)itoulion- 
orons are one and the same people.'' This cannot be true, for Champlain 
mentions them both in almost the same sentence, and gives to each their 
respective names, without a hint of their identity." Indeed, Laverdiere, 
in support of his theory, is obliged to interpolate a word in the text of 
Champlain, which is entirely superfluous.' The identity of the EntouJion- 
orons with the Senecas, rather than with the Onondagas, cannot there- 
fore be established by any supposed similarity oi name. 

' Harrisse. Bibliographic de la N. Erance, p. 66. See also Laverdiere's Champlain, pp. 637-8. 

■'^ Shea's Charlevoix, Vol. 2. p. 28, n. The letters "n" and "u" occur frequently in Indian 
names, and it is quite difficult to distinguish the one from the other in manuscript. Their being 
often mistaken for each other occasions numerous typographical errors. 

^Jesuit Relation for 1648. Quebec Reprint, pp. 46 — 48. 

''Laverdiere's Champlain. p. 522. 

•'' Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 521, note I. 

^ Laverdiere's Champlain, p. gog-^io. 

' Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 522, note 1. 

6 champlain's expedition of 1615 

2d. The next in order for consideration, is the route pursued by the 
expedition, and the site of the Iroquois fort, as they are indicated on the 

A sHght examination of the annexed facsimile of that portion of the 
original map, which relates to this expedition, will show it to be wholly 
unreliable as a guide in any investigation of Champlain's route. It is in- 
correct in most of its details. Although the original exhibits the general 
outlines of Lakes Ontario and Huron, Lake Erie is almost entirely ig- 
nored, an irregular strait, bearing little resemblance to it, being substi- 
tuted. Lake Ontario, as shown by the facsimile, is erroneously repre- 
sented as containing several islands scattered along its northern and 
southern shore, and the Niagara river as running due east into its west- 
ernmost extremity. The Great Falls are located at the very mouth of the 
river. Everything is distorted, and in some places it is scarcely recogniza- 
ble. The supposed route of Champlain is indicated by a dotted line, 
which, crossing Lake Ontario along a chain of imaginary islands, nearly 
opposite the mouth of the Oswego river, strikes the southern shore at 
that point. All evidence that the expedition traversed the " sandy 
beach " which stretches along the Lake shore, south of Stony Point, as 
referred to in the i^xi, is entirely omitted. From the mouth of the Os- 
wego, the line pursues a southerly direction, and after crossing what 
appears to be the present Seneca river, and another stream, passes be- 
tween two lakes directly to the Iroquois fort. This route, as thus shown 
by the map, is highly improbable, unnecessarily circuitous, and cannot 
possibly be reconciled with the text of Champlain.' If the expedition 
had gone as far west as Canandaigua lake, Champlain would have passed 
near to, and have become acquainted with, the existence of no less than 
eight of those remarkable inland sheets of water which form so conspic- 
uous a feature in the scenery of central New York, not to mention three 
others a little further west. Only five lakes are indicated on the map, 
and none are mentioned in the narrative, except Oneida Lake and the 
one on which the fort was situated. They would certainly have been as 
worthy of description as the " sandy beach," '' the beautiful wooded 
country," " the numerous streams," the Oneida '' lake and river," and 

' In the facsimile o[ Champlain's map, published by Tross, in Paris, the dotted line, where it 
should cross Lake Ontario, as shown by the original map,.is omitted. The same portion of the line 
is also wanting in the facsimile published by Dr. O'Callaghan, in Vol. III. of the Documentary 
History of New York, and by Laverdiere, in his recent edition of Champlain's works. The islands 
in the eastern end of Lake Ontario, as represented on the original map, are also entirely omitted on 
Dr. O'Callaghan's facsitfiile, 


" the small lake," adjacent to the Iroquois fort, which were met with on 
the route and noticed in the narrative. 

3d. It is urged, as an additional argument against the location of the 
Iroquois fort in the Onondaga country, that the distance of " twenty- 
five or thirty leagues," stated by Champlain to have been traveled by the 
invaders after they had landed, as well in going to as in returning from 
the fort, necessarily indicates that they must have gone at least as far 
west as Canandaigua Lake. It may be said that in stating this distance, 
Champlain intended to exclude the '' four leagues " which they traveled 
over ''a sandy beach," immediately after they had concealed their ca- 
noes, thus making from twenty-nine to thirty-four leagues in all. But 
this cannot be a fair construction of his language. He says, " We made 
about fourteen leagues in crossing the lake in a southerly direction. The 
Indians concealed all their canoes in the woods near the shore. We 
traveled by land some four leagues over a sand}^ beach." A little fur- 
ther on he continues : '' All the canoes being concealed, we proceeded 
by land about twenty-five or thirty leagues during four days." He thus 
includes the " four leagues " in the four daj^s' travel of " twenty-five or 
thirty leagues." 

The above construction is justified by the further statement, that the 
same distance of '' twenty-five or thirt}^ leagues " was traveled by the ex- 
pedition on its return from the fort to the canoes, referring to the Tc/Wr 
distance. '' The retreat," he says, '' was very tedious, being from twenty- 
five to thirty leagues, and greatly fatigued the wounded and those who 
bore them, although they relieved each other from time to time." Yet 
this retreat must have been accomplished in two days, half the time it 
took to reach the fort from the landing, for he states they were encamped 
before the fort until the i6th of October, and reached their canoes on 
the 1 8th. Charlevoix says they did not stop during their retreat' — a 
physical impossibility, certainly, if they had started from a point as far 
west as Canandaigua Lake. This assertion of Charlevoix does not ap- 
pear to be warranted by the narrative of Champlain. 

Those writers who, relying on the map, locate the fort on Canandai- 
gua Lake, lose sight of the fact that it discharges its waters into Lake 
Ontario through the Clyde, Seneca and Oswego rivers, whereas the map 
places the fort on a stream which empties into Lake Ontario at a point 
much further west. In considering the questi(^n of itistcDicc, it must be 
borne in mind, that the attacking part}^ was on foot, advancing cautiously 

' Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 526. 

■-'Charlevoix' N. France, Vol. E, p. 241 Edition of 1744 

8 champlain's expedition op^ 1615 

towards a tormidable enemy, in a hostile and unexplored country, desti- 
tute of roads and abounding in dense forests, numerous rivers and miry 
swamps. Under such circumstances, incumbered as they were with 
their implements of war and other effects, their progress must have been 
slow. The distances which are given by Champlain, being measured 
only by time, are consequently over-estimated. On their retreat, they 
had become more familiar with the country, and under the stimulus of 
an enemy in the rear, accomplished their return with much greater rapid- 
ity. From Ston}^ Point where they landed, to Onondaga Lake, follow- 
ing in part the beach of Lake Ontario, is fifty-three miles, by the shortest 
possible line, as measured on a reliable map. But it would have been im- 
possible for such an expedition to pursue so direct a course, owing to 
the necessity of moving circumspectly, and of seeking the most conve- 
nient and practicable route through an unknown wilderness. It would 
not be unreasonable to deduct at least one-fifth from the number of 
leagues stated by Champlain, in order to arrive at the actual air line 
distance between the place where he landed and the Iroquois fort' 
If, therefore, we take one-fifth from twenty-seven and a half leagues, 
which is the mean of the two distances given by Champlain, it will leave 
twenty-two leagues, or fifty-three and a half miles, as the true distance, 
measured on an air line. As an example of over-estimates by Champlain 
himself, reference may be had to the width of Lake Ontario, which he 
says is ''twenty-five leagues," an excess of one-fifth." Also to the cir- 
cumference of Oneida Lake, which he states at " twenty-five or thirty 
leagues," an excess of one-fourth. Numerous other examples might be 

' Champlain's distances are stated in " leagues." Several, differing in length, were used 'by the 
French, under that name. Among them were the " lietie de paste " of 2^^% English miles — the 
" /irue vioyenne'' of 2^^% English miles, and the '' lieue gdographique " of 'i-^^^ English miles. It is 
important, in discussing this question, to determine the length of the one used by Champlain^ 
Neither his narrative, nor his map of 1632, affords any light on the subject. There is inscribed on 
a map published in Paris in 1664, entitled : " Le Canada fait par le Sr. de Champlain * * suivant 
les Me'moires de P. du Val," a scale of ' Lieues Francaiscs chacune de 2,500 pas g/ome'triques." It 
is fair to presume that the length of the league, as given on this map is identical with the one used 
by Champlain. As a geometrical pace is ifg2_ French metres, or 2>to^ English feet, it follows that 
Champlain's league must be 2r£^^ English miles, differing slightly from the length of the lietie dc paste 
as above stated. This conclusion would account for the discrepance which has arisen from calling 
the old French league equivalent to three English miles. The English miles, stated in the text, 
have been computed on the basis of two and a half to a P'rench league. Even if there were three, 
it would not change the result, or carry the expedition west of Onondaga Lake. By reckoning the 
league as equivalent to two and a half miles, many supposed discrepancies of early French travelers 
in America are reconciled, and their over-estimates of distances explained. 

- Laverdicre's Champlain, p. 527. 


It may be interesting, in this connection, to compare Champlain's 

statements with those of the Jesuit Dablon, who traveled twice over the 

same route in 1655 and 1656, under m^ich more favorable circumstances 

for correctly estimating the distances. He informs us that, in company 

with Father Chaumonot, he left Montreal on the 7th day of October, 

1655, for the Onondaga country, and reached '' OtiJiatangue"' (the mouth 

of Salmon river) by canoe on the 29th of the same month.' That he 

landed the next day, and prepared to go on foot to Onondaga. That on 

the first day of November, after going '' five good leagues^' he encamped 

for the night on the banks of a small stream. Early the next day he 

continued his journey for ''six or seven leagues^' and encamped for the 

night in the open air. On the third, before sunrise, he resumed his way, 

and reached '' Tethiroguenr which he describes as ''a river which issues 

from Lake Goienho " (Oneida Lake), and '* remarkable as a rendezvous 

for a great number of fishermen." Here he passed the night in an 

Indian cabin. The distance traveled this day is not stated, but w^e may 

assume it to have been six leagues, which is about the average of the 

other days. On the fourth he went ''about six leagues^' and passed the 

night in an " open country," "four leagues " from Onondaga. On the 

fifth of November he reached the latter place,^ having spent five days in 

traveling from the mouth of Salmon river, a distance, according to the 

narrative, of twenty-seven and a half leagues. Inasmuch, however, as 

the Iroquois fort is claimed to have been on Onondaga Lake, five leagues 

north of the ancient village ot Onondaga,^ which the Jesuit reached on 

the fifth of November, the said five leagues should, for the purpose of 

comparison with Champlain, be deducted from the above twenty-seven 

and a half leagues. To the resulting difference should be added, for the 

same reason, six and a half leagues, being the distance from Stony 

Point to the mouth of the Salmon river, thus making, from the said Point 

to the fort, according to the Jesuit narrative, twenty-nine and a half 

leagues, which is a little short of the extreme distance of thirty leagues 

stated by Champlain. 

Leaving Chaumonot at Onondaga, Dablon set out on his return to 
Quebec on the second day of March, 1656,' over nearly the same route, 
and traveled that day five leagues. On the third he rested on account of 
the rain. On the fourth he traveled six leagues to Oneida Lake. Fear- 

^ Relation of 1656, p. 7. Quebec Edition. 

'^ Onondaga was situated a few miles south of the present city of Syracuse. 

^Jesuit Relation for 1657, p. 14. Quebec edition. 

* Jesuit Relation for 1656, p. 35. Quebec edition. 


ing to venture on the thin ice, he spent the next day on its banks. On 
the sixth, it was sufficiently frozen to enable him to cross at a point 
where the lake was a league and a half broad. He reached the mouth 
of Salmon river on the eighth, a little before noon, consuming in travel, 
exclusive of detentions, four and a half days. The rate of progress, 
after crossing Oneida Lake, is not given, but, estimating six leagues as 
an average day's travel, would make twenty-six leagues from the Onon- 
dasra villagfe to the mouth of Salmon river. After allowinor- the same 
deductions and additions as in the case of his previous trip, it would 
leave twenty-seven and a half leagues, which is the mean of the two 
distances stated by Champlain. By thus comparing Champlain's esti- 
mates with those of the Jesuit, it will be readily seen that the expedition 
of the former could not possibly have extended west of Onondaga Lake. 

Having thus examined the reasons Avhich have been urged in favor 
of locating the fort in question on Seneca territory, founded on the sim- 
ilarity between the names which the Hurons bestowed on the Iroquois 
and the Entoulionorons, and also the reasons for such location, based on 
the course of the '' dotted line " laid down on Champlain's map, between 
the point where he landed and the said fort, and on the distances which 
Champlain states were traveled by him, between the same points, it now 
remains to state and consider the objections which exist against placing 
the location of the fort as far west as the Seneca Country. 

1st. The actual distance between the place of landing and the foot 
of Canandaigua Lake, measured on the shortest possible line, is ninety- 
six miles, or thirty-eight and a half leagues. It would be absurd, how- 
ever, to suppose that the expedition could have followed so direct a 
course. On the contrary, in accomplishing the distance to the fort, it 
must have passed over, as stated on a previous page, at least one- 
fifth more than a straight line between the said points. This fact, with- 
out allowing anything for Champlain's over-estimate, would, in case the 
objective point were Canandaigua Lake, make the distance actually trav- 
eled at least forty-six leagues, or not less than one hundred and fifteen 
miles. If, as is claimed by some, the fort were still further west, on a 
tributary of the Genesee,' it would add several leagues more to the diffi- 
culty. 2d. The design of the expedition was to attack an Iroquois tribe 
living south of Lake Ontario. The assailants were the Hurons, living 
on the eastern shore of the lake which bears their name. They started 
from their principal village, which was situated west of Lake Simcoe, 
on the borders of the Huron country nearest to the Iroquois/ 

' Laverdiere's Champlain, ji. 52S, note I. 

^Jesuit Relation, 1640, p. 90, Quebec edition. Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 51S, note i. 


Now, if it were their object to attack the Senecas, the shortest and 
most feasible route to reach them would have been either in a southerly 
direction around the western extremity of Lake Ontario, through the 
territory of the friendly Neuter nation, who then lived on both sides of 
the Niagara, or by canoe directly across the lake, or by coasting along 
its western shore, landing, in either case, near the mouth of the Genesee 
river. The fact that the expedition chose the circuitous and toilsome 
route by the river Trent, through crooked lakes and tortuous channels, 
involving numerous portages, and traveled eastward for the entire 
length of Lake Ontario, crossing its eastern extremity in search of an 
enemy on its south side, affords a strong presumption that the enemy 
thus sought was located near that eastern extremity. 3d. If the object 
were to attack the Senecas, the Hurons and their allies would hardly 
have chosen a route which would separate them so far from their canoes, 
at the risk of being outflanked by the watchful and kindred Iroquois 
tribes whom they must pass on the way. After crossing the eastern 
end of Lake Ontario, it would have been much less hazardous and fatigu- 
ing to have coasted along its southern shore to Irondequoit bay, from 
whence the Senecas could easily be reached, as they were by Gallinee 
in 1669, and by Demon villein 1687. 

Having examined the arguments which have been urged in favor of the 
location of the Iroquois fort in the country of the Senecas, and noticed 
a few of the principal objections against it, some of the affirmative proofs, 
establishing its site on or near Onondaga Lake, remain to be considered. 

A careful examination of Champlain's narrative will show that, as be- 
fore stated, he must have landed on what has been designated as " Point c 
de Traverse'' or "Stony Point," in Jefferson County. It is the nearest 
and most feasible landing from the islands which are grouped in the 
eastern extremity of Lake Ontario, and along which the expedition un- 
doubtedly passed before reaching its southern shore.' It is well known 
that from the earliest times the Indians and voyageurs, as they crossed 
the Lake in rough weather, availed themselves of the protection of those 
islands. They form a continuous chain, stretching from shore to shore, 
embracing the Inner Ducks, Outer Ducks, Great Galloo, Little Galloo, 
Calf and Stony Islands. The distances between them are unequal, in no 
case exceeding seven miles. The expedition could not easily have 
landed directly upon the point in question, as it presents a perpendicu- 
lar rocky bluff, washed at its base by the lake, and forms a bold and in- 

^Champlain says, "There were large, fine islands on the passage." — Laveniie-n's Chaniplain^ 
p. 526. 


surmountable barrier for some distance in either direction. By passing 
around the northern extremity of the point, now called "■ six town point," 
a safe and sheltered bay is accessible, at the bottom of which is the pres- 
ent harbor of Henderson. This convenient and secluded position was 
undoubtedly chosen by Champlain and his companions as a favorable 
point for leaving and concealing their canoes.' Having accomplished 
their debarkation, the invaders followed, for four leagues in a southerly 
direction, the sandy beach which still borders the lake as far south as 
Salmon river. It is about six and a half leagues from Stony Point to 
that river. The many small streams and ponds mentioned by Cham- 
plain can easily be identified by the aid of a correct map. The " two 
small rivers " are undoubtedly those now known as the Big Sandy creek 
and Salmon river. The invaders were four days from the time of their 
landing in reaching the Iroquois fort. The narrative states that after 
passing the two small rivers above mentioned, " they crossed another 
issuing from a lake, which empties into that of the Entouhonoronsy^ This 
undoubtedly refers to Oneida river and Lake. " This Lake," says the 
narrative, '' is about twenty-five or thirty leagues in circumference,^ con- 
tains beautiful islands, and is the place where the Iroquois catch their fish, 
which are there in abundance." After crossing Oneida river, the scouts 
encountered and captured a party of Iroquois, '' going to the fishery, dis- 
tant four leagues from the enemy s fort T This locates the fort four leagues 
south of the outlet of Oneida lake. The latter point was always a noted 
resort for Salmon fishery in the early history of the country. It is so re- 
ferred to in one of Dablons Journals above quoted, and in many other 
early narratives. 

The expedition must have met the party of Iroquois, which included 
women and children, not far from the fishery and the village, which were 
only about four leagues or ten miles apart. They were probably going 
from the latter to the former. This was on the 9th of October. On the 
next day, at 3 P. M., they reached the fort. It would have required two 
or three days more time, and sixty miles more of hard marching, to have 
arrived at Canandaigua Lake. 

It is impossible, from the meager details given by Champlain, to 2i^- 
iz^rtdAXi \kvQ precise locality of the fort. He places it near a small lake, 

• A natural landing place of rock formation, existed there in olden time, known as the " Indian 
Wharf." A trail or portage road, 300 rods long, led from the landing to Stony Creek. See French's 
N. v. State Gazetteer, p. 358. MS. letter of the Hon. Wm. C. Pierrepont, of Pierrepont manor, to 
the author. 

■^ Lake Ontario. 

'^ These dimensions are, as usual, over-stated. 


and there is no site more probable, nor one which corresponds in more 
particulars to Champlain's description, than the banks of Onondaga 
Lake. The late Joshua V. H. Clark, author of the " History of Onon- 
daga," states that traces of an ancient Indian fortification were discov- 
ered by the first settlers, on the east side of that lake, near the present 
village of Liverpool. These may have been the remains of the fort in 
question. There is reason to believe that Monsieur Dupuis and his 
companions, including several Jesuit missionaries, occupied the same 
locality in 1656. It is described by the Jesuits' as a beautiful, conve- 
nient and advantageous eminence, overlooking Lake Gannentaa (Onon- 
daga Lake) and all the neighboring country, and abounding in numerous 
fresh water springs.'' Its distance from the chief village of the Onon- 
dagas, where burned from time immemorial the ancient council fire of 
the Iroquois Confederacy, is stated to be four leagues, which would indi- 
cate that its location must have been near Liverpool. 

It is also supposed that the Count de Frontenac encamped in the same 
place, when he invaded the Onondaga country in 1696, and that Col. 
Van Schaick occupied the identical ground while on his expedition 
against the Onondagas in 1779.^ ^^ ^'^^s a position which undoubtedly 
commended itself to the sagacious Iroquois as eminently suitable for a 
defensive structure, and was thus early used for that purpose. 

In the discussion of this question, I have endeavored fully and fairly 
to present the points, and to give due force to the arguments which 
have been urged in favor of the identity of the EntoiiJio)iorons with the 
Senecas, and of the location of the Iroquois fort in the territory of the 
latter. It is submitted that the weight of testimony is decidedly, if not 
conclusively, against those propositions, and that we must look on the 
banks of the Onondaga Lake, in the heart of the central canton of the 
great Iroquois Confederacy, for the site of that rude fortification which, 
more than two centuries and a half ago, so bravely and successfully 
resisted the allied Hurons and Algonkins of the northwest, aided by 
Champlain and his firearms, and after repeated assaults and a siege of 
several days compelled the assailants to abandon the enterprise, and 
retreat ignominiously from the Iroquois country. 


'On the first settlement of the country, the outlines of a fortification at this point were plainly 
visible, of which a sketch was made in 1797, by Judge Geddes, then Deputy Surveyor General of 
New York. A copy is given in the second volume of Clark's Onondaga, page 147. A spring 
exists, at the present time, near the site of the fort, called Gannentaa Spring. 

■^ Relation 1657, p. 14. Quebec edition. 

^ Clark's Onondaga, Vol. i, p. 256.' 


IN the Old World lost cities are as common as lost thrones, but in the 
New they are as rare as lost stars. In distant portions of the North 
American Continent explorers find here and there a solitary ruin 
without name or date, but along our eastern borders such memorials are 
sought in vain. New England presents the most unfruitful field of all. 
Some, indeed, imagine that Pemaquid furnishes indications of an early 
occupation by a civilized people, who thus far have had no mention in 
history; but Pemaquid is not " The Lost City of New England." 

The antiquary comes sensibly nearer to a Lost City upon reaching 
the story of '' Agamenticus," which flourished, at least on paper, soon 
after the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. In truth, it should be 
known that Agamenticus, like Tarsus of Cilicia, was no mean city ; 
for, while Boston was still a collection of poor huts huddled together 
under a hill, the Corporation of Agamenticus basked in the beams of 
municipal splendor. At this period, 1642, so deeply were the founders 
impressed with the sense of its perpetuity, that, within the jurisdiction 
of Edward Godfrey, '' Mayor," whither the course of Empire had taken 
its way, the municipal incumbent was charged with the responsibility of 
maintaining two annual ''fairs," which were to be " held and kept" on 
the Festivals of SS. James and l^aul, " forever." Possibly, however, our 
Lost City may prove even less substantial than Agamenticus, whose 
site is now indicated by the Mount which bears its name and salutes the 
voyager on the New England coast from afar. What shall we say, then ? 
Is this a search for something altogether unreal, Chateaux en Espag7ie f 
Granting that this may prove so, it is possible that the search for the Lost 
City of New England may nevertheless be attended with some profit. 
Eratosthenes, as we learn from Strabo, did not expect to discover the 
whereabout of Ulysses' wanderings until he could find the cobbler who 
sewed up the winds in the leathern sack ; but since there is something 
behind even a phantom, we may feel encouraged in the present under- 

Upon recent maps no one will be able to find so much as the name of 
'' The Lost City of New England." In the old cosmographies, however, it 
is sufficiently promment, being called '' Norumbega." In the estimation 
of at least the imaginative explorer, Norumbega was a wonderful place. 


If not equal to the capitals of Mexico and Peru, it was certainly a Gol- 
conda in its way. Gold, pearls and precious stones abounded, and the 
Hudson Bay Company would have found it a paradise of peltry. The 
site of this remarkable city was indicated as upon the bank of the Penob- 
scot, in the State of Maine ; and thus, throughout the region where in 
recent times the prosperity of the people has been drawn from the 
forest, the lime ledge, and the harvest of ice, report invested the inhab- 
itants with almost fabulous wealth, and declared that gold, silver and 
precious stones, in their abundance, were degraded to common use. 

It would be an easy task, in connection with the subject of Norum- 
bega, to show how the story of a single name may carry with it the his- 
tory of an entire period, and that the fossil word m^Lj prove as useful as 
the bit of coal from the mine or the shark's tooth from the crag ; but 
this hint must suffice. 

The name of Norumbega appears as " Arambe " in a Spanish docu- 
ment of 1523, where it is mentioned as one of the provinces of America. 
Peter Martyr likewise mentions '' Arambec " as one of the provinces 
known and visited by the Spaniards. In the map of Jerome Verrazano, 
1529, there is a place on the New England coast called "Aranbega." In 
1539 the Dieppe Sea-Captain speaks of Norumbega as a country discov- 
ered by Giovanni da Verrazano. In 1543 Jean Allfonsce, who about 
that time visited Massachusetts Bay, describes Norumbega, from report, 
as the capital of a great fur country on the Penobscot. Hakluyt, in one 
place, calls it '' Morumbd[-]ega," and in another '' Arambec," as though 
he knew that this was the equivalent for Norumbega. In 161 7 Cham- 
plain once gives the form '' Narembegue. Evidently the N is not an 
integral part of the word, though Father Vetromile says that the Pe- 
nobscot Indians now use the word '' Nolumbega," meaning '' still waters 
between falls." The form given by Champlain appears to be no more than 
the equivalent of the form by Martyr, '' N[arembe]gue, containing 
"■ Arembec." Martyr's word is Arambec. 

When the word '' Norumbega " attracted the attention of Northern 
antiquaries, the learned Grotius seized upon it as a form of '' Norberg- 
ia," and a relic of the Northman's occupation. He even went so far as 
to fancy that a people dwelt upon the banks of the Penobscot, who, in 
manners and customs, were associated with the Mexicans, a people re- 
garded by him, also, as of Scandinavian origin. But students of the 
Indian tongues soon appeared, opposing the idea ot a New Norway m 
New England, and declaring that the word was an original compound, 
meaning the place of a fine city. It is also said that " bee " or '' begue" 


has about the same meaning in both the Indian and Basque tongues, 
which is a question for philologists to decide. 

'' Norurabega " continued to figure in current geograpical works until 
about the end of the seventeenth century. Sometimes the word was 
used as the name of a great region of North America, and again it was 
applied to a city supposed to be situated upon the banks of the Penob- 
scot. The geographer generally planted some towers and palaces on 
the borders of that beautiful stream, to indicate a degree of metropolitan 

It is not, perhaps, so very difficult to explain the origin of these exag- 
erated views ; for it was well understood by Columbus and his admirers 
that the region which he had thrown open to Europeans formed the 
Eastern border of the Asiatic Continent. In 1543 even Jean Allfonce, 
upon reaching New England, fancied himself on the border of Tar- 
tary. For a long period the Spaniards rejected the fact that the West 
Indies lay in a New World. The popular notion was that Columbus, 
by sailing West, had reached the same region visited by Marco Polo 
travelling East. And now what was the result? In a word, the transfer 
of the characteristics of Asia to the regions of the North Atlantic coast, 
where, sunk for ages in barbarism and reduced in numbers by war 
and disease, the natives, as usual with all sparse seaboard tribes, main- 
tained a constant struggle for existence, their proudest city being a 
low mud village or a collection of hides stretched upon poles, which 
the nomadic proprietors pitched anew from day to day. The influ- 
ence of this delusion was felt even by the Popham Colonists in Maine, 
where, thirteen years before the landing of the Pilgrims, they com- 
menced their settlement, and sent word to the King that the country 
abounded in nutmegs. And out of brains fired by the same wild excite- 
ment that discovered a banquet fit for an eastern monarch in Montezu- 
ma's dinner — served on dishes of silver and gold never used twice — 
sprang the city of '' Arembe " or " Norumbega," full grown, as Minerva 
from the brain of Jove. In the great French map of 1543, which repre- 
sented much of the geographical knowledge of the time, the now Lost 
City of New England is recognized by its stately castle and imposing 

Marco Polo has been alluded to, and perhaps we have yet to learn 
what bearing his writings may have had upon the false views entertained 
respecting the eastern coast of North America. Possibly he may have 
had an influence which we do not now suspect. If so, however, we repeat 
that it remains to be discovered, for there is no proof at hand that any 


of his nomenclature was transferred to America by those who were un- 
der the impression that the eastern coast of Asia and the so-called New 
World were the same. There was a certain resemblance between the 
general outline of the two coasts, but other considerations led navigators 
to rush to the conclusion that they were identical. Only one of the 
names used by the Venetian traveller has any possible resemblance to 
Norumbega, or '' bega " as one manuscript of 1582 gives it. This is 
" bargu " or " bargue," applied to a region of Eastern Asia, not altogether 
unlike the region of the Penobscot as it appears in some descriptions. 
Still it is not to be supposed that by anj^ misunderstanding the word 
" bega " was imported from the land seen by Marco Polo. It is inter- 
esting, however, to note how the American and Asiatic names were actu- 
ally mingled. On the map of Ruysch, published at Rome in 1508, New- 
foundland will be seen rudely drawn and joined to the Continent of Asia, 
bearing the name ''Terra Nova," while '* Baccalauras " indicates the 
place that bears this name to-day. Greenland lies adjoining, near by 
are Cathay, Gog and Magog, and at the north are " Planora de Bergi" 
and " Bergi extrema." 

The temptation to confound the continents with one another, espe- 
cially when presented to a cosmographer who knew nothing of the 
coast, was quite irresistable, and hence Andre Thevet caught at the bait. 
This credulous and mendacious monk, thoroughly fitted by nature for 
the role of an impostor, wrote, in 1575, an account of a pretended voy- 
age to Maine, which his previous publication of 1558 proves that he 
did /wt make. Turning over the old maps and globes, amongst which 
were those of Ruysch and Behaim, he found " M. Bergi " and " ]>ergis " 
set down with '' Tartary " and " Cathay," and immediately transferred 
them to his narrative, saying in his *' France-Antartique," 1558, ' On the 
other side [of Canada] is solid land called canipcstrc de Bcrgc, " adding, 
*'it has a cape called Lorraine, but otherwise by those who discovered 
it Terre des Bretons,'' thus making Cape Breton a remote region of east- 
ern Asia. This error was repeated in his Cosinoorap/iie Vuiverselh\ in 
1575. Possibly, Thevet himself may have been misled by earlier blun- 
derers, but we are in no manner justified in connecting " bargu " and 
" begi " with the more modern " bega " and " Norumbega " of the New 
England coast. But while there appears to be no reason for regarding 
the last mentioned name as of Asiatic origin, the idea embodied in the 
stories of Norumbega is traceable to the belief that the rich Orient had 
been reached by sailing west. This thought colors the Letter of Ver- 
razano, who, though admitting that the '' East" simply '' stretched around 


this country," nevertheless claims that it " cannot be devoid of the same 
medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold." Other 
cities have had similar foundations until, perhaps, it is as easy a task to 
write of the Lost cities, as of the one Lost City of New England. 

This is illustrated bv the narrative of an English sailor, who visited 
New England in 1569, from whose narrative are gleaned some of the state- 
ments which follow. Our early adventurer tells of many things that 
he saw. and many more that he did not see. The latter best concern 
our purpose, as they relate, more or less, to " Xorumbega," which he 
calls '* Bega. His narrative exerted a marked influence upon the mind 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who had a copy prepared for his use. and was 
actually sailing for the coast of Xorumbega in 1583, the year in which he 
lost his life, going down with his ship, bravely obsers-ing : " We are as 
near to heaven by sea as bv land." 

The paper drawn up for him states that in all the countries through 
which the above mentioned English adventurer traveled, there were 
many " kings," who were usually decorated with rubies, some of them 
six inches long, and we are presented the spectacle of native monarchs 
borne to public audiences on sumptuous chairs of silver and chrys- 
tal, adorned with precious stones. In all the houses pearls were com- 
mon, and in some cottages was seen a peck or more. The natives 
themselves were loaded down bv the weight of their ornaments of gold 
and silver. Thev were generally very kindlv disposed, but those dwell- 
mg north of Xorumbega are represented as cannibals, with teeth like 
those of dogs, whereby, fortunatelv or unfortunately, *' you may know 
them." In the course of his travels, our old sailor professes to have 
seen houses with massive pillars of silver and crystal. The citv of 
'• Bega " itself was three-quarters of a mile long, and abgunded with 
peltry, as was testified to bv Jean Allfonsce. One of the cities seen had 
many streets broader than the streets of London. So well persuaded 
was the relator of the truth of his own story that he offered, upon - his 
life," to prove that all was in accordance with his statements : though 
we do not know whether or not he was actually with Sir Humphrey in 
1583, when sailing southward along the coast of Nova Scotia, "going 
for the discovery of Norembega," as the writer, in quaint old Hakluvt, 
phrases it. 

Before this period, howeyer, the wealth of Xorumbega had dazzled 
the imagination of the French, and probably more than one navigator 
lost his life in search of New England's Golden Fleece. Hence there 
may he some substantial truth in the fancies of a little poenu?f " Xorum- 


bega," giving the story of a knight from Normandy, and describing his 
death in the wilderness of Maine while searching for the wondrous city, 
whose fame had drawn him away from his home^beyondjthe sea. 

The adventurer, attended by his faithful henchman, is supposed 
to have ascended the Penobscot with great toil, and at the close of 
day stands, faint and dizzy, leaning upon his companion's arm. As 
the sun goes down in a blaze of glory, he fancies that he sees the 
domes and spires of the fair city shining in the west, and hears chaunts, 
and hymns, and chapel bells. Accordingly, the companion of his ad- 
ventures ascends a hill to obtain a better view of the city, but after 
scanning the prospect descends, convinced that the knight is the victim 
of a fancy. Thus, we read : 

He turned him back : " O mabier dear, 

We are but men misled ; 
And thou hast sought a city here 

To find a grave instead." 

And he declares that the old woods through which thev wandered con- 
tain no lordly tower or hall ; while the same conviction steals in upon 
the mind of the knight, who finallv exclaims: 

No builded wonder of these lands 

My weary eyes shall see ; 
A city never made with hands 

Alone awaiteth me. 

Then, yielding to his fate, he sings the song of Bernard : 

" Urbs Syon Mystica ; " I see 

Its mansions passing fair 
" Condita ca^Io; " let me be, 
Dear Lord, a dweller there \ 

Thus he dies, and there in the wild-wood his henchman makes his grave. 
In a note we are told that Champlain, when he ascended the Penobscot 
in 1604, found ** a cross very old and mossy," and upon the suggestion 
of this cross the poet builds his story. Champlain, however, found no 
cross, mossy or otherwise, upon the banks of the' Penobscot ; but this 
fact does not render the theory of the poet less credible. Here, indeed, 
we may even quote the serious observation of the hard-brained old 
geographer, whose playful remark was referred to in the beginning, 
and who exclaims, when defending the Homeric tales : *' What Eratosthe- 
nes says is false, that the poets aim at amusement, not instruction." 

Charlevoix tells us that in 1542 Francis I. made Roberval " Lord of 
Norumbega," though he omits giving any authority for the matter of the 
title. It is unquestionable, however, that he was constituted the Patentee 


of the Territory of Norumbega, and more besides towards the South. 
In 1578 the territory of Norumbega, under this name, was granted to 
de la Roche by Henry III. And, as we have seen, Gilbert was proceed- 
ing thither in 1573 with high hopes, bearing the Commission of Eliza- 
beth. But when the seventeenth century dawned the popular faith even 
in the city had declined, and when Champlain reached the coast in 1604 
he was sceptical on the general subject. His exploration of the Penob- 
scot ended in chagrin. '' The Bashaba," as the English afterwards 
called the Chief of the Penobscot, was simply " Bashaba," though the 
proper name had been accepted too hastily as a title, and the home of 
the chief was a common-place Indian village which indicated no previous 
elevation or splendor. The fair city was now disarrayed, and, to the 
minds of most thinking men, it was clear that Norumbega had resigned 
the world in advance, like the maid in Marmion, who retired 

" Ere upon life she cast a look, 
Or knew the world that she forsook," 

Some, indeed, were not sceptical, for Wytfliet, 1607, says in his Latin 
PtolemaicE Aiigmentum, ''Moreover towards the North is Norumbega, 
which is well known by reason of a fair town and a great river, though 
it is not found from whence it has taken its name," but Mark Lescar- 
bot, the witty Parisian Advocate, writing in 1609, gleefully says : 'Mf 
this beautiful town ever existed in nature, I would like to know who 
pulled it down, for there is nothing but huts here made of pickets 
and covered with the barks of trees or with skins." As late as 1669 
Heylin in his Cosmograph}^ speaks of Norumbega and its '' fair city," 
but he is afraid that the city never existed. Thus the city was lost, and 
though the French and English governments quarrelled for many years 
over the names '' Norumbega " and '' Acadia," might at last became 
right, and the vexed question passed out of diplomacy. But it was long 
before this took place that the cloud-capped towers and gorgeous pal- 
aces of Norumbega had dissolved like many another unsubstantial pa- 
geant, leaving not a '' rack " behind. 



DAVID Jamison came from Lithgow, in Scotland, about the year 1686. 
He received a liberal collegiate education in his native country. 
On the return of the Stuarts, the Church of Scotland, especially 
that section of it called Covenanters, suffered considerable persecution. 
Laws were passed forbidding their meetings for religious purposes, which 
were called Conventicles ; some were mutilated, and numbers were ban- 
ished to America for conscience sake. In those times when religious zeal 
became fanaticism, it was not strange that men appeared who met perse- 
cution with defiance, restraint with opposition, and opprobrium with kin- 
dred abuse. Thus arose a Society called Sweet Singers, a sort of cross 
between Quakers and Mennonists, on whom, whilst worshiping after 
their manner, a party of the King's troops swooped down, took them 
prisoners to Edinburgh and lodged them in the Tolbooth. After being 
here some time they published on 27th April, 168 1, a manifesto or declara- 
tion of their principles, which is a very remarkable production, as all 
will agree, on reading the following synopsis of it : 

It commences with a statement that they had been called " madmen 
and devils," and subsequently reports that one of them had even been 
called a " blockhead " by the so-styled rulers. It had seemed good to 
the Holy Ghost and to them to remove from their Bibles the Psalms in 
metre — as being an unwarranted addition — to renounce the division of the 
Scriptures into chapters and verses, because the work of human wisdom ; 
as also the received translations — the larger and shorter catechisms — 
the Confession of Faith — the Acts of the General Assembly, their cove- 
nants, manner of worship, preaching, etc., etc., '* for all following that 
way go to hell together : " — and all their preachers were alike renounced 
and abandoned for various reasons stated. They desired all to know 
and understand that they overturned and formally burnt all the former 
works of the clergy of Scotland, and throughout the whole world, which 
they conceived to be opposed to holiness. 

They proceeded to renounce all authority throughout the world, all 
that were in authority, with all their acts and edicts, the names of the 
months, saints-days, and holy days, and various other things, including 
' feastings," "sportings," '' dancings," " laughings," " monk-lands," ''friar- 


lands," kirks and kirk-yards," *' market crosses," '' registers of lands and 
houses," '' bonds," " ships' passes," *' story-books," " ballads," " romances," 
and '* pamphlets "^they disowned and burnt them all. So did they also 
reject and repudiate all the customs and fashions of that generation, their 
way and custom of eating and drinking, sleeping, and wearing, and all 
their former ways, as well religious as moral, in so far as they had been 
cast in that generation's mould : and they even denounced all that were 
then in prison houses or correction houses, men and women, " for," say 
they, " when we sent them a copy of this, our renunciation, they called 
us devils." 

With similar out-pourings and references to the Holy Spirit of God, 
by whom they say they '' were pressed " to make the declaration, they 
continue at great length, pouring out their curses and denunciations 
upon almost everything animate or inanimate, civil or religious, holy or 
common, saying with the greatest complacency, '' our joy no man can 
take from us, and our prison is so pleasant through the Lord that we 
care for no company, but all are cursed, and we know not what it is to 
weary ; but according to that scripture, ' Eat and drink my beloved, yea, 
eat and drink abundantly,' we are rather in paradise." 

When examined before the Privy Council they utterly renounced the 
use of arms or any other weapons than prayer. Singular to say, they 
were never brought to trial, but several of them were summarily given 
to Gov. Barclay by an order dated August 7, 1685, and transported to 
New Jersey, where they were sold for four years to pay the charge of 
their transportation. 

Among those thus banished was David Jamison, who was a leading 
man in this extraordinary sect, and who on his arrival became bound to 
George Lockhart, of Woodbridge, and was by him assigned to the Rev. 
Mr. Clarke, chaplain to the fort at New York (1684-1686). The princi- 
pal men of the city, however, bought Jamison's time from Mr. Clarke, 
and set him to teach a Latin school. He continued thus occupied for 
some time, and next entered the Provincial Secretary's office as clerk. 
He was appointed Deputy Secretary and Clerk of the Council, 15 
April, 1691, and thus officiated as '^ Clerk of the bloody Court that con- 
demned Leisler." He subsequently farmed the Secretary's office from 
Matthew Clarkson. Whilst in the Secretary's office he studied law. 
On June 25, 1696, he obtained a patent with Wm. NicoUs, John Har- 
rison, and others, for an extensive tract of land, which, we believe, con- 
stitutes the present town of Harrison in Westchester county. On the 
27 May, 1697, he and eight others obtained a grant of the tract called 


The Great Nine Partners' Patent in Dutchess county, and on 14 October, 
1697, he was made one of the seven patentees to whom was granted 
1,200 acres of land in Deerpark, Orange county, at or near Cuddiback- 
ville. During Gov. Fletcher's administration he was one of its active 
supporters ; a strong opponent of what was then the Leisler party, and 
is charged with having been (along with Nicholas Bayard) the framer of 
a tract, published in New York in 1698, against Leisler and his adherents, 
entitled : " A Letter from a Gentleman in New York concerning the Trou- 
bles which happened in that Province in the time of the late Happy Rev- 
olution." On the change of administration, he was made to feel the ven- 
geance of his enemies. He was dismissed from the ofifice of Deputy 
Secretary, &c., by Lord Bellamont, who acknowledges that even whilst 
in England he was prejudiced against Mr. Jamison, which feeling was re- 
awakened in New York, because he was supposed to have been in confi- 
dence of, and a favorite with, his Lordship's predecessor. Jamison had 
already renounced the " Sweet Singers," and attached himself to the 
Church of England. He was Vestryman of Trinity Church from 1697 to 
1704; Warden from 1704 to 1706; Vestryman again from 1706 to 1709, and 
again Warden from 1709 to 17 14. '' To his zeal for religion and his art and 
management it is that we chiefly owe," says Gov. Hunter, *' any legal es- 
tablishment we have here for the Church of England." In 1 700 his name is 
found attached to a petition of the merchants of New York against Lord 
Bellamont, whose administration throughout he very actively opposed. 
In the spring of 1711 he was appointed Chief Justice of New Jersey, in 
which capacity he gave an opinion on the application of the Acts of 
Trade to the Commerce between New York and New Jersey, which 
opinion is printed in N. Y. Col. Doc. iv., 235. On the 10 June, 1712, he 
was appointed Recorder of the city, and Commissioner to execute the 
office of Attorney General of the Province of New York. The latter 
office he held in the absence of Attorney General Rayner, who dying, 
Mr. Jamison was appointed by President Schuyler full Attorney Gen- 
eral, January, 22, 1720, and so continued until July, 1721, when he was 
succeeded by James Alexander, who was another locum tcncns, and held 
the office for a year and a half. These New York commissions were 
held by Jamison at the same time with that of Chief Justice of New 
Jersey, a state of things which indicates a small amount of legal talent 
at the bar, or great favoritism on the part of the administration. Though 
repeatedly recommended by Gov. Hunter (to whom he was indebted for 
all his offices) for the place of Member of the Council of New Jersey, 
and also of New York, he never held a seat in either of these Boards, the 


representations of the Earl of Bellamont having apparently blocked his 
path to the favor of Colonial ofhce. On the request of the x\ssembly of 
New Jersey for a resident Chief Justice, Mr. Jamison was removed from 
that office by Gov. Burnett in November, 1723, and in June, 1724, dis- 
missed from that of Recorder of New York. 

His reputation as a lawyer stands high in the annals of the New 
York Bar, where he distinguished himself by his able and intrepid de- 
fence of Mr. Makemie, the Presbyterian clergyman, who was prose- 
cuted in the time of Lord Cornbury for preaching without a license ; 
and as Chief Justice of New Jersey he appears, says Mr. Field {Prov. 
Courts of N. J. 92.) *'to have discharged his duties with credit to himself 
and satisfaction to the-public." After his retirement from office, he con- 
fined himself to practice at the bar, and was engaged as counsel in most 
of the important cases before the courts. 

He was married in New York city in 1692, to Maria Hardenbrook. 
Slander imputed to him that he had another wife living in Scotland, but 
though this woman came to this country, she did not claim to be his 
wife, otherwise than '' before God," as she termed it, having had a child 
by him in his wild days. 

Mr. Jamison died in New York city at an advanced age, leaving, it is 
said, several descendants, but no will as far as we have been able to as- 

There is on record a will of William Jamison, who was probably his 
son, proved 2d April, 1748, who gave his son David Jamison, if he study 
Law, all his Law Books, Manuscripts and Precedents, but should he se- 
lect any other profession, then the Library was to go to Jamison John- 
son, son of Elizabeth Johnson, widow, who was, probably, the daughter of 
the Attorney-General and Chief Justice. To his^friends, Richard Nich- 
oUs, post-master of New York, and to x\bm. Kinsman, the testator leaves 
to each a gold ring ; the interest of ^^400 to his daughter-in-law Mary 
Campbell. In case she died without issue, the principal was to go to his 
son, David, who was left residuary legatee, and in case he should die with- 
out issue, to John, David, and Jamison Johnson, sons of the above- 
named widow Johnson. 







TO 20, 1757. 

From the Original in possession of Golds- 
brough Banyer, Esq., New York City. 

New York, ^th August^ i757> Friday. — 
The Governor having received a Lre. from 
General Webb, acquainting him that he 
expected an attack very soon, that he had 
ordered the Militia of the Counties, and 
had Avrote to the several Provinces to 
send their quotas of Men to his assist- 
ance ; and that he thought the Governor's 
presence absolutely necessary to forward 
the Militia up to him : Determined to 
embark and did accordingly embark at 
7 o'clock this evening with Mr. O. De 
Lancey and Capt. Maunsell ; Having 
first sent orders to Col. Herring to 
march all above forty years of age of 
his Regiment, to protect the northern 
parts of Orange and the southern parts 
of Ulster, upon notice of Col. de Kay's 
Regiment moving upwards. — Also orders 
to the Colonels of Westchester and 
Queens, each to hold 400 Men in readi- 
ness to proceed to Albany on the shortest 

Saturday^ 6t/i August. — At 7 this 
Evening came to an Anchor at the 
W. Point of Marbling's Rock. In the 
Forenoon went with Mr. de Lancey and 
Capt. Maunsell to view the Iron Works 
at the Manor of Cortlandt : they are at 
present in Ruinous Condition having 
been long neglected. But the situation 
appears advantageous being within[ ] 
of the River, plenty of wood near at 
Hand, and of Ore at several Places 
within a small distance ; from these 

circumstances the Proprietors might 
have great advantage over those at the 

Sunday^ ph August. — Weigh'd' Anchor 
this Morning about two — between 7 and 
8 spoke M'ith a boat from Albany, left it 
last Sunday — Gave no material account: 
A boat from N. Windsor came aboard 
us : They said the Militia of that part 
of Ulster march'd Thursday last : that 
they supposed Col, De Kay was moved, 
the People having march'd from Goshen 
— about 10 o'clock landed at the Fish 
Kill at Mr, Depeyster's, went to see his 
Mills, after a messenger was dispatch'd to 
Col. Beekman to send any Letter left 
there for the Governor, by water in a light 
Canoe, Return'd from the Mills and in 
our way stop'd at Mr, Du Bois's : We 
learnt there that the Post had passed on 
Saturday and said that our People and 
the French had began to engage, that it 
was reported the latter were 1 1,000 strong 
by a French Captain who was taken 
Prisoner, We find the Dutches Militia to 
the number of about 1,000 are march'd, 
the last of them went off[ ] 

There were three Men who left their 
Companies and would not go, another 
was oblig'd to be carried on board. 
Adams I think was the Name of one of 
the former. Din'd at Mr. de Peystcr's ; 
weigh'd about 2, At 9 Capt. Maunsell 
and Mr. de Lancey went in the Boat to 
Mr. Livingston's; He told them there 
were two Expresses pass'd before the 
Post, that one had pass'd who left For- 
Wm. H : on \Vednesday from whom they 
learn'd that the Firing began soon after 
he left it, which by others they we're 
inform'd continued till Thursday morn- 
ing, then ceased for three Hours and was 



again renewed. That the French had 
4 forty-two pdrs. and 2 Mortars. That 
the Albany Militia did not march till 
Friday and that they heard nothing of 
Sr. Wm Johnson. That our Men at the 
Fort were in High Spirits and could hold 
out 2 or 3 days — and that the Post car- 
ried no Letters for the Governor. 

Monday^ August. — Got under sail this 
morning about 3 — at 7 a Boat with a Let- 
ter from Col Beekman came on board : 
If his advices are true, The Albany Mili- 
tia and those of the Mohawks were in 
motion on Thursday and got up together 
with 11,00 v/hites and Indians under Sr. 
Wm. Johnson on Friday. A Man who 
left Albany Saturday 9 o'clock A. M. 
says 'twas reported there that our Forces 
under Gen. Webb were possess'd of a 
Hill & had beat the French off twice. 
Cannon were heard on Saturday. At 8 
o'clock set off in the Boat & were row'd 
to Col. Beekman's, where we found a 
AVhale Boat waiting for the Governor : 
The Master of her brought a Letter from 
Capt. Christie referring to accounts sent 
by other Conveyances, all which passed 
us, he says the Garrison Were making 
a noble Defence. The Bearer told us 
that Col. Young march'd and got to Wm. 
H : before the French & was ordered to 
encamp on the Hill, where he was in- 
trenched. Christie says General Webb 
was at Fort Edward but unable at that 
time to march to the assistance of Wm. 
H. not being strong enough, but that the 
Militia would be soon witli him. From 
what hitherto api^ars the Militia have 
ngt been so alert as on a former Occa- 
sion. The Wind being favourable em- 
barked in the Sloop from Col. Beek- 
man's, and after the Sloop grounded 

twice at about 12 miles & somewiuit 
shorter distance from Albany, the Gov. 
& Capt. Mansel in the Whale Boat and 
Mr. deLancey & myself in the Canoe pro- 
ceeded to Albany where we arrived 
about 12 at Night: Captain Christie 
thought the Militia had not been so alert 
as they should, and said many of them 
were loitering between this & Fort Ed- 
ward. Said M. Livingston made some 
difficulty about marching, disputing the 
Validity of the orders — Col. Ellison & 
his two Field officers he said made com- 
plaint of one Bruyn of Ulster County 
discouraging the Militia from Marching. 
Tuesday 9 August. — The Governor is- 
sued orders to hasten the march of the 
Militia between Alby. and Fort Edward, 
gave one copy of ' em to Col. De Kay 
whom he ordered to proceed immedi- 
ately with his Regt., and as many of 
them on Horseback as were mounted, 
and another copy to Mr. O de Lancy 
who, accompanyed by Mr. Dias, went at 
the desire of the Governor as farr as 
Stillwater to forward up the Militia — 
Orders were also sent to march hither 
5 GO from the Militia of New York, 600 
from Westchester and 600 from Queens 
County — 'these three Orders went by Ex- 
press sent to New York, Westchester Or- 
der to be left with Lieutenant Col. Phil- 
ipse, or in his absence Major Cortlandt, 
to be forwarded to Col. Willet. The 
other two orders were enclosed to the 
Council with a Copy of that to West- 
chester with a Letter to the Council de- 
siring them to forward up the Detach- 
ments as fast as possible. 

In the Evening Mr. de Lancey re- 
turned from Stillwater, said that the 
Militia were all on the March & seem'd 



to think thei;e had been no backwardness 
in them. Col. De Kay's were disorderly 
and several had deserted. Mr. de Lan- 
cey said further that the People at Stil- 
water informed him they had heard no 
firing at the Lake since 9 o'Clock in the 
Morning, which in his Opinion, portended 
some Misfortune to have happened there. 
Wednesday 10 August. — An Express 
arrived this Morning, a little before 6, 
with a Letter from Gen. Webb, advising 
that they had heard no firing from Wm. 
Henry since 6 yesterday morning (Lre 
dated in the evening), whence he feared 
the Garrison had been obliged to capitu- 
late : In the Postscript he says he is 
just informed that the Garrison surren- 
dered at 7 yesterday Morng. About 8 
arrived an Express from Col. Whitney 
at Saraghtoga advising that a Man from 
Fort Edward had brought an account 
thither that that Fort was attacked last 
Night at 12 o'clock. On this Intelli- 
gence Orders were sent to raise and 
march all the Militia of Ulster, Dutches 
& Wt. Cr. hither and letters for assist- 
ance to the Govrs. of Massachusetts 
Connecticut New Hampshire & Rhode 
Island, Also to the Govr. of New Jer- 
sey. For this purpose three Expresses 
were sent between 9 & 10 — One to Mas- 
sach : Bay inclosing those of Rh. Island 
& N. Hampshire and a Letter to Lord 
Loudoun giving this Intelligence to him. 
One to Connecticut with the Letter to 
that Government : And one to New 
York who carryed a Lre to the Council 
with these advices & inclosing Govr. 
Belchers Letter — Thi§ Express carried 
the Westchester and Dutches Orders to 
be left in those Counties. Ulster orders 
were sent by a Person going to Esopus 

to forward the Militia. One of the Gen- 
eral Orders for raising and marching the 
Militia was sent by Mr. Van Schaack 
who went to Kinderhook & was to pub- 
lish it on the Road, & there, and then to 
send it forward to Claverack. The 
Govr. also wrote to Schenectady (Sc the 
Mohawks River to give them the Intelli- 
gence and to put the People on their 
Guard. — At i o'clock advice came that 
the account of Fort Edwards being at- 
tacked was groundless, but mentioned 
nothing as to Wm. Henry. Between 2 
and 3 the Governor wrote to Gen : 
Webb. Just before this the Governor 
Avent over the River to give orders to a 
Company of Connecticut Militia to pro- 

Orders were given in the forenoon to 
stop all sloops and every Person from 
leaving the Town. 

John Youngs "^ of Goshen & the AValkill 
J. Butters J- deserted 9 Augt. from 

Elisha Wood J Col. deKay's Regt. 
Anthony Van Slyck ) both of Schenec- 
John Van Voorst ) tady deserted from 
Fort Edward, wiih two from Rynbeck 
who went off with them. 

John Glen gives this information. 

Thursday 11 August. — At one o'Clock 
this Morning an Express arrived from 
Fort Edward with a Letter from Capt. 
Bartman's Genl. Webb's Aid de Camp 
advising that they hourly expected the 
Garrison of Fort William Henry there 
who were under Parole not to bear Arms 
for 18 months. The Express said about 
30 of them were arrived before he came 
away which was 12 o'Clock at Noon yes- 
terday : At 8 o'clock an Express was dis- 
patched with Letters giving this account 
to Lord Loudoun, Govr. Pownall, Gov. 



Fitch, Gov. Green & Gov. Wentworih 
also to Sir Charles Hardy : At One 
o'clock the New York Post had a Letter 
to the Council with one inclosed to 
Gov, Belcher giving the same Intelli- 
gence to him and he went off soon after. 
Passes were given to the Sloops where 
the Masters wanted to go down the Riv- 
er but on condition they carried no ]^Ian 
off with them without Liberty. 

Friday \2 August. — Lieut. Frans Clauw 
was ordered back with his Compy to 
Kinderhook to bring 60 waggs. to Green 
Bush, no Pay if discharged there, but 
if employed to be paid from their leav- 
ing home. About 11 Forenoon, Govr. 
reed a Letter from Genl Webb signifying 
that the French had broke the Capitula- 
tion in suffering their Inds to murder & 
plunder our People : That Col. John- 
son had infornied him he believed there 
were not more than 2000 Militia at Fort 
Edward, & the Genl says they were re- 
turning, as fast as they came up. That 
the Militia need not be hurried up as 
fast as was necessary before. And that 
as soon as he hath further advices of the 
Enemy s Motions he *vould dismiss the 
Militia that they might go to their Har- 
vest, and says that the Canadians & In- 
dians set off yesterday on their Return : — 
The Governor wrote an answer early in 
the afternoon expressing his Resentment 
agt the Breach of the Capitulation ; that 
he had ordered 60 waggons to be got, 
desiring to know whether Gen. Webb ap- 
proved of it ; and that he had ordered 
up the Militia of New York, Queens & 
Westchester & desiring to know if he 
sho'd have occasion for them, or whether 
he should order them back, as that part 
of the Militia were more immediately 

from their situation intended for the de- 
fence of the city. 

Saturday 13 August. — At two o'clock 
this morning a Man brought a Letter to 
the Governor from Col. Williams and 
Col. Ruggles who were arrived with part 
of their Regts. at Kinderhook, desiring 
to know how affairs were circumstanced) 
and whether he was of opinion they 
should proceed. The Governor returned 
an answer about 8, that as the Canadi- 
ans & Indians were returned, he was 
of opinion they should march to Fort 
Edward that Genl. Webb might be ena- 
bled to drive the French out of Fort Wm. 
Henry, and that he hoped they had be- 
gan their march from Kinderhook this 
morning. About ii the Gov. dispatched 
a Letter to Genl. Webb acquainting with 
what he had wrote to Cols. ^Villiams & 
Ruggles & desiring to know v\-hether he 
sho'd have occasion for their Regiments 
or he should give them Notice to return. 
The Governor ordered the officers of the 
Militia of Kingston, Marbletown, Ro- 
chester & Paltz to return to guard their 
own counties having he told them in- 
tended only a part of the Militia of that 
County sho'd march hither. Doctor 
Vandyck being returned from the Lake 
says that yesterday morning at Fort Ed- 
ward it being reported that a Number of 
the Enemy lay between them and the 
Lake, Sir Wm. had desired all who would 
go Yoluntiers to reconitre that Place to 
turn out, and that all the Militia turn'd 
out, and that Sir William afterwards told 
them the Genl. had no occasion for them 
and only wanted to know whether they 
were ready & willing to go Voluntiers. 

Mr. Dies returned this morning from 
Fort Edward and came to the Govern- 



ors. I learn'd from him that of the can- 
non at Fort Wm. H : 2. 32 pdrs. — 2. 18 
pdrs — 2. 12 pdrs — and 2, 9 pdrs had 
burst, also two brass mortars — they had 
only 3. 9 pdrs & a Howitzer left. ' Tis 
said but little Powder as well as little 
Ball were left. Col. Munro it seems as 
yet return'd to the French on seeing the 
French Indians massacring our People, 
which began very soon after the Capitu- 
lation. Capt. Collins tis said is kill'd, 
also Lieut. Herbert & Capt. Crookshank 
fell by the Indians, Mr. Furnace Lieut. 
Calhoun missing — Capt. Ince missing. 
Hamilton missing. 

By what I can find our Militia at Fort 
Edward were extremely desirous to push 
on to relieve W. Hy. but the Gen'l thought 
twould be only sacrificing so many 

This Evening at 10 o'clock the Govr. 
reed a Letter from Genl. Webb desiring 
he would order back the Militia of N. Y. 
Wt. Cr. & Queens, he also desires no 
more may come up than those on the 
Road bet. this Place & Fort Edward : 
He approves of the taking 60 waggons 
into service. But does not think himself 
strong enough to attack the Enemy in a 
retrenched camp, the Chief of the Army 
being still there, and most of our Forces 
being Militia. This is an Answer to what 
Gov Delancey wrote on the subject of 
advancing and driving the French from 
the Lake. 

Sunday 14 August. — Orders were given 
to Col. de Lancey to order his detach- 
ment back & to signify the like orders 
to Queens & Westchester, and that it 
was the Gov. opinion the Jersey Militia 
might return if he should meet any on 
their wav hither; About 12 he set off 

in a W' hale Boat. At 10 orders were dis- 
patched also by an Express to be deliv- 
ered to the first officer of the Militia he 
sho'd meet coming to Albany & by him 
delivered over to the rest of the Militia 
from this City Southward to return back 
(Sc to discharge them. 

Sir John St. Clair arrived this Evening. 

Monday 15 August. — About Xoon the 
Govr. received a Letter dated yesterday 
from Gen. Webb, acqg. him that all the 
Militia of that Province, except Albany 
City had left Fort Edward in a mutinous 
manner & desiring the Govr. to make 
the Militia return to their duty &: to for- 
ward those of New England near Albany 
& altho he gave orders that the Militia 
of the lower Counties should return yet 
unless an army of 5 or 6000 Militia can 
be had without them, he would have 
them proceed. 

Orders were given to stop the deserters 
and to fire on those who resisted. 

The following Orders were also dis- 
patch 'd by Col. Parker, wrote short by 
the Govr. & no Copies kept of them. 

To Col. Willet to detach hither 600 
pick'd Men, sent closed to him. 

The following sent open. 

To all the Militia of Dutches to march 
up hither and deserters to return on pain 
of death To all deserters of Ulster & 
Orange to return hither on pain of death. 

The Dutches orders to be left at Col. 
Hoffman's and Pokeepsingh. 

Those for Ulster & Orange to be left 
at Kingston and New Windsor. With 
Orders to the officers Civil & Military 
to forward the Orders by dispatching 
Copies through the Counties. 

This afternoon the Governor went as 
far as Col. Schnylers to stop the Militia 


who had deserted from Fort Edward & 
were comhig down on this side : He 
stop'd many, and afterwards cross 'd the 
River to a Party of Dutches Militia who 
had deserted & were returning altho they 
had not gone beyond the Half Moon. 
Before the Govr. came to them, they had 
been stop'd by a Party under Lt. Bayley, 
and were by his orders proceeding to the 
Place where the Govr. was expected to 
cross, but meeting with two Roads they 
wanted to divide, & one of 'em a Ser- 
geant said he would not return but go 
home in spite of all orders : The officer 
expostulated with him but to purpose, 
and before Mr. Bailey gave orders for 
firing one of his men fired & killed the 
Sergeant : The Militia then began to 
disperse, and of about 200 only 60 or 70 
were taken whom the Govr. ordered to 

This Evening at 10. Mr. B. Robinson 
& 6 or 7 other Gent : arrived from New 
York. It seems the orders sent to stop 
the Militia had sent many back. 

Tuesday 16 Augt. — Orders were given 
to several of the Colonels Sec. to return 
and send their men back who had de- 

Several others from the Militia of N. 
Y. arrived this forenoon, also Major 
Cortlandt who was marching up with 
about 1200 of the Wester. Regiment, 
who returned back on the orders they 
met on the Road. 

We find that the New York detachmt 
must have left it in Sloops on Saturday. 

Queens it is said crossed at White- 
stone — about 5 or 600 were coming from 
N. Jersey. 

This Evening an Express retd from 
Boston — The Fleet were not sailed 

last Monday week but lay ready : An- 
other Account said they hadfall'n down, 
but were come up again. Twas report- 
ed the Windsor had brought in a Halifax 
Pay Ship bound to Quebec. 

Dr. Jay & Mr. Cortlandt arrived this 
Eveng from N. York. Mr. C. left it on 
Saturday — our detacht were to leave it 
that day. 

Wednesday 17 August. — Two officers 
came in this Morning from Fort Edward^ 
They say all the officers missing are well: 
That Moncalm had kept Capts Facset & 
Ormsby as Hostages. That Col. Munro 
was coming with his one piece of Cannon 
he brought from W. H. & that Col. 
Young was at Fort Edward. That the 
French had destroyed every thing but 
their own lines & Batteries & were going 
off, having removed all the Provisions &:c- 

This Evening Sr. Wm. Johnson retd; 
the militia being all discharged, on three 
repeated scouts advising that the French 
were all gone off. 

Thursday 18 August. — Orders were 
given to Major Cortlandt for the stop- 
ping the detachment of 600 Men order- 
ed from Wester. 

Col. Clinton was ordered to return & 
discharge the Militia of his Regt. 

An Order was made out to Col. Hoff- 
man to same purpose, and Col. Harden- 
bergh was ordered to dismiss his Regt. 

Friday 19 August. — The Boston Militia 
are assembled yet at Sheffield as appears 
by a Letter brought this day by an Ex- 
press from Sr. W. Pepperel. The Express 
says he saw an acquaintance of his who 
left Halifax the 4 Inst. That the Troops 
began to embark the 3d & were all Em- 
barked the 4 & were to have sail'd that 
day but the wind did not turn fair till too 



late in the Evening. That the Rainbow 
Capt. Rous did not go with the Fleet her 
Mast being taken out to supply a Mast 
by one of Mr. Holburne's Fleet. 

This Evening delivered a Warrt to 
Lieut. Roseboom & Lieut. Van Veghten 
commanding all officers Civil and Milit. 
to assist them in apprehending deserters 
Col. Munro arrived abt 12 to-day. He 
spoke his mind very plainly to Mr. Mont- 
calm of the breach of the Capitulation. 
He is the only one that had not his clothes 
he wore taken from him except Col. Young 
Had some discourse with Sir Wm abt 
his resignation of the command of the 
Militia — he seems hardly yet prevailed 
on to continue. 

Saturday 20 August. — Delivered the 
Governors paper to seven deserters & 
one to a Man of Pepperels Regt taken at 
Oswego & now escaped. 

Delivered a Warrant of assist to Capt. 
Ogden going in Fearch of Deserters. 

Wrote a Lre for the Govr to Sr Wm 
Johnson to levy Fines on those who did 
not march on the late Alarm or who de- 
serted their Posts afterwards. The like 
to be sent to the other counties whose 
Militia march'd. 

Makmg out Military Comms purst to 
Col Renselaers List New formed by Sir 
William, who set off this morning for 
Mount Johnson. The Troop to stand as 
it is yet. No other alteratn was made to 
Sr. Wm's List than putting out one En- 
sign and inserting one Renselaer in his 
room, except a Captain appd of by the 
Major & Mr. Vanschaick the Mayor, 

Sunday August 21-, — Sent Sir Wm. 
Johnson's Lre from the Govr wrote to 
him inyself to send List of officers of the 
Schenectady Batalion. 

Wrote by the Govrs order, Circular 
Letters to the Albany Members, Ulster, 
Dutches & Manors of Cortlandt, Rense- 
laer, Livingston c^ Town of Schenectady 
to meet at New York on Tuesday 6th Sep- 

Paid my Washerwoman 17-4 — gave the 
Wench at Mrs. Renselaers y6. and em- 
barked and set sail at 8 this Morning 
with a fair wind & at 10 o'clock in the 
Evening passed Soper Island. 

Monday 22d August. — It blew hard all 
Night and at J past 6 when I rose we 
were off Verplanks — at J past 12 landed 
at New York. The Govr called a Coun- 
cil & appointed the Assembly to meet at 
Harlem the .s i Inst. & circular Letters 
sent by the Albany Post who was de- 
tained for them till near 4. 

Tuesday 23 August. — Queens, Suffolk & 
Kings Circular Letters were delivered to 
Mr Brewerton to forward — Mr. Godby 
wrote to Mr. Brewerton that if they were 
not already forwarded to hire a man and 
send them. 

Wednesday 24 August. — Brewerton 
having sent the Suffolk Letters by 
a Person who was to leave them at 
Queens, duplicates were made of those 
and Queens and sent to him with direc- 
tions to him to dispatch a Person with 

Sent out the Minutes of Council, Acts 
and Votes of Assembly to the end of Sr. 
Charles's admn to the Lieut Govr in a 
Box to be forwarded with his dispatches 
to the Board of Trade. Sent out Alby 
Military Claims to be signed. 

Thursday 25/// August. — ^^'as all this 
day (after forwarding the Albany Batal- 
ion's Comms.) at the Governor's assist- 
ing in his dispatches. 



This Evening wrote a Letter to Mr. 
Barons desiring him to inform the Govr. 
whom Sr Charles had recommended as 
Councilors. — Answer — Mr. Walton, Mr, 
Watts, & Mr. Robert R. Livingston. 

Friday 26 August. — Went out at 9 
to complete the Govrs dispatches — staid 
till 12, then went to town, to attend the 
Council, and wrote a Warrant to enable 
Lieut. Duncan to impress all Sloops & 
Boats of small draft to carry troops to Al- 
bany, Lord Loudoun being on account 
of the great strength of the French at 
Louisburgh returning hither with 8 Regts. 
3 to be sent up the Bay of Fundy & two 
to be left at Halifax. 

At 4 o'clock went to the Governors 
completed his Dispatches, brought them 
to Town & delivered 'em to Mr. Golden 
about 8 : & told him he might dispatch 
the Packet. 

Saturday 27 August. — Din'd at Mr. 
Baron's: agreed to take the remaining 
Map skreen of Sir Charles's in the Coun- 
cil Room. 

Sunday 28 August. — This Evening 
Made out a Warrant enabling Mr. An- 
thony Ten Eyck & Mr. Derrick Brinker- 
hoff to impress Provs wanting for the 
Kings Troops. By advices this day 
from Lord Loudoun he had reed the In- 
telligence of the Loss of Wm. Henry & 
if the AVinds were unfair would land and 
march his Troops over Long Island, 
tis said he brings ten regiments. 

Pacquet commanded by Capt. Rand 
sailed this day. I wrote to Mr. Doughty 
for a Frock Cloth Coat & a i)air of white 
hair shag Breeches to be sent in the stage 
waggon to Falmouth to Mr. Allison 
Bookseller there to be forwarded to me 
in the first Pacquet. 

Gave Doctor Stewart i Guinea to pur- 
chase 6 Rings of Trebles — 2 of 2ds. i 
3d & I 4th also a set of Harpsichord 
strings from the Middle Numbers up- 

Monday 29 August. — Wrqte a Let- 
ter to Gov. Pownall congratulating him 
on his appt to his Govt — desired him to 
hint to his Brother that on Peace being 
established some new office might be 
Necessary, & to recommend me for such 
f he thought it fit. 
Mentioned that a Body of the Militia 
to be fix'd with proper officers and kept 
in Readiness & equip'd to march on the 
Requisition of the Commander in Chief 
to act oifensively, but not called on till 
just going to action, would be far prefer- 
able to the whole Militia on any Emer- 
gency — And if the Colonies kept such 
a body up, they need not keep up so 
many Provincials, who it was found did 
& would desert, and in a manner dwin- 
dled away to Nothing, before the Cam- 
paign near finished, and observed how 
necessary it was that our Regular officers 
should commd & go out with scouting 
parties, and that this kind of Merit 
should be the Road to Preferment. 

Was bled to day by Dr. Middleton 
having been severely afflicted for the ist 
time with a kind of Rheumatism from 
two days after my arrival at Albany to 
this time. 


Capt. George Brewerton 

T • ^ i Geo. Brewerton Jr. 1 ^^ ^^ , 
Lieuts. -I , ^^ ^ \ New York 

f Stephen Moure ) 

Capt. Jonathan Ogden 

T . , i Joseph Golding ) „^ ^^, 
Lieuts. ] •' / ^ ^ WtChr. 

( Nathan thnt 
















John McEvers 

Thomas Mouncey ) 

Tobias Vanzandt j 
Peter Dubois 

Cornelius Duane ) 

Isaac DeGraun ) 
Francis Moore 

Richard Smith ) 

Richard Gatehouse f 
Jonathan Fowler 

Abraham Storm ) 

Robert Crawford ) 
John Peterson Smith 

James Howell ] 

Gilbert Bradner ) 
John Verplanck 

Gabriel Dickinson ) 

Jonathan Haight j 
Reuben Lockwood 

James Holmes | 

Joshua Bloomer \ 

New York 

New York 

New York 









From the original MS. in the possession 
of Hon. George Bancroft. 
In Camp at Ifelgatte, September 24, 1776. 
I had the honor, on the 2d inst., of dis- 
patching to Captain von Waugenheim a 
complete relation, to date, of our doings 
here with the condition, that he should 
send an exact copy of it to you, mention- 
ing that the continuation would be for- 
warded to you, with a similar request to 
communicate it to Captain von Waugen- 
heim. I do so accordingly, and hope 
the arrangement will not be ungraciously 
received. The distance and want of 
time however require that I show my 

most humble services in this and no other 
jvay. I announced therefore, that the 
army camped from New Thown to Block- 
wels peninsula, only the brigade of Ma- 
jor-General Grand remained under the 
orders of General von Heister at Belfort 
opposite New York, with the two Hessian 
brigades of Major-Generals Stirn and 
von Mirbach, together with Captain Bit- 
ter's English artillery brigade, which were 
posted behind the hostile works, in order 
to keep the rebels within bounds, in the 
city as well as in their redoubts thrown 
up on the side of the city, for which end 

1 captain and 100 men, towards noon on 
the 2nd. of September, were obliged to 
occupy Gouverneurs Island, upon which 
were found 10 iron cannons spiked, 4 
18- and 6 32-pounders, many unfilled 
bombs, some thousand bullets, flour and 
salt meat in barrels. Every 24 hours 
this post was relieved by the pickets of 
the English and Hessian regiments ; the 
shore was occupied from Helgatte to 
Reed-Hurck. Before Helgatte 2 frigates 
lay at anchor : la Briine and Niger, both 
of 32 guns, with a bombarding vessel, 
and on terra firma, just to the left side 
of these vessels, a battery was erected of 

2 24-pounders, 4 i2-pounders and 2 how- 
itzers. Blockwell Island was occupied 
by I captain and 100 men of the English 
infantry, and in the night of the 3d. of 
September the frigate Rose of 32 guns 
sailed out of the fleet up the East River, 
with 30 boats, leaving New York on the 
left, and without the slightest difficulty 
anchored in Whall Bay and Buschwick- 
feste. All the enemy's cannon were put 
into a serviceable condition and con- 
veyed to the batteries, which were found 
in part and also erected on the rising 



ground to the left of the village ferry as 
far as to Gouverneurs Island. 

The rebels fired several times from 
their works upon these batteries, but 
everywhere without effect, especially at 
the great fort Bunkers Hill. Their out- 
posts had a regular relief every morning 
at 6 o'clock and they had their camp in 
the great wood between Cron Point and 
Blumenthal. The strongest position of 
the enemy was along the Harlem River 
to guard their rear and communications. 
Often in the night rebels came over to 
the English camp in small boats, asked 
to serve, and enlisted in the newly raised 
brigade, 2000 men strong, of a Colonel 
de Lancy, whose ancestors settled on 
York Island, and who had much to suf- 
fer from the present rebels. Some 100 
men, from the prisoners of the attack of 
August 27th., are also enrolled in this 
brigade. On the 4th. of September, the 
English left their post on Blockwells 
Island, the rebels occupied it in force, 
and so strong, that the outposts on the 
main shore were exposed to a continu- 
ous fire, which even the great battery 
could not silence. The 5th. of Septem- 
ber, 5 wagons and the requisite draught- 
horses were furnished to every regiment, 
in New Thown also a forage magazine 
was erected, and the inhabitants of Long 
Island recognized the royal authority, ex- 
cepting the county of Suffolck, in which 
several thousand rebels still remain, not 
collected together but scattered, ready 
to fight against us everywhere on the 
first opportunity; why now Brigadier 
General Erkskine with his strong de- 
tachment advanced no farther than 9 
English miles beyond Jamaika and on 
the 6th of September was obliged to re- 

turn is not to be divined ; it was then, 
that this best part of Long Island should 
have been kept for the winter-quarters, 
for till now wherever the army has been 
the country is stripped of provisions, 
cattle and horses, as everything is de- 
clared rebel property ; there is no 
longer an English regiment to be found 
incomplete in horses, and this want will 
soon no longer appear in the Hessian 
regiments, as many officers obtain the 
horses they need for little money and 
even for nothing, I myself have 3 in 
this way. 

The happiness of the inhabitants, 
whose ancestors were all Dutch, must 
have been great; genuine kindness and 
real abundance is everywhere, anything 
worthless or going to ruin is nowhere to 
be perceived. The inhabited regions 
resemble the Westphalian peasant dis- 
tricts, upon separate farms the finest 
houses are built, which are planned and 
completed in the most elegant fashion. 
The furniture in them is in the best 
taste, nothing like which is to be seen 
with us, and besides so clean and neat, 
that altogether it surpasses every descrip- 

The female sex is universally beauti- 
ful and delicately reared, and is finely 
dressed in the latest European fashion, 
particularly in India laces, white cot- 
tons and silk gauzes; not one of these 
women but would consider driving 
a double team the easiest of work. 
They drive and ride out alone, hav- 
ing only a negro riding behind to ac- 
company them. Near every dwelling- 
house negroes (their slaves) are settled, 
who cultivate the most fertile land, pas- 
ture the cattle, and do all the menial 



work. They are Christians and are 
bought on the coasts of Guinea, being 
sold again here among the inhabitants 
for 50 to 120 York pounds a head; 20 
York shillings are such a pound and 37 
York shillings make the value of a guinea. 
On the 7th the fleet was stationed be- 
tween Reed Huck and Governeurs Is- 
land nearer to New York, and the bag- 
gage of the Hessian corps, remaining 
for the chief part on board was loaded 
upon one transport for the greater con- 
venience of each regiment, whereby there 
was a great relief from the repeated send- 
ing, frequently in vain for want of boats. 
The Brocklands-Leinen was to be de- 
molished, but on the representation of 
General von Heister, that this could not 
be done by soldiers without compensa- 
tion, especially as it would be the work 
of four weeks. General Howe recalled 
this order. 

On the 8th preparations were at length 
made, on the English right wing, to dis- 
lodge the rebels from Blockwell Island 
which was done on the 9th ; the English 
having 5 men killed and 11 wounded. 
The loss of the rebels was incompara- 
bly greater and their resistance obstin- 
ate contrary to all expectation ; they left 
at the same time Behenes and Montre- 
vors Islands. These were occupied by the 
71st regiment under the command of 
Brigadier General Erskine, into whose 
deserted camp the Hessian grenadier 
brigade and jagers under Colonel von 
Donop, who had remained inactive be- 
low New Thown on the left wing of the 
English camp, again moved. 

Brigadier General Erskine sent word 
to the rebels, to stop the firing of small 
arms.-and to be content with watchful- 

ness on both sides, or else all their 
houses on the farther shore of the Island 
of Montrevor (upon which 4 12-pound- 
ers were turned) should be battered to 
the ground, which proposition was ac- 
cepted and quiet was restored. The 
river between these posts is scarcely as 
broad as the Fulda in Hesse, but deeper 
and full of eddies. The captured Gen- 
eral Sulivan presented himself again on 
this day in good season to Admiral Howe 
on the man-of-war Aigle, he had arrived 
in New York from Philadelphia on the 
day before, with the baggage necessary 
for himself and some for General Ster- 

ling. i,Q>m 

September loth Colonel von Losberg 
received the information from Admiral 
Howe, that a boat flying the white flag 
would arrive from New York at his post, 
Amboi near Staaten Island, at 6 o'clock 
on the morning of the nth, which should 
be admitted unmolested. At the time 
mentioned the boat arrived but not alone 
for Admiral Howe also came, in com- 
pany with two of his captains, and re- 
ceived, from the New York boat, three of 
the principal men of the rebel Congress, 
named : Adams, Franklin and Roderig- 
dam, i^Rutledge) the company stayed 2 
hours. The proposals of the rebels, how- 
ever, who styled themselves delegates of 
the united American independent prov- 
vinces, were scarcely listened to, much 
less any reply made. A breakfast was par- 
taken of in this time, and without having 
accomplished anything each party return- 
ed the way it came. From this day forward 
it was plainly to be observed, that the 
heavy cannon of the New York batteries 
diminished their fire on Gouverneurs Is- 
land, and that their sick were transported 



from the city to Pauls Huck. The in- 
habitantSjwho had long before taken away 
their effects, now carried off in the night 
their last property, even the cattle, out of 
the city to the main land before New 
York, and the royalist inhabitants were 
plundered, maltreated and in part dragged 
off too. From Fort Bunkers Hill the ar- 
tillery played little upon our works, but 
they doubled in the evening their posts 
along the shore between New York and 
Cron Point, where General Washington 
was often to be seen, and provoked the 
Hessian artillery Captain Krug to hre off 
2 cannon at him and his suite, a third 
shot too would not have been wanti-ng^ 
if the horses of the enemy had been 
pleased to stay. In the night of the 12th, 
^6 boats again passed from the fleet un- 
disturbed up the East River past Busch- 
wic to the shore. On this day a frigate 
with 5 Irish provision ships sailed into 
the fleet, which left Halifax the 7th of 
August. The Hessian hospital ship ob- 
tained permission to move from the ships 
to Bruckland, by which many sick were 
saved, and the number of deaths would 
never have been so great, if this had been 
done before. 

The dysentery increases the sick, the 
want of regular bread and the fruit out 
of season cause this evil. In the night 
of the 13th of September 40 boats passed 
before and to the very place, where the 
36 boats arrived on the 12th. 

On this day General Howe wished to 
land upon the island of New York, be- 
cause 18 years ago on this day General 
Wulff had conquered at Quebec, but also 
lost his life. The watchword for this 
end was " Quebec" and the countersign 
" Wulff," but the frigates were too late for 

this attack as they only sailed out of the 
fleet at 5 o'clock on the evening of the 
14th ; 4 frigates, all of 32 guns, named 
Phoenix, Rhobock, Orpheus and Carys- 
fort, moved up the East River and anchor- 
ed beyond Buschwic. The rebels fired 
from all sides on this passage, but the ves_ 
sels under cover of our batteries sailed by 
without damage. The battery on Gouv- 
erneurs Island had the best effect upon 
the Point of New York, and on the other 
hand the wooden watch-house on the 
said island suffered all the injury which 
the rebels intended for the battery, and 
not a man was lost. Towards evening. 
General von Heister received orders to 
have the brigade of Major-General Stirn 
march, without baggage and field-pieces, 
at 2 o'clock in the morning of the 15th, to 
Bettfort, to the brigade of Major-Gen- 
eral Grand, so that together they could 
march on from there, at 4 o'clock in the 
morning, to the shore above Whale Bay 
( Wallaboui)^ in order with several Eng- 
lish brigades, all under the command of 
Lieutenant-General Lord Percy, to un- 
dertake the second landing. The first 
landing was of 84 boats, with English 
infantry and Hessian grenadiers under 
command of Lieut. -General Clinton- 
Commodore Hotham conducted this 
landing, under cover of 5 frigates, an- 
chored close before Kaaps Bay {Kips), 
above Cron Point, and maintained a 3 
hours cannonade on the enemy's ad- 
vanced posts in the great wood. The 
signal of the red flag denoted the de- 
parture of the boats, the blue on 
the contrary the stoppage of the 
passage, and if a retreat should be 
come necessary, a yellow flag would be 



The rebels, under direction of Gen- 
eral Putnam, drew back during this 
landing from the shore, to the wood 
between Cron Point and Blumenthal 
{Blooming dale), with a broken front, 
sometimes the left, sometimes the right 
wing in advance; when however the regi- 
ments were collected in line on the shore, 
and the drums gave the signal for the 
march, not a rebel awaited our coming 
in order. They fled through the wood, 
notwithstanding General Putnam made 
every effort to bring back the fugitives, 
but it was in vain, and lucky for him, 
that he was able to escape on a horse, 
which he had obtained at Boston from 
the English light cavalry. One rebel 
regiment, which the grenadier battalion 
Block encountered, and which had its 
skirmishers in advance, gave signs of 
wishing to surrender, but after a few 
shots from the skirmishers this battalion 
of the enemy gave way, ran off after the 
bulk of the force, and in their retreat 
shot off their guns, by which the grena- 
dier battalion Block had 2 men killed 
and 16 wounded; while the enemy lost 
their Colonel, Major and several Cap- 
tains, various officers and over 50 men 
taken prisoners, besides those remaining 
dead and wounded on the field, the pre- 
cise number of which I could not learn. 
This morning at 7 o'clock the man-of- 
war Renome of 40 guns sailed out of 
the fleet with 2 frigates, the Repulse and 
Pearl, each of 32 guns, up the North 
River, and anchored above Blumenthal, 
the rebels fired upon this passage from 
Pauls Huck, but without any effect. 
These vessels however in sailing by fired 
whole broadsides on the shore of the 
city of New York, on account of which 

the city, together with Fort Bunkers Hill, 
was deserted by the enemy, and about 
half-past 10 in the forenoon a white flag 
was displayed, and at 1 1 o'clock the 
Royal Admiral's flag on the point of 
New York ; this caused Admiral Howe 
to send some 100 mariners into the city, 
to take possession of it, and to post 
guards in all the principal streets, by 
which all plundering was stopped and 
no one suffered any injury. 

On the 16th. the enemy moved into 
camp before Fort Washington, in quite 
good order, having the left wing stretched 
out to Harlem. From Fort Washington 
an intrenchment ran to Kings Bridge, 
behind which they could make a farther 
retreat, under cover of the said Fort. 
The English light infantry advanced too 
hastily on this retreat of the enemy, and 
fell into an ambush of 4000 men, at 
Bruckland Hill, and if the English and 
Hessian grenadiers, particularly the Hes- 
sian jagers, had not come up to their as- 
sistance in good time, not one of these 
brave light troops would have escaped : 
they lost 70 killed and 210 wounded. 
The enemy must have sustained a se- 
vere loss, for the jagers had not a shot 
left and all the Scotish Highlanders had 
fired of all their ammunition. The ja- 
ger Lieutenant Henrichsen was wounded 
in the left side and 4 other jagers 
wounded. On the parole of the 17th. 
General Howe took occasion, in testify- 
ing his satisfaction at the successful 
landing, to recommend prudence as well 
as valor to this corps, which has hith- 
erto been under command of General 
Leslie. The English pitched their camp 
in two lines at Blumenthal. Some bag- 
gage and flour-wagons of the enemy were 



taken. Major-General Robertson as 
Governor garrisons New York at present 
with the 54th and a part of the 5th reg- 
iment, and all the mariners have gone 
back to the fleet. All the houses, which 
were inhabited and deserted by the 
rebels in New York, are marked G. R. 
and thereby confiscated, the government 
takes possession of all the papers and ef- 
fects of the enemy, and the fleet is erect- 
ing a magazine in the city. Many sub- 
jects are returning to the legitimate au- 
thority, and on Long Island the villages 
of Grevesand, New Utrecht, Flattbusch, 
Brockland and Ferry are filled with the 
fugitive settlers, most of whom however 
find their dwellings empty, furniture 
smashed, not a window left whole and 
their cattle gone forever. 

The royalists are obliged to distin- 
guish themselves from the rebels by red 
ribbons on their hats. On this day Gen- 
eral von Heister with von Mirbach's 
brigade moved out of Brocklandsleinen 
to the camp at Helgatte, and received 
under his command Brigadier General 
Erskine with the 71st regiment of 3 
batalions still posted on the islands Be- 
henes and Montresor, and also the brig- 
ade of Major-General Robertson con- 
sisting of the 4th, 15th, and 45th regi- 
ments. These 4 last named regiments 
were quartered in the dwellings of the 
Helgatte country, as all 7 battalions to- 
gether amount to only 181 2 men under 
arms, from which the weakness of all the 
English regiments (excepting the foot- 
guard of 1 100 men) may be judged. On 
the 1 8th 2 frigates drove 5 rebel ships 
out of the Heutson River. 

The enemy's camp on Pauls Huck 
dwindled away and the enemy drew back 

their posts somewhat on the right wing 
of York Island. On the ipth the Hes- 
sian baggage ships moved into the East 
River, nearer to the army, and some of 
the frigates and boats sailed from the 
fleet up the North River. The vessels 
were fired upon again from Pauls Huck 
but sailed by without replying. In the 
night of the 20th., at half-past twelve 
o'clock, the northern part of the city of 
New York took fire. 

Incendiaries appointed for the pur- 
pose who were concealed in the city, a 
boat arriving from Pauls Huck with the 
like villains, to the number of 40 and a 
Colonel at their head, favored by the 
west wind, set fire to this beautiful city 
in many places at the same time. The 
wind and the careless though sufficient 
watch favored its complete destruction by 
this disaster, nearly 500 of the best 
houses and one church were the sacri- 
fice to this rebellious fury. There are 
many villains caught and under arrest, 
others were thrown into the flames, and 
one a sworn rebel, whose wife and 5 chil- 
dren could not induce him to give up 
this incendiarism, stabbing his wife, who 
was about to extinguish the fire with 
water, was seized by the sailors, at once 
stabbed and hung up by the feet be- 
fore his own house until daybreak of 
the 20th. The English guard was of 
much assistance in suppressing the fire 
hastening into the city at once, but the 
sailors did the best part of it, taking care 
to pay themselves well by plundering 
other houses near by that were not on 
fire. It is a real horror to look at New- 
York in its desolation. Quiet reigned 
everywhere on the 2 2d. The 23d Lieut. 
Gen. Lord Percy marched from the army, 



with 2 English and the Hessian brigade 
of Major-General Stirn, at nine o'clock 
in the morning without pieces or baggage, 
to the northern shore of York Island, 
leaving Blumenthal far to the right, to 
cross over to Pauls Huck in boats, the 
strong north-west wind however pre- 
vented this expedition, and this corps re- 
turned back to camp, though 3 frigates 
were already stationed before the Jersey 
shore and were cannonading the enemy's 

On the 23d at 4 in the morning Colo- 
nel or Brigadier General Erkskine had a 
visit from 100 rebels in 5 boats, but many 
were shot before disembarking ; i Major 
and 12 men however were captured. 

This cost the 71st regiment 4 killed and 
8 wounded. On the night of the 24th 
Gen. Lord Percy led an expedition to 
Pauls Huck', but the enemy left the camp 
without waiting for a shot. 

I am to present the compliments of 
Genera] von Heister. Colonel George 
Orboune, our muster-commissioner has 
already reviewed us. Major-Gen. Mir- 
bach has had an attack of apoplexy, but 
he expects to recover; but Major-Gen- 
eral Stirn and Col. von Hering are more 

With the greatest respect 

(Signed) Baurmeister. 
In the detached Camp, 

at Helgatte, Sept. 24, 1876. 


From the Castle in the Air to the Little corner of the World. 

In the regions of Clouds, where the whirlwinds arise. 

My Castle of fancy was built ; 
The turrets reflected the blue of the Skies, 

And the windows with Sun beams were gilt. 

The rainbow sometimes in its beautiful state, 

Enamell'd the mansion around; 
And the figures, that fancy in clouds can create, 

Supplied me the gardens and ground. 

I had grottos, and fountains and Orange tree groves, 

I had all that enchantment has told ; 
I had sweet shady walks for the Gods and their loves, 

I had mountains of coral and gold. 

But a storm that I felt not, had risen and roll'd, 

While enrapt in a slumber I lay; 
And when I look'd out in the morning, behold ! 

My castle was carried away. 



I passed over rivers, and vallies, and groves, 

The World it was all in my view ; 
I thought of my friends, of their fates, of their loves, 

And often* full often of you. 

At length it came over a beautiful scene, 

Which Nature in silence had made; 
The place was but small, but 'twas sweetly serene, 

And chequer'd with sun shine and shade. 

I gaz'd and I envied with painful good will, 

And grew tir'd of my seat in the Air; 
When all of a sudden, my Castle stood still. 

As if some attraction was there. 

Like a lark from the sky, it came fluttering down. 

And placed me exactly in view ; 
When, whom should I meet, in this charming retreat, 

This corner of calmness — but you. 

Delighted to find you in honor and ease, 

I felt no more sorrow and pain ; 
And the wind coming fair, I ascended the breeze, 

And went back to my Castle again. 



These interesting sketches of Virginia 
and the Ohio valley are extracted from 
the Appendix to the Literary Memoirs 
and correspondence of Joseph Cradock. 
The writer who is described as an agree- 
able young officer, made the acquaint- 
ance of the Cradocks at the Hotel de 
York in Paris, in the year 1784. The 
hotel was at this time the headquarters 
of John Adams and a large American 
party when Capt. Butler arrived with dis- 
patches from his uncle, Mr. Laurence, of 
London. The intimacy there begun was 

not forgotten by Capt. Butler, who ap- 
pears to have kept his new friends well in- 
formed of his movements, not only upon 
his departure from France in 1783, but 
for many years after his return to his 
home on the Rappahanock River, in 
Leeds Town, Westmoreland County, Vir- 
ginia. — Note by Editor. 

Westmorela7td County Virginia^ 
October 15, 1784. 
Dear Madam: — I set out from Lon- 
don the 28th. April in a post-chaise to 
Gravesend to meet the ship in order to 
set but for my own country — I remained 
in that town till the 30th, at which time I 
went on board the ship Mary Ann ; we 
weighed anchor that instant and pro- 


ceeded down the river; and the next 
day we passed through the Downs with 
a fair wind. There was no other pas- 
senger than myself, though the super- 
cargo was an American and a very agree- 
able companion. 

I paid thirty guineas for my passage 
and expected to have had a much better 
stock laid in than we had, but he was a 
north countryman and would as soon 
live on salt beef and potatoes as the 
finest dainties in the world. 

We had a passage of nine weeks, 
though we should have made it in a 
fortnight sooner had our captain run to 
the south and got into the trade winds, 
which is customary ; though the reason 
was he had never been in America, and 
it was impossible for the mate or myself 
to persuade him from making a straight 
passage as he called it. He was very 
opinionated as to his own knowledge, 
though should he ever come to America 
again he talks of running to the south- 

I have the pleasure of informing you, 
I found all my relations and friends well. 
I have been very happy since my arrival 
in Virginia ; I am continually at balls 
and barbiques. The latter I will try to 
describe; it is a lamb, and sometimes a 
sheep, and indeed sometimes a beef,'split 
in two and stuck on spits. A large hole 
is dug in the ground into which they put 
coals made of the bark of trees; then 
they lay the meat over that within about 
six inches of the coals ; and keep basting 
it with butter and salt water, and turning 
it every now and then until it is done. 
We then dine sumptuously under a large 
shady tree or an arbour made of green 
bushes. We have a mile race-ground. 

and every horse on the field runs two 
and two together; by that means we 
have a deal of diversion ; and in the 
evening we retire to some gentleman's 
house and dance awhile after supper, 
and then retire to bed. The company 
stay at the house all night (not like in 
your country) for every gentleman has 
ten or fifteen beds, which is sufficient 
for the ladies, and the men shift for them- 
selves. In this manner we spend our 
time once a fortnight, and at other times 
we have regular balls as you have in 

With the sincerest wishes for your and 
Mr. Cradock's health and welfare, I am, 
dear Madam yours with esteem. 

Laurence Butler. 

Virginia^ Nov. 20, 1786. 

Dear Madam : — I received your very 
obliging letter dated Paris, Feb. 1786, 
wherein you gave me a detail of your 
travels through the southern provinces 
of France. 

I must trouble you with a detail of a 
journey I took to the western country. 
This country, I must inform you has not 
been known to us more than fifteen 
years ; it was discovered by some of our 
frontier hunters, who, travelling through 
a mountainous country of upward of 
three hundred miles, came to this vast, 
extensive level country which is reckoned 
the richest land in the world. It bor- 
ders on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers 
and is inhabited by a vast number of In- 
dians, who are very barbarous. They 
give no quarter, but sometimes they take 
prisoners and put them to torture or 
make them slaves. There are a great 
number of inhabitants moved to this 



country, and settled, though they are 
obliged to live in forts and work to- 
gether. Some keep guard while the rest 
work ; but now they have settled for up- 
wards of a hundred miles square, 
though there is still danger on the fron- 
tier, and will be for a number of years, 
as there are several nations of Indians 
within a hundred or a hundred and fifty 
miles. The State of Virginia gave a 
quantity of land to all the officers and 
soldiers who served in the last war. I 
was appointed as one of the surveyors to 
lay off this land; and my portion as a 
captain was 4000 acres. 

I set off from Westmoreland County 
to that country, in company with one 
gentleman, the 4th April 1785; crossed 
a mountain called the Blue Ridge which 
is only passable at certain places. It is 
about 150 miles above where I live. We 
travelled through a mountainous coun- 
try of about eighty miles, and crossed a 
number of little rivers, some of which we 
were obliged to swim over on our horses, 
having no ferries, to the foot of the largest 
mountain in North America called the 
Alligany. This mountain is 64 miles over, 
though there are several small rivers 
in it. When we reached the top of this 
mountain we found the snow to be three 
feet deep, which was on the 15th April; 
and before we got there saw no snow at 
all. Our horses could hardly travel ; and 
as we descended the mountains the snow 
grew less and less, and before we arrived 
at the bottom there was none at all. 
The rivers in the mountains were very 
full of water, on account of the snow 
melting, which obliged us to swim several 
of them, as there were no boats and but 
very few inhabitants on those cold moun- 

tains. We were obliged to make fires at 
night, and lay out of doors on the blank- 
ets which we carried with us. About 
the 17th we arrived at a river called the 
Monongahalia which was about 400 
yards wide and runs into the Ohio. We 
travelled about 300 miles and then fell * 
in with eight gentlemen who were bound 
for this new country ; among them were 
several brother officers who had served 
in our army last war. Workmen were 
engaged to build us a boat forty-two feet 
long and fourteen feet wide which was 
finished in two days. We left that place 
about the end of April ; there were ten 
of us in the boat 'with as many horses; 
a shelter was made over one end of the 
boat to keep the v;eather off us. The 
next day about sunset we arrived at a 
town called Fort Pitt. Having no sails 
we were carried by the current about 70 

Fort Pitt is a pretty little town in the 
forks of the Monongahalia and Alli- 
gany rivers, which form the Ohio : these 
two rivers are about 4000 yards wide 
each, and the Ohio is not more than 500 
yards. Behind the town lies a high 
mountain, and near the Monongahalia is 
another mountain, which is full of fine 
pit coal, equal to what is burnt in the 
city of London. Here we stayed two 
days and laid in tea, coffee, sugar, &c., 
for our passage down the Ohio, as this 
was the last settlement before we arrived 
at the new country, except some belong- 
ing to the several nations of Indians, 
who, always lying in wait on the shore, 
very often fire on the boats as they go 
down, and sometimes board them when 
they think they have an advantage. We 
left that place, and were carried down 



by the current, as the river was very 
full. Kept on day and night. The 
fourth night, about 8 o'clock, we discov- 
ered a fire on the shore, which we hailed ; 
and as soon as we hailed the fire was put 
out. About half an hour after we heard 
a boat rowing down the river after us. 
We hailed the boat in English and in In- 
dian, and told them if they did not an- 
swer we would fire on them ; but they 
paid no attention. We immediately fired 
towards them (which did not appear to 
be more than 150 yards off), though it 
was so dark we could not see ; but after 
we fired, we heard no more of them. 
They were Indians, dadging us to find 
out whether we were armed or not, and 
if they had found we had no arms, they 
would have boarded and put us to death. 
These savages have guns, but are rather 
afraid to attack a party of white peo- 
ple without they can get an advantage, 
which they never miss. We stopped as 
we went down the river, and four of us 
went on shore, and travelled three miles 
up the country to a salt-lick, which is 
called the Big Bone Lick, on account 
of there being a number of large bones 
there. I saw a thigh bone which at 
the big end measured three feet round, 
and a jaw bone that must have weighed 
near 50 pounds. A number of these 
bones have been sent to England and 
France, and they cannot find out what 
bones they are. Some say they are ele- 
phants' but I think they are larger : 
there are none of those beasts living 
in this country at present, as there has 
not been any seen since this country 
has been discovered. We killed a num- 
ber of wild turkeys, bears, deer and buf- 
faloes : the latter I suppose you never 

heard of: they are like your cattle, only 
larger, and have bones growing up from 
their withers about nine inches; they 
have a kind of a mane, and the hair on 
their forehead is about nine inches long; 
they are reckoned preferable to our beef. 
We arrived at Louisville, a town at 
the Falls of Ohio, in seven days from 
Fort Pitt, which is 700 miles. The river 
at the Falls is about a mile wide. The 
river was very full of water on account 
of the snow's melting on the mountains, 
which had raised the water near 40 feet, 
and made the current very rapid, though 
in August and September the river is 
down and the current very gentle. I have 
heard of a boat being four weeks on her 
passage down the river in the Fall, 
though there is always a gentle breeze 
up the river from eleven o'clock till three 
in the evening. This river affords a vast 
quantity of fresh water fish : they have 
a kind that is called cat, which weighs 
upwards of 100 weight, and a perch that 
weighs from eight to twenty pounds 
weight, which I think is a finer fish than 
the salmon or sole you have in England. 
I remained at the Fall a few days, and 
then traveled up the country to examine 
the land, which exceeded anything I 
ever saw, being in general richer than 
ever I saw a garden. The growth of the 
trees on the best land are black walnut, 
wild cherry, honey-locus, black-eye and 
sugar-tree ; of the latter the inhabitants 
make the greatest plenty of sugar for 
their own use, as good as ever I saw 
from the West Indies. I must give you 
a detail how it is made, though I am not 
well acquainted, as I did not take much 
notice; but in February, when the sap 
rises, they tap the trees, and put ves- 



sels under it and catch the liquor, which 
they boil until it thickens, and then they 
have a way to grain it, which makes it 
just like the West India sugars. There 
are a great number of salt springs, the 
water of which they boil as they do the 
sugar, which yields the greatest quantity 
of salt for the inhabitants. If the Al- 
mighty had not been so bountiful in sup- 
plying this country with these springs, 
&c, it would have been very bad for 
the poor inhabitants, as they would 
have been obliged to have carried their 
salt from Philadelphia or Alexandria to 
Fort Pitt, which is three hundred miles 
over a very bad mountainous country, 
and then seven hundred miles down the 
Ohio by water, which would have made 
the salt come very high. They have dis- 
covered several fine iron mines ; and I 
make no doubt, when the country gets a 
litttle cleared of the woods, they will dis- 
cover gold and silver. This is a very 
healthy country, and has good water ; 
the climate is moderate, and lies in the 
latitude of 37 degrees north. It pro- 
duces tobacco, Indian corn, and every 
thing but wheat and small grain, which 
it cannot produce until the land has 
been worked about ten years ; being so 
strong that it runs all up to straw and 
no grain. I saw some growing on land 
that had been worked twelve years suc- 
cessively, and then they were obliged to 
keep their cattle on it till very late in 
the spring, when it was seven feet high, 
and the heads were not half full. It is 
fine for hemp, flax and cotton, which the 
inhabitants mostly cultivate, as they 
make the most of their linen. Also all 
kind of fruit ; fine peaches, apples, pears, 
&c., grow there in the greatest abundance. 

As to their pasturage, the whole wood is 
one pasture; it is all covered with wild-rye, 
pea-vines and clover, as high as a man's 
knees, with many other kinds of grass; 
and in some places cane or reeds, culti- 
vated by some people for twelve miles, 
so thick that it is with difficulty a man 
can pass without opening his way with 
his hands. The inhabitants lay up no 
provision for their cattle or horses for 
the winter, as they do in other countries, 
for this cane is green all the winter, and 
the cattle are very fond of it ; and, in- 
deed, there is grass there all the winter. 
They make the greatest plenty of butter 
and cheese. It is a fine country for 
horses. They raise very few hogs or 
sheep, unless they keep them in a close 
pen near the house, as there are vast num- 
bers of bears and wolves. Though they 
need not trouble themselves these many 
years to raise meat, as there is the great- 
est plenty of buffaloes, which serve for 
beef; and bears, which answer the same 
as bacon ; and, as to wild turkeys, there 
is no end of them; and the greatest 
quantity of wild geese and ducks in the 
rivers. I took up my board near a little 
town, called Lexington, about eighty 
miles from the Falls, where I used to 
divert myself in hunting the buffalo, 
bear and deer. I gave up the notion of 
surveying, as the fees were so low that 
they would not bear my expences, and 
very dangerous on account of the Indi- 
ans ; for the land we had to lay off was 
one hundred and fifty miles from any 
settlement, and there is not more than 
two chain carriers, and a marker, to 
accompany me ; which I thought rather 
dangerous, when there was no profit to 
be gained. 



About the first of June a party of In- 
dians came to a settlement about twelve 
miles from where I lived, undiscovered, 
and cut two childrens' throats, and took 
off their scalps, and fired on their father 
that was ploughing in the field, and shot 
him through the leg. About this time a 
surveyor had been up the river Ken- 
tucky surveying, and discovered a camp 
of Indians, who came down and informed 
the county lieutenant, who gave out that 
he wanted volunteers, to go against the 
Indians. I wanted to see as much of the 
country as I could; I turned out as a 
volunteer, and met at the day appointed 
at the frontier fort. The next day we 
marched, one hundred and fifty-eight in 
number, all on horseback, with provi- 
sions to last us eight days, and corn in 
our wallets for our horses. After travel- 
ling about fifty miles we came to a very 
mountainous country; we kept up to the 
side of the river; the mountains were so 
steep it was very difficult passing, and we 
were obliged to lead our horses. The 
third day after leaving the settlement 
one of our company's horses fell down a 
rock about sixty feet, and dragged his 
master after him ; the horse was killed, 
and the man had three ribs broke, and 
could not proceed any further; it was 
dangerous leaving him behind for fear of 
Indians, but we concluded to carry him 
up amongst a party of rocks, where 
there were no eaves leading to these 
rocks; by that means the Indians could 
not track them and left two men with 
him, and ordered them to lay close in 
the rocks, not to stir out, or make any 
fire until we returned, when we should 
call for them ; we took their horses and 
carried them several miles up the river. 

and hobbled or tied their feet so close 
together, that they could not travel, and 
there we left them, and continued our 
march. The mountains continued very 
bad in many places ; for miles together 
the rocks were three hundred feet per- 
pendicular on one side, and not more 
than six feet wide in some places where we 
had to pass, and on the other hand fifty 
or sixty feet perpendicular, into the river. 
Many times these rocks ran quite down 
to the river, so that we could not pass; 
we were obliged to swim the river on our 
horses, which was one hundred and fifty 
yards wide ; we travelled up this river 
six days, and came to the Indian camp, 
which they had just left, as their fire was 
burning and they left meat behind. We 
quitted our horses and pursued them on 
foot, forded the river several times, up to 
our arm-pits, but could never overhaul 
them, as the wood was very thick and 
mountainous; though the swamps they 
passed were muddy when we crossed 
them, which proved the Indians not to 
be far off. 

The next morning our horses and 
selves appearing very much fatigued, and 
the greatest part of us without provi- 
sions we concluded to return; for my 
part mine was quite gone, and we a hun- 
dred and fifty miles from any settlement. 
I was two days without anything to eat 
except some Indian corn parched by the 
fire, which I had provided for my horse. 
The third day, myself and six more sep- 
arated from the rest of the company, in 
order to kill something to eat, and to try 
if we could not find a better and nearer 
way home. We turned off from the river; 
we all had pocket compasses to steer 
by ; we had not travelled more than six 



miles before we killed a fine elk ; we im- 
mediately turned our horses out to graze, 
and made a fire, and turned to broiling 
the elk, which eat very fine, although we 
had neither bread or salt. After feasting 
an hour, we continued our journey, and 
in the evening we killed a fine large bear, 
which we feasted on for supper. The 
next day we got to the settlement, after 
travelling upwards of three hundred 

I must inform you, the man that had 
his ribs broken, who was left in the 
mountains on our way up the river, when 
we returned, found himself much better; 
but we had great difficulty to get him 

I must oeg leave to give you an ac- 
count of the trade of this country, though 
I am afraid I have tired your patience 
already. The trade at present is but 
trifling; they trade to Philadelphia in 
Pennsylvania, and Alexandria in Vir- 
ginia, which is eight hundred miles by 
land ; and if they go up the Ohio against 
the stream, it will be seven hundred 
miles by water, and eight hundred after- 
wards by land, over the mountains ; 
what trade is carried on is in the beaver 
and other furs, and horses. They expect, 
in a few years, to have a trade with the 
Spaniards, down the Mississippi to New 
Orleans, though then they will have at 
least two thousand miles to go down the 
river before they arrive there ; though 
their going will be nothing, as there is 
always a strong current down the river, 
but they will find it very difficut to re- 
turn against the current. The extent of 
that country has not been found out yet 
though they have been two thousand 
miles to the westward from the Falls. 

The whole country is inhabited with 
savages, who live by hunting; they never 
till the land ; many of them never saw or 
heard of fire-arms ; they all use bows 
and arrows. 

About a week after my return from the 
Indian expedition, I began to think of 
returning home, which is generally per- 
formed by land, through a wilderness 
of upwards of two hundred miles with- 
out any settlement, the way back up the 
river being very tedious, going against 
the stream. About the first of July I 
repaired to a place called the Crab Or- 
chard, which is a frontier fort adjoining 
the wilderness. I remained there a few 
days until we got a sufficient number of 
men to pass through the wilderness, as 
it is dangerous going in small parties, on 
account of the Indians, who are always 
laying watch on the road. When they can 
meet with a small party, they attack and 
put them to death. At length we set 
out, in company of one hundred men, 
well armed, for every man is obliged to 
carry a gun in this country, and upwards 
of one hundred pack-horses with furs ; 
when we set out it put me in mind of 
the caravans passing the deserts of Ara- 
bia. It took us five days to pass through 
this wilderness, and the best part of the 
time it rained, which raised the rivers so 
high that we were obliged to swim several 
on our horses. After we got into the 
settlement, we separated into small par- 
ties, on account of getting provisions, 
&c. After we had got about twenty-five 
miles in the settlement, myself and six 
men called at a tavern in a place called 
Powel's Valley, where we refreshed our- 
selves, and left the house about an hour 
by the sun in the evening, and continued 



our journey. We passed over a very 
high mountain, and encamped at the 
foot, about four miles from the tavern. 
About eight o'clock that night a party 
of Indians attacked the house, killed the 
man and all four of his children, and 
carried away the. man's wife; there was 
a man there that made his escape, and 
came over the mountain to where we 
were encamped. We returned the next 
morning to attack the Indians, but they 
were gone. We buried the man and his 
four children, and then continued our 
journey, and arrived at home in about 
eighteen days from the time I set out ; 
the journey was seven hundred and fifty 
miles. Some time after I got home, I 
heard that the poor woman the Indians 
had carried away had returned, and that 
she gave an account, that they carried 
her ten days march through the moun- 
tains, and that she made her escape from 
them, and was thirty days in the wilder- 
ness before she got in, and that she lived 
the whole time on roots until she got out 
of the woods. I am afraid the account 
of my journey will not be so entertain- 
ing as I would wish, and that your pa- 
tience is quite worn out, though it may 
be entertaining to Mr. Cradock. 

I am, dear Madam, with great respect, 
your friend and humble servant, 

L. Butler. 

West?noreland County , Virginia, 

March 25, 1788. 
Dear Madam : — I received your fa- 
vours of 4th February, 1786, dated at the 
Hotel de York, Paris, but since that I 
have not heard from you or Mr. Cradock. 
I made a second trip to the Western 
country last year. When I returned the 

first time I gave you a detail of my jour- 
ney there and back ; and likewise gave 
you an account of the fertility of the 
soil, &c. I will therefore only add, that 
the country has improved beyond any 
man's expectation in the course of two 
years, and that no country was ever peo- 
pled faster. When returning last fall 
from that country I met upwards of 
eight thousand souls on the road ; and I 
suppose in the course of the fall, at least 
thirty thousand went out to that country. 
I intended going out this last February, 
but the winter has been too severe, to 
allow passing the Alligany mountains; 
therefore I have given up the trip this 

I am, Dear Madam, your real friend, 
L. Butler. 


Pembina — which, we are told, must 
be pronounced Pefn be naw — is pro- 
posed for the name of a new territory. 
It is better than " Idaho " (which has no 
trace of a meaning) and as good, per- 
haps, as " Arizona," or " Montana." The 
objection to it is that, while it makes a 
show of being an Indian name, it is not 
found, in fact, in any Indian language. 
It belongs to the jargon — a sort of pig- 
eon-Indian — of the trappers and voya- 
geurs of the last century. The north- 
ern Crees call the high bush cranberry 
(one of the varieties of Viburnum opu- 
lus), Nipitnindn, which means " water 
berry." The French shortened the name 
to Peniine. In the northwest it was soon 
corrupted to Pembina, and in this shape 
was given to two or three rivers and a 
lake, near which the trappers found 



the berries in abundance. At the junc- 
tion of one " Pembina " river with the 
Red River of the North, Lord Selkirk 
established the trading-post from which 
has grown the town of Pembina. If the 
new territory is to be constituted, and if 
it must be named for the Bush Cranberry, 
would not the genuine Indian name of 
the fruit be preferable to one which pre- 
sents it in an advanced stage of phonetic 
decomposition ? 

Hartford, Conn. J. H. T. 


A great Number of Scarce and Valuable 
Books, in various Languages and Arts, 
will be speedily exposed to sale by Auc- 
tion, by Samuel Gerrish, at the lower end 
of Cornhil, Boston ; which will be preced- 
ed by the Sale of a Collection of Pam- 
phlets of 500 or 600 different Sorts, many 
of which not common. Some of the Mod- 
ern Ones will be put up in Lots, 6 or 12, 
or more, in a Lot, for such Gentlemen as 
are disposed Charitably to distribute 
them, who may expect to have them very 

A Catalogue of which, Alphabetically 
disposed, may be seen at any time. And 
also a Catalogue of most of the other 
Books. The Auction will begin on this 
Day, being December the 23d at 5 
o'clock in the Evening. Of Books in 
Folio there may be near 200, in Quarto 
about 300, and as many in Octavo, &c. — 
T/ie Boston Weekly News-Letter^ Thurs- 
day, Dec. 23, 1731. 

Carolina Marine Society celebrated the 
birth of Washington, Feb. 22, 1812. 
Among the regular toasts we find the 

following: "May the productions of a 
Ropewalk be the neck cloth of him who 
attempts to untwist the political cable 
of our Union." W. K. 

" Sink or swim, live or die." — These 
words, used with such effect by the elo- 
quent Patrick Henry, appear in a poem 
by the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, printed at 
Boston, July 30, 1707. The following 
is the line : "Then, Sink, or Swim; or 
Live, or Die." W. K. 

Whales at Philadelphia. — Phila- 
delphia^ April 19. On Monday last two 
Whales, suppos'd to be a Cow and Calf, 
were seen to spout and play before this 
City, several Boats went after them but 
could not hinder their escaping. — 7'he 
American Weekly Mercury^ April 19, 

Revolutionary documents. — Prob- 
ably no town in the United States has 
such a rich treasure of Revolutionary 
Documents as Huntington on Long 

This town, including Lloyd's Neck, 
was occupied by the British during the 
whole war, who took by force from the 
farmers, everything they raised, for the 
support of the soldiers. 

Just before the British left the Island, 
Gen. Carlton notified the farmers that if 
they would bring in their bills for dam- 
ages he would see them paid. Accord- 
ingly the town officers requested the 
farmers to lay before a Justice of the 
Peace all claims, that he might put them 
in proper order for presentation to 
the Board of Claims that sat in New 
York. Thereupon the farmers appeared 



before the Justice, some with verbal 
statements of what had been taken from 
them, others had rough memoranda on 
fragments of paper, while a few had re- 
ceipts from the British officers, or orders 
on the Commissary to pay. 

The Justice copied all these evidences 
of indebtedness into a book, filed the 
original documents in the Town Clerk's 
office, and had all the vouchers sworn to. 

It is quite remarkable that these old 
papers have not been sold for waste pa- 
per or thrown into the fire to have them 
out of the way, as has been done in so 
many other places. But here they are a 
monument of British rapacity and the 
sufferings of those hard-working farmers. 
The worst of all was that the Board ad" 
journed before auditing these bills, so 
that the farmers got nothing. 

A perusal of these papers will give a 
more life-like picture of the times that 
tried men's souls than anything we have 
seen. As an illustration, we give a copy 
of the charges against Col. Tarlton, who 
was stationed there when not on his 
Southern campaigns : 

"1780 — Taken from Annanis Carll 
by Col. Tarlton or officers under his 
command a fat beast worth ^25. No 

'' 1778 Dec 22 — Taken from Zebulon 
Buffet 3 hogs by Col. Tarlton's party of 
troops on their march from Smithtown 
to Jericho worth ^16." 

'*i777 Nov — Zopher Piatt's ox-team 
was pressed by Major Cochran (under 
Col. Tarlton), to carry boards ripped off 
his barn from Huntington to Jericho. 
The Major also took 40 lbs. of butter 
from his wife, and carried all to Col. 
Tarlton's quarters, without pay." 

" 1778 Dec 23— Daniel Blatsly bought 
70 fowls at 2 shillings apiece to take to 
New York market for Christmas. These 
were taken from him by Col. Tarlton's 
orders. He also took 2 barrels of cider 
worth JP^i — Same time he took from Jer- 
emiah Reeland 4 fat hogs worth £,^0. 
Never paid for." 

"1779 Oct 7— Half Hollow Hills. 
Reed of James Oakley a small heifer, 
weight 248 lbs for the use of the sick of 
the Provincial Cavalry. 

John Tuck, Qr. Mas." 
Banastre Tarlton 

Lt. Col. British Legion. 

" 1779 Oct — Col. Tarlton was out on 
a party of pleasure shooting grouse, & 
came to Timothy Carll's house in person 
&: took a cow out of his pasture that cost 
^24, & killed her for the use of his 
troops. — No pay." 

Various other illustrations of the hard- 
ships that the farmers endured during 
British rule might be given. X. 

The passion flower. — This beauti- 
ful flower, now plentiful in the United 
States, seems to have been named by the 
Rev. Anthony Sepp, a German Jesuit, 
while on a voyage to Buenos Ayres, in 
1692. The vessel stopped at the isle 
Meldonato, where some of the passen- 
gers went on shore, and returned with 
" divers sorts of flowers," as the priest re- 
cords in his diary. " The flowers they 
brought along with them were not unlike 
some of our European flowers. But 
what surprised me most, was a certain 
flower (such a one as I never met with 
before in my life) having a thorny crown, 
a launce, three nails, and the characters 



of ropes upon its leaves ; which for that 
reason I. gave the name of the passion 
flower r W. K. 

Boston obituaries. — Whereas a laud- 
able Custom hath of long standing pre- 
vail'd in this Province of recommending, 
in the Publick Papers, the Virtuous Ac- 
tions, blameless Lives, and Christian De- 
portment of Deceas'd Persons, to the 
worthy Imitation of the Sorrowful Liv- 
ing; and as the same, (we hope) has 
been attended with a Wish'd for Success, 
to the Instruction, and Edification of the 
Surviving Generation. Now in Order to 
render the same more extensively Effect- 
ual; and to soften the Labours of those 
pious Gentlemen who have hitherto Em- 
ploy 'd their Pens & precious Moments 
to so Excellent a Purpose ; It is humbly 
Propos'd, That the Endeavours of a Per- 
son, lately arrived from Great Britain 
may merit Encouragement, The said Per- 
son having with the utmost Care, and 
best Assistances prep'ar'd a Set of Char- 
acters, suited to both Sexes, Engraven on 
Copper Plates, by the most skilfuU Hands, 
with void spaces for Name, Age, Distinc- 
tion, and Profession, or such Particular 
and Eminent Qualities, as do not prop- 
erly fall under the Notice of general de- 

P. S. Such as desire further Informa- 
tion may Receive the same by lodging a 
letter to Mr. C. H. at the Crown Coffee 
House. — The Boston Weekly News- Let- 
ter, Thursday Feb. i8, 1731. 

W. K. 

Admiral hosier's descendants in 
NEW YORK. — The following memoran- 
dum was written about the year 1788, by 

Benjamin Palmer, the well-known pro- 
prietor of City Island : 

" Admiral Hosier's christian name was 
Francis and he had but one brother his 
christian name was John and he came 
over to New York in North America 
in the year [ ] and lived in the 
borough town of Westchester in the 
county of Westchester and province of 
New York. Admiral Hosier was sent 
with 20 ships of war against Porto-bello 
and Carthagena in South America by or- 
ders of the King of Great Britain, in or- 
der as was supposed to take them towns 
from the Spaniards in the year 1726. 
But when he came to open his orders, he 
was not to fight nor to fire a gun against 
them, and it was said he died there 
through grief on that account — and about 
the year 1770 a letter was sent from Great 
Britain to Samuel Hosier in New York 
concerning said Admiral Hosier's estate 
which he had in the bank and elsewhere 
in England. But the war between Great 
Britain and these states coming on soon 
after his brother Hosier had re- 
ceived the letter and many houses being 
burned in the dispute, his house shared 
the same fate, and the letter was burnt 
in the house. But there is evidences yet 
living to make known what was wrote in 
it, and also to prove that he was the only 
brother of said Admiral Hosier." 

White Plains. 

Delicate lecjislation. — On Tues- 
day, January 26, 1790, when the House 
of Representatives were in committee on 
the bill for the " Actual Enumeration of 
the Inhabitants of the United States," 
Samuel Livermore, a member from New 
Hampshire, proposed an amendment to 



that part where it was enacted that 
every male or female, of twenty-one years 
of age, shall be obliged to render a true 
account of the number of persons, &:c., 
in their families. Mr. Livermore moved 
that the word female be struck out, and 
gave for his reason that it would be 
sometimes indelicate in a marshall to 
ask a young lady how old she was, or 
make too strict inquiry. The amendment 
was agreed to. W. K. 

The first book printed in north 
CAROLINA. — This was a volume of Laws 
printed by James Davis, of Newbern, 
which has been for many years so great 
a rarity as to be almost unknown. The 
only copy I have been able to trace in 
any public library in the country is that 
in the Hawks-Niblo Collection, belong- 
ing to the New York Historical Society, 
which I happen to know was cherished 
by Dr. Hawks as one of the most pre- 
cious volumes he had. That volume, 
however, is so imperfect as to furnish 
little satisfaction to the bibliographer, 
showing very serious deficiencies besides 
its want of the title page. From a per- 
fect copy now before me, I make the 
following description. The title page is 
as follows : 

A I Collection | of | All the Public | Acts of As- 
sembly, I of I The Province of | North Caro- 
lina : I now in Porce and Use. | Together 
with the Titles of all such Laws as are Ob- 
solete, Ex- I pir'd, or Repeal'd. | And also, 
an exact Table of the Titles of the Acts in 
Force. | Revised by Commissioners appoint- 
ed by an Act of the General As- | sembly of 
the said Province, for that Purpose : and 
Examined with the | Records, and Con- 
firmed in full Assembly. | Newbern : Printed 
by James Davis, M.DCC.LI. 

The title is followed by a dedication, 
I leaf; the Proprietor's Second Charter, 
pp. xii : the Proprietors' Great Deed of 
Grant, i leaf: then Laws, pp. 1-353, fol- 
lowed by Table, pp. 8. 

Commissioners had been a]jpointed in 
1746 to revise and print the laws of the 
province, but, though very much wanted 
and desired, the work met with unex- 
pected delay, and a further act of en- 
couragement for the Commissioners to 
proceed was passed in 1748, which re- 
sulted in the completion of the revisal, 
which was laid before the Houses of As- 
sembly in the following year, when the 
laws, as revised, were duly confirmed and 
declared to be in force. 

In the same year, 1749, an act was 
passed for the encouragement of James 
Davis, to set up, and carry on his busi- 
ness of a printer in the Province of 
North Carolina. The act provided a 
salary of "One Hundred and Sixty 
Pounds Proclamation Money " to " begin 
and Commence from such time as the 
said James Davis shall have set up his 
Press at Newbern * * and be ready 
to proceed on his Business of Printing: 
and shall Continue for the Space of Five 
Years, provided the said James Davis 
shall so long live, and perform the said 
Services " required by the Act. These 
services were the printing the Speeches 
and Addresses at the opening of each 
Session of the Assembly, the Legislative 
Journals and Proceedings, the Laws, 
Proclamations, and other Acts of Gov- 
ernment, for the use of the various pub- 
lic officers and members of the Legisla- 

Isaiah Thomas seems never to have 
met with any copy of the volume under 



consideration, and his account of the 
printer was necessarily very imperfect. 
His errors and omissions have not been 
corrected or supplied in the new edition, 
probably from the same cause. Martin, 
in his History of North Carolina, ii., 58, 
preserves a curious notice of this inter- 
esting publication: "In the course of 
this year [175 1] was completed the print- 
ing of the first revisal of the acts of as- 
sembly : the multiplication of the cop- 
ies of them, by means of the press, was 
a valuable advantage : it tended to in- 
troduce order and uniformity in the 
decisions of courts, and by defining the 
rights of the people, in a degree, put an 
end to great anarchy and confusion 
which had hitherto prevailed, from the 
ignorance of the people and the mag- 
istrates in this respect. The work was 
handsomely printed and bound in a small 
folio volume : a yellowish hue of the 
leather with which it was covered, pro- 
ceeding from the unskillfulness of the 
tanner, procured it the homely appellation 
of the Yellow Jacket, which it retains 
to this day." E. Y. E. 

New York, December 4, 1876. 

Revolutionarycaricature. — I send 
a description of a caricature that may in- 
terest collectors. It is a mezzotint four- 
teen by ten inches, entitled " A Society 
of Patriotic Ladies, at Edenton, in North 
Carolina. London, Printed for R. Sayer, 
& J. Bennett, No. 53 in Fleet Street, as 
the Act directs 25 March 1775. Plate V." 
A group of fifteen figures are around or 
near a table in a room. A female at the 
table with a gavel is evidently a man, 
probably meant for Lord North. A lady, 
with pen in hand, is being kissed by a 

gentleman. Another lady, standing, is 
writing on a large circular, which can be 
read, " We the Ladys of Edenton do 
hereby solemnly engage not to Conform 
to that Pernicious Custom of Drinking 
Tea, or that we the aforesaid Ladys 
will not promote ye wear of any manu- 
facture from England untill such time 
that all Acts which tend to enslave this 
our Native Country shall be repealed." 
The other figures are not close around 
the table, and are emptying tea caddies 
or looking on. A child and dog are un- 
der the table. Compare passage in Ban- 
croft's U. S., Vol. VII., p. 282. 

T, C. B. 

Mexican hieroglyphics. — Docu- 
mentos Ineditos — Americay Oceania II. 
1864, pp. 47 and 59. Alonzo de Zorita, 
writing in 1554 to the Emperor, says that 
the native escribanos used them in their 
lawsuits, and that they were currently 
read at that time. A Spanish priest, 
long in the country at that time, under- 
stood them. He tried the experiment 
of letting some leading men translate 
Spanish into picture writing, and that 
they did it literally with a division into 
paragraphs to separate the sentences. 

J. C. B. 

Thr menzies sale. — The bibliograph- 
ical event of the year was the sale, by 
Joseph Sabin & Son, of the library of 
William Menzies, of New York city, 
Nov. 13 to 21, 1876. It consisted of 
2,205 ^o^s, among which many of the 
rarest of early American books. As an 
evidence of the growing interest in his- 
toric literature, it is interesting to know 
that the original cost was $41,000, and 



the amount realized by the sale over 
$50,000. One of the marked peculi- 
arities of the collection was that it was 
almost entirely composed of works in 
the English, to the exclusion of foreign 
languages. The rare books were taken 
mainly by New York collectors. 


Organ building in America. — Where 
when and by whom was the first organ 
built in America.^ Mr. Hood, in his 
History of Music in New England^ states 
that " the first organ built in this coun- 
try was made by Edward Bromfield, Jr., 
of Boston." He also quotes from the 
Panoplist : Vol. H., p. 194, a description 
of the instrument by Rev. Thomas Prince. 
But I have heard it said that there is re- 
cord evidence of organ building and an 
organ maker by the name of " Mr. Henry 
Neering" in New York, as early as 1703. 

E. Y. E. 

Huguenots in the Bahamas. — From 
documents preserved in the Massachu- 
setts archives, it appears that a body of 
refugees from the island of Eleuthera, 
Bahama Islands, came to Boston about 
the year 1687, having been driven from 
their homes by the Spaniards. Lands 
were given to these strangers at Casco Bay, 
in Maine. The documents referred to 
contain no mention of their nationality. 
But an article in the Boston News-Letter 
and City Record (1826; I. 198) gives a 
letter referring to the settlement of these 
Eleutherans at Casco Bay, and speaks of 
them as a body of French Huguenots. Is 
there any ground for this statement .' It 
is certain that the coming of these peo- 

ple to Massachusetts occurred about the 
same time with the arrival of some of the 
Huguenots. Peter Baudouin landed at 
Casco Bay in 1687. Many of the Hu- 
guenots went to the West Indies before 
coming to this continent. Is there 
evidence (I) that any Huguenots had 
settled on the island of Eleuthera; and 
(II) that the refugees from that island 
who came to New England in 1687 were 
Huguenots.^ C. W. B. 

" Swapping Horses." — Abraham Lin- 
coln's famous story of swapping horses 
while crossing a stream may be found in 
Harpers' Magazine for October, 1853. 
Who is the author of it .> W. K. 

Wayward sisters. — The expression 
"Wayward Sisters," used frequently dur- 
ing the late rebellion, appears in a tract 
published by Thomas Gordon, at Lon- 
don, 1720. Is there any earlier mention .' 

W. K. 

Portrait of gov. griswold. — A por- 
troit in oil of Gov. Roger Griswold, of 
Connecticut, was once known to exist in 
Philadelphia. Is there any trace of it 
at the present time. ^ M. J. L. 

Early new york artists. — What 
portrait painter, or portrait painters, were 
there in New York prior to 172 1 .' 

X. Y. Z. 

Washington's visits to new york. — 
I once heard an old lady (bom in Nov. 
1789,) describing the appearance of Gen. 
Washington, as she saw him at her fa- 
ther's house in New York, some time af- 
ter the summer of 1795. ^^^ stated that 



his visit was known to few, and that he 
stopped at the residence of Sir John 
Temple, who died in the fall of 1798. 
As it is usually asserted that Washington 
was never in this city after the year 1790, 
it would be interesting to learn what 
truth there is in the above reminiscence. 

I. J. G, 

Early dutch and English wills. — 
Where should one search for the record 
of wills under the Dutch administration, 
or for those recorded during the first 
years of English rule in this city. Very 
few of the latter are to be found in the 
Surrogate's office of New York ; in fact, 
the earliest will of a citizen is dated, I 
think, in June, 1668. X. 

Maverick family. — William Benja- 
min NicoU Maverick graduated at King's 
College (Col. Coll.), New York, in 1762. 
Was he a descendant of Nathaniel, son 
of Samuel Maverick, the Royal Com- 
missioner ? The only family of the name 
resident in the city at the time, appears 
to have been that of Andrew Maverick, 
a young painter, from Boston, N. E , fa- 
ther of the well-known Peter Rushton 
M., engraver, and uncle of Samuel M., a 
victim of the Boston Massacre. 

I. J. G. 

Vermont coppers. — Mr. J. W. Hick- 
cox and Mr. W. J. Prime, in their re- 
spective works on coins, attribute a cop- 
per coin to Vermont, which is said to 
bear the image of George III. A writer 
in the Vermont Collection (I. 316) says 
that the origin of these coppers is in- 
volved in mystery, and yet observes that 
old dies of the coinage works at Machin 

Mills, Ulster county. New York, whence 
he fancies the coppers may have orig- 
inated, "could doubtless be very easily 
obtained." Two of the men engaged in 
the works were Vermonters. Who can 
tell anything about the character of those 
dies, or if they still exist ? 


Monument to gen. wolfe. — The ex- 
act location is desired of the obelisk 
which was erected in New York to the 
memory of Wolfe. M. J. L. 

Stephen Hopkins of the Mayflow- 
er. — Can any reader of this Magazine 
give any information respecting the per- 
sonal history of Stephen Hopkins, who 
came over in the Mayflower, 1620.? 
What was his previous history? Did he 
leave any descendants ? Quis. 

The first born. — First female in 
Boston. — Ipswich, Nov. 17. — On Thurs- 
day last in the forenoon died here 
Mrs. Grace Graves, Widow, in the 99th 
Year of her Age. She was one of 
the First Female English Children that 
was Born at Boston in New England ; 
she retained her reason and understand- 
ing to a good degree to the last.^-TV^^ 
Boston Gazette^ Monday, Nov. 30, 1730. 

According to Savage's Dictionary^ her 
parents, William and Ann Beamsley, ar- 
rived at Boston, 1632 ; a child, Ann, was 
born Feb. 13, 1633, and Grace, the sub- 
ject of the above notice, Sept. 10, 1635. 
She married Samuel Graves, a felt maker, 
of Ipswich. Her elder sister, Ann, mar- 
ried Ezekiel Woodward, of Boston. Who 
was the first English female born in Bos- 
ton ,> W. K. 



The first new yorker. — New York, 
September 15. — On the 30th ult. died at 
Goshen in this Province, Tunis Dolson, 
in the io2d year of his age, being the 
first male person born in this city after 
it was ceded to the English by the Dutch. 
— The New York Mercury^ September 15, 

A child of Theunis Dolsen was bap- 
tized Aaltje in the Dutch Church at New 
York, July 16, 1699. George Dolstone, 
probably a brother of Theunis, testified 
Feb. 1691, that he was about thirty-three 
years old, a mariner by profession, and a 
housekeeper in New York. A record of 
his marriage in the Dutch Church to Mar- 
garet Starcks is dated July 13, 1688. 
John and Teunis Dolson appear in the 
Calendar of Land Papers as proprietors 
of land in Big Flats, Chemung Co., N. Y. 
Are any of their descendants living.'* 

W. K. 

Archaic words. — In the old records 
of Hempstead, on Long Island, occur 
several words no longer used, such as : 
Jodes, horses .'* Bevel, a slope .'* Folly, a 
habitation .? Tilsom, tilled land } Ha- 
ward, hedge-keeper ? Sag, an ox .'' Bank, 
treasury 1 Defrayed, rubbed out 1 Lot, 
vote .'' Will some correspondent cor- 
rect these definitions, if incorrect } 


The hiltons of the carolinas. — 
In the British Museum there is a map, 
upon which is noted : ** Discovery made 
by William Hilton of Charles towne in 
New England marriner from Cape Hat- 
terask Lat : 35. 30, to ye west of Cape 
Roman, in Lat 32. 30, in ye yere 1662 
And layd Down in the forme as you see 

by Nicholas Shopley of the towne afore- 
said, November 1662." Was this the 
William Hilton mentioned by Mr. Deane 
in his *' Notes " on David Thompson 
and others (p. 13).^ The writer would 
be glad to learn whether the William 
Hilton mentioned in the *' Notes " had 
any son named William According lo 
Lawson's "Voyage to Carolina (pp. 65- 
73), William Hilton and others made an 
expedition to the same region in 1663-4 
Lawson refers to " a Writing left in a 
post " at " Cape Fair River," by " those 
New England Men that left Cattle with 
the Indians there " William Hilton evi- 
dently went to this region twice. Who 
were these " New England Men } " * 

Washington Portraits. — In 1775 a 
mezzotint of " the commander-in-chief" 
was published in London, professing to 
be " done from an original, drawn from 
the life by Alexander Campbell, of Will- 
iamsburgh, in Virginia." Is anything 
known of the artist, or of his picture .'' 
Will not some of your readers contri- 
bute towards perfecting a list of the por- 
traits of Washington which were extant 
during his life.? A few particulars about 
each painting, or drawing, &c., with the 
name of the present owner, would much 
increase the value and interest of such a 
catalogue. Vivax. 

An interesting relic. — Can any of 
your readers give information concern- 
ing the gold box, in which the " Freedom 
of the City " was presented by the cor- 
poration of New York to Andrew Ham- 
ilton, the celebrated Philadelphia Law- 
yer, for his defence of John Peter Zen- 
ger in 1735 •'* Rem. 



The first Broadway theatre. — Is 
not the following the earliest notice of 
any theatre in Broadway ? 

"On Thursday, Feb. the 12th at the 
new Theater in the Broad Way, will be 
presented a Comedy call'd the Beaux 
Stratagem, the Part of Aimwell to be 
performed by a Person who never ap- 
pear'd on any Stage before. Boxes 5 s. 
Pit 1 s. 6." — Zenger. Feb. 2, 1740. 

^ E. Y. E. 

Evacuation of new vork. — When 
the British evacuated Xew York city, 25 
November, 17 S3, Genls Washington and 
Knox and a body of troops marched in. 
As most of the Continental Army had 
been disbanded on the 3d November, 
1783, the body remaining was small. 

Will you please inform me what forces 
marched into the city as the British em- 
barked. New Yorker. 

Relic of the first new york negro 
plot, — I find the following interesting 
item among the accounts of the city of 
New York : 

Citty of New York to Ciity Cash. Dr. 
May 5th, 1713, - - - - - £36. 10 

For a Warrant No. 64 for that summe 
to Francis Harrisson, Esqr. High Sherifl" 
of the Citty and County of New York, it 
being for money by him disburst and 
laid out for Iron, Iron-Work, Gibbets, 
Cordidge, Laborers, Fire-wood and others 
Materials »^ Expences for the Execution 
of the severall Negros Slaves for Murther 
by them Committed in April, 1712. 

E. Y. E. 

following, attributed by Brown {Hist. C. 
Breton y p. 18) to Francis I., just before 
sending Verrazano on his voyage to 
America, in 1524: "What! shall the 
Kings of Spain and Portugal divide all 
America between them, without suffering 
me to take a share as a brother } I would 
fain see the article in Adam's will that 
bequeathes that vast inheritance to 
them." D. C. 

Commanders-in-chief of the Amer- 
ican ARMV. — Can you state who have 
been the Generals-in-Chief of the Amer- 
ican Army from June, 1775 to the pres- 
ent dav.^ Inquirer. 

Adam's will. — Will some one of your 
readers inform me where I can find the 

Harvard graduates. — \Yhat was 
the first publication made by a Harvard 
Graduate } ^Yhere, when and by whom 
was it issued } E. Y. E. 

First American plav. — What was the 
first play written in America J 

E. Y. E. 

Colonial flags. — What colors or 
standards were carried by the Conti- 
nental troops at White Plains, Harlem 
and Fort Washington } There was then 
no national flag, but Washington re- 
quired each regiment to have colors. 
Color Bearer. 

The Family of Butler. — In the 
original documents published in this 
number of the Magazine will be found 
the letters of Capt. Laurence Butler, of 
Virginia, to the Cradock Family, in Eng- 
land. He seems to have been a Revo- 
lutionary officer and a surveyor. Who 
was he.? EDITOR. 



The fall proceedings of the New York 
Historical Society have been of unusual 
interest. Following the example patri- 
otically and appropriately set at Lexing- 
ton, and worthily continued at J^oston 
and Philadelphia, of commemorating the 
military and civic events of the Revolu- 
tion on the spot of their occurrence, the 
Society in June charged the Executive 
Committee with the celebration of the 
one hundredth Anniversary of the ac- 
tion known as the Battle of Harlem 
Plains. A committee of one hundred of 
its members, including in its number the 
chief historic and representative names 
of the city, was appointed, under whose 
direction an out-door meeting of the 
Society was held on the afternoon of 
Saturday, the i6th September, on the 
heights of Bloomingdale, the crest of the 
hill overlooking Harlem Plains, between 
117th and iTQth streets, and the Ninth 
and Tenth Avenues, the scene of the 
principal action. To this meeting, the 
Governors of all States whose troops 
were engaged in the battle, the New 
York State and City officials, representa- 
tive regiments of the city military, and 
numerous distinguished guests were in- 

The guests were received at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel, where a collation was 
provided, and were escorted by the offi- 
cers of the Society to the ground, where 
platforms, gaily decorated with the Con- 
tinental, Union, State, and City flags 
were arranged for their reception. The 
ground, covered with tents, presented 
the appearance of an encampment, and 

from its elevated position commanding 
extensive views of the North and East 
Rivers, was visible from a great distance, 
presenting a scene of rare and animated 

The officers and their guests arrived 
upon the field at the ai)pointed hour, 
three o'cloek in the afternoon, and were 
closely followed by the Seventh Regi- 
ment, N. Y. S. Militia, who marched past 
to the position assigned them, where they 
halted in military formation. In their 
rear a large tent had been set up where 
a generous lunch was provided. At this 
moment there were not less than ten 
thousand people present, including a 
large number of ladies, for whom ample 
accommodation in seats had been ar- 
ranged, and the carriage enclosure was 
also full of gay equipages. 

The meeting was called to order by 
Frederic de Peyster, L.L. D., the Presi- 
dent of the Society, who introduced the 
Rev. Morgan Dix, D.D., Rector of Trin- 
ity Church, who invoked the Divine 

The President then addressed the- 
meeting, explaining its purpose and wel- 
coming the guests in appropriate terms, 
and introduced the Hon. John Jay, the 
Orator of the Day. Space does not ad- 
mit of a synopsis even of the graceful and 
classic address of this distinguished gen- 
tleman, who worthily upholds the dig- 
nity and honor of his ancestral name. 
It was printed at length in the Neiu York 
Times of the succeding day, and with a 
full appendix, which includes many doc- 
uments never before made public, has 
been since published in pamphlet form by 
the Society. Enough to say, that it was in 
every way worthy of the occasion and 



the assemblage, and has taken its rank 
among the best of the vigorous and elo- 
quent addresses of this Centennial year 
of the Republic. 

At the conclusion of the oration, the 
Rev. Richard S. Storrs, D.D., moved a 
resolution of thanks to the orator, clothed 
in inspiring and glowing language, and 
the Hon. James W. Beekman seconded 
the resolution in a brief review of the 
services and sacrifices of New York from 
the first conflict with the Royal troops 
in its streets on the i8th January, 1770 
to its capture in 1776. 

The resolution was unanimously and 
enthusiastically adopted, as also reso- 
lutions of thanks to the distinguished 
guests, the reverend clergy, the officers 
and gentlemen of the Seventh Regiment, 
and the owners of the ground on which 
the celebration was held. 

A benediction was then pronounced 
by the Rev. William Adams, D.D., and 
the Society adjourned. 

Some brief extracts from the news- 
papers of the day will convey an idea of 
the picturesque scene and the popular 
interest in this historic event. 

" The demonstration was unique, sim- 
ple, and patriotic. * * * That a 
Marathon should fire the patriotism of 
one who stood upon the classic ground, 
or an lona make his piety burn with a 
brighter ray, was the text of the hour, 
and it was well borne in mind by the as- 
semblage. They stood, after all, on clas- 
sic ground themselves, and they needed 
no better reminder of their loyalty. Be- 
neath their eye lay ' a country well 
worth fighting for ' indeed. To the south 
was the great emporium of the country's 
commerce and industry ; its freighted 

argosies went by within their view on 
the waters of the East River and Long 
Island Sound ; the ground sloped away 
to the distant High Bridge on the north, 
and a little to the left they caught a 
glimpse of the noble Hudson and the 
Palisades through two dark-green clumps 
of woodland." — New York Times. 

" The whole place was alive with flags 
and gay with bunting. An immense con- 
course of people were present. * * * 
The whole affair was one of the most 
thrilling and picturesque of the many 
commemorations this season has drawn 
forth. The music, the speech, the ap- 
plause, the flowers, the green sward, the 
ripe foliage, the waving handkerchiefs, 
the equipages, the superb toilets, the gay 
military trappings, and the beautiful 
national flags waving over all, made up 
a scene not soon to be forgotten." — 
Evening Telegram. 

The first regular meeting after the 
summer vacation was held in the Hall 
of the Society, Tuesday, October 3d, 
when the Librarian, George H. Moore, 
L.L. D., resigned his position, and Mr. 
John Austin Stevens was unanimously 
elected to fill the vacancy, Mr. Moore 
being at the same time unanimously 
chosen Corresponding Secretary, to fill 
the vacancy caused by the resignation 
of Mr. William J. Hoppin, now in Lon- 
don, as Secretary of the American Le- 
gation to the Court of St. James. In 
tendering his resignation, Dr. Moore 
alluded in feeling terms to his long con- 
nection with the Library, extending over 
a period of nearly thirty -six years, 
which his absorbing occupations in his 
new position of Superintendent of the 
Lenox Library now compelled him re- 



luctantly to sever. A committee was 
named to report to the Society a suit- 
able testimonial to Dr. Moore. The 
paper of the evening, " The Huguenot 
element among the Dutch," read by Rev. 
Dr. Ashbel G. Vermilye, of Schenec- 
tady, is a most valuable contribution to 
this interesting branch of our literature. 
Taking up the subject from its begin- 
ning, the learned Doctor recited the ori- 
gin and purposes of the Huguenot move- 
ment in France, and its bloody suppres- 
sion on the fatal day of St. Bartholomew. 
The period of toleration under the be- 
nign reign of Henri Quatre, was rapidly 
touched upon, and an account given of the 
subsequent cruel and bigoted revocation 
of the Edict of Nantes, which had guar- 
anteed their religious rights, and of the 
consequent scattering of the members of 
the French Protestant Church over Eu- 
rope. The influence of the Huguenots 
over the mind and habits of the people 
among whom they found refuge was then 
treated, and the coloring it gave to the 
thought of Holland, carefully elaborated. 
This indirect influence was supplemented 
by a thorough examination of the direct 
influence of the Huguenot refugees to 
the Colonies upon American character. 
This brilliant and instructive study closed 
with a series of vivid portraits of the most 
illustrious of the Huguenot faith, from 
Coligny to Jay. The students of New 
York history, who know how much of her 
charity, generosity and amenity is due 
to the precept and example of our Hu- 
guenot element, will be glad to see this 
valuable sketch in a permanent form. 

At this meeting the President of the 
Society, on behalf of Mrs. Thomson 
Livingstone, presented a fine three-quar- 

ter length portrait of Chancellor Robert 
R. Livingston, in his court dress, as Am- 
bassador to France, painted by John 
Vanderlyn, and read an interesting sketch 
of the life of this distinguished gentle- 
man, of whom it is enough to say that 
he was one of the Founders of the Re- 
public. His public services as Recorder 
of the City of New York, delegate to 
the first and second Continental Con- 
gresses, member of the Convention which 
framed the Constitution of the State of 
New York, its first Chancellor, Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs of the thirteen 
States, and Ambassador of the United 
States to France ; and his influence on 
the industrial, agricultural, and art move- 
ment of the early days of the Republic, 
were briefly stated, especially his con- 
nection with Robert Fulton and his pre- 
cedent experiments on the motive-power 
of steam. 

This paper is now in course of publi- 
cation for the Society. 

At the regular monthly meeting, held 
November yth. Professor Asa Bird Gard- 
ner, L.L. D , of the United States Mili- 
tary Academy, read a paper on the " Uni- 
forms of the American Army." 

Beginning with a statement as to the 
origin of the "blue," now the national 
uniform of the United States Army, he 
showed of what it had been symbolical, 
and why the Whig party of the Revolu- 
tionary war had such a strong attach- 
ment to that particular color. The uni- 
forms of the Provincial troops, during 
the " French and Indian " and other co- 
lonial wars, were briefly portrayed, and 
also those of the New York Militia and 
other troops immediately prior to the 
Revolution. The dress of the Conti- 



nentals and militia at Bunker Hill, Long 
Island, Harlem, White Plains, and Fort 
Washington, and during the remainder 
of the war was also described. The cut of 
the hair and whiskers being a part of the 
soldier's uniform, was illustrated from 
Washington's, Marion's, and Wilkinson's 
orders. The subsequent uniforms were 
then briefly alluded to. With few ex- 
ceptions, it appears that, after 1775 and 
until 1779, brown, as a color, contended 
with blue for predominance in the Amer- 
ican Army. In fact, Congress prescribed 
brown for the infantry as the most con- 
venient color. When, however, it remit- 
ted the entire subject to Washington, he, 
by General Order, directed that blue 
should be the national color, and pre- 
scribed appropriate facings for differ- 
ent arms of the service. This essay, 
in its careful preparation, and studied 
elaboration of details, is of the greatest 
interest, and will prove invaluable as an 
authority for students of art as well as 

At this meeting the committee on the 
testimonial to Dr. Moore reported a se- 
ries of affectionate and complimentary 
resolutions upon his resignation, and rec- 
ommended that he be requested to sit 
for a portrait, to be placed in the art 
gallery of the Society, by the side of 
"the others of its patrons and friends." 
It is needless to add that the resolutions 
and recommendation were enthusiasti- 
cally adopted. The stated December 
meeting was held on the evening of the 
5th, when the committee on nominations 
reported the present officers as candi- 
dates for re-election for the year 1877. 

Mr. Edward F. de Lancey read a pa- 
per on " Mount Washington and its cap- 

ture, November 16, 1776." This was a 
fitting supplement to the Harlem Plains 
celebration, and of great local interest. 
The novel and interesting features were 
the documentary proof, for the first time 
made public, of the treason of Adjutant 
De Mont, of Colonel Magaw's regi- 
ment, who was shown to have taken to 
Lord Percy plans of the American works, 
and a description of the heroism of Mar- 
garet Corbin, who bravely served a piece 
of artillery after the death of her hus- 
band, the gunner, until herself severely 
wounded — an American prototype of the 
Maid of Sarogossa. The paper was 
marked by careful critical investigation 
and description, and throws new light 
on this much debated point of our his- 
tory. We hope to reproduce this paper 
in a succeeding number. 

At the close of the address, Mr. Evert 
A. Duyckinck read a Memorial of the 
late Mr. Alofsen, who died in Holland, 
in October last, which we print as an 
obituary notice. 

The 7 2d anniversary of the founding 
of the Society was held in its Hall, on the 
evening of Tuesday, the 19th December, 
William Cullen Bryant, ist Vice Presi- 
dent, in the chair, when the Address was 
delivered by the President, Frederic de 
Peyster, L.L. D. Subject : " Represent- 
ative Men of the English Revolution." 
The subject of the influence of the 
House of Orange on English politics has 
been long a study of this learned gentle- 
man, himself a representative of the Hol- 
land race, who first settled New Amster- 

Having on a previous occasion pre- 
sented the life and personal character of 
William, Prince of Orange, afterward 



William III. of England, with liis posi- 
tion in history, Mr. de Peyster, on this 
occasion, chose for his theme the emi- 
nent men in England, the " Representa- 
tive Men of the English Revolution,'' 
who gave honor and distinction to the 
reign of that sovereign. After some re- 
marks on the influence of individual men 
of genius in history, Mr. de Peyster 
passed to a review of his " Representa- 
tive Men," taking as the most important 
fields of inquiry " the spheres of human 
energy and power which sway the desti- 
nies of mankind, to be found in meta- 
physics, in natural philosophy, in litera- 
ture and poetry, in theology, in states- 
manship, and in arms." 

In John Loc\e he found the foremost 
man of the period in intellectual philoso- 
phy, the legitimate outgrowth of those 
tendencies in human thought which had 
culminated in Lord Bacon, and the pro- 
moter of a school or tendency which de- 
veloped itself in the utilitarian ethics of 
Paley, in the theories of Jeremy Bentham 
and James and John Stuart Mill, and in 
the German and English scientific mate- 
rialism of the present day. 

In Sir Isaac Newton, Mr. de Peyster 
found no less renowned an illustrator of 
the department of natural philosophy. 
Reviewing his great discoveries, he re- 
marked : It would be impossible to 
measure the vast extent of Newton's in- 
fluence upon scientific progress in Eng- 
land and throughout the world; but it is 
safe to say that there has been no great 
scientific discovery, and no triumph of 
engineering skill for nearly two centu- 
ries, which has not been immensely in- 
debted to the methods and instrumental- 
ities devised by him. 

The third selection was equally happy, 
of Swift as the great representative of the 
literary power of the time ; his influence 
as a political satirist never having been 
equalled by any writer in the English 

Dryden, in Mr. de Peyster's review, a 
fourth really great man, represented the 
poets of the period. Justice was done to 
his clearness and powers of expression 
and the force of his genius, which was to 
be traced in Wordsworth and Shelley, 
and was even yet inspiring his most dis- 
tinguished successors in English verse. 
In Stillingfleet was found the representa- 
tive Church reformer of the time; its 
statesmanship was exhibited in Sir Wil- 
liam Temple ; and not least of the illus- 
trious list, its military genius in Marlbor- 
ough, whose brilliant career was traced 
at some length. 

With a brief resume of the striking 
points in the career of William himself, 
Mr. de Peyster concluded his address, 
noticing particularly the obligations of 
our own country to his sagacity and fore- 
thought in the liberal influences he set 
at work in our American colonies. 

The meeting closed with a vote of 
thanks to the Orator, and the publica- 
tion of the address was ordered. 

Notwithstanding the remoteness of the 
Library building from the centres of res- 
idence of its members, the meetings of 
the Society are largely attended, and 
great interest is shown in its proceedings. 
Pending its removal to a more accessible 
and favored locality, measures are con- 
templated, we 'Understand, for the hold- 
ing of its meetings in a larger and more 
commodious hall, and a more convenient 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box loo, Station D — N. Y Post office.) 

TiLGHMAN, Secretary and Aid to Wash- 
ington, together with an Appendix, containing 
Revolutionary Journals and Letters, hitherto 
unpublished. 8vo, pp. 176. Albany, J. MUN- 
SELL, 1876. 

This well edited and handsomely printed vol- 
ume is a welcome and valuable contribution to 
our revolutionary history. It opens with a sim- 
ple and graceful memoir of this patriotic soldier 
and worthy gentleman, whose rare fortune it was 
to have been one of the military family of Wash- 
ington, and the business associate of Robert 
Morris, the financier of the struggle for inde- 
pendence. The appendix includes Mr. Tilgh- 
man's Journal as Secretary of the Indian Com- 
missioners, appointed by Congress to treat with 
the Six Nations at German-Flats, New York, in 
1775, and extracts from his correspondence with 
Washington, Knox, Duer, and others. 

PUBLIC. A Review of American Progress. 
Svo, pp. 506. New York. Harpp:r Broth- 
ers, 1876. * 

This compact volume is one of the best con- 
tributions to our Centennial literature, being a 
collection of the interesting papers which have 
appeared in Harpers' Magazine, each of which 
treats of American progress in some branch of 
literature, political and social science, mechanics, 
agriculture, and art. Written by the most com- 
petent authorities in each department, selected 
with care by these skillful publishers, and thor- 
oughly classified and indexed, it will l)e found a 
valuable text and reference book. 

LUTION, 1775-1781. Historical and Mili- 
tary Criticism, and Topographical Illus- 
tration, by Henry B. Carrington, Colonel 
United States Army. Svo, pp. 712. A. S. 
Barnes & Co. New York, Chicago and New 

This volume, dedicated by permission to Gen- 
eral Sherman, is purely military, and, therefore, 
passes out of the range of merd' literary criticism. 
Its purpose is to give a summary of the engage- 
ments of the Revolution, from Lexington to 
Yorktown, based upon official reports. No good 
military account of the revolutionary campaigns 

has yet appeared, and no doubt this volume will 
be welcome to students. We would have been glad 
to find some account of the growth of the artillery 
service, which the French at Yorktown confessed 
was equal to their own. The volume is illus- 
trated by plans and topographical illustrations, 
which are mainly reproductions of maps engraved 
abroad during the war, and familiar to all stu- 
dents. An examination of those copied from 
Sauthier shows numerous errors, some of which 
originated with himself. They should be cor- 
rected in a future edition. The book shows 
great and patient labor on the part of the au- 
thor, and is written in an agreeable style. The 
index and references leave nothing to be desired. 
The printing and presswork are creditable to the 


by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. Svo. A. S. 

Barnes & Co. Parts I to VIII published by 


The need of a correct history of New York 
City has long been patent to every student. Mrs. 
Lamb's work will go far to fill this vacancy, al- 
though not intended, we judge, for their use 
alone. Written in a pleasing, familiar style, it 
is full of warm pictures of persons, places, and 
historic scenes, and abounds in anecdote and de- 
tails of the early life of the colony. It will find 
a place on the tables of our New York families, 
and prove interesting and instructive to both old 
and young. Beautifully printed on delicately 
toned paper, and profusely illustrated, this 
handsome volume is equal in style and execution 
to the best holiday books of the year. It will be 
completed in thirty-two numbers, each of which 
contains, in addition to numerous smaller cuts, 
representing the antiquities of New York, a full- 
page wood cut of some historic scene. 


General Richard Montgomery of the 

Continental Army, by George W. Cullum, 

Brevet Major-General of United States Army. 

Svo, pp. 16. Privately printed. 

This sketch is one of the contributions to the 

Authors' Congress, held at Independence Hall, 

July I, 1776. It is a soldier's appreciation of this 

" noble martyr to liberty." As was to be expected 

from this accomplished and scholarly gentleman, 

this concise an^f interesting pamphlet exhausts 

the subject. We hope that the rest of the authors 

will follow this excellent example, and give to 

historical students the benefit of their labor and 

research in American biography. 



OF Harlem Plains on its One Hundreth 
Anniversary, by the New York Historical 
Society. 8vo., pp. 98. New York. Published 
by the Society. 1876. 

An elegant monograph, containing the Oration 
of John Jay, with an appendix of historical doc- 
uments, some of which are here for the first time 
printed; a fine reduction of Sauthier's map of the 
field of battle, and the Proceedings of the So- 

OF THE United States of America, when, 
where and by whom was it first Sa- 
luted. The Question Answered. 8vo., 
pp. 26. Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Issued by the Secretary of State of New Hamp- 
shire, B. F. Prescott, this pamphlet shows that 
the first salute to the Stars and Stripes was by an 
officer of the Dutch Republic. 

from 1678 to 1876, by Albert H. Porter. 
n. d. 8vo., pp. 51. 
This pamphlet gives the history of Niagara, 

past and present, and is illustrated with a map. 

LISH Revolution. An Address delivered be- 
fore the New York Historical Society at the Cel- 
ebration of its Seventy-Second Anniversary, De- 
cember 19, 1876, by Frederic de Peyster, 
L.L. D., President of the Society. Published 
by the Society. 8vo. New York, 1876. 

Printed in sumptuous style, illustrated with 
portraits of William and Mary. A pleasing 
and instructive sketch, the author having made 
this period the subject of careful investigation. 

R. Livingston, read before the New York 
Historical Society, October 6, 1876, by Fred- 
eric DE Peyster, LL. D., President of the 
Society. 8vo. New York, 1876. 

A succint and complete account of the services 
of this eminent man, whose name is intimately 
connected with the foundation of the Republic. 
It contains a valuable appendix of a letter ad- 
dressed to the editor of the Literary and Philo- 
sophical Register^ entitled "an Historical Account 
of the application of Steam to the propelling 
of Boats." It appeared in that periodical for 
January, 18 12, and is known to have been from 

the pen of Chancellor Livingston. Th« sketch 
of Mr. de Peyster does not enter into the contro- 
versy as to the claims of Fitch, Fulton, Livingston 
and Stevens to the merit of having secured to 
this Country this powerful agent of commerce 
and civilization. A carefully prepared study 
of this vexed question is much needed. 

The pamphlet is prefaced by a photo-litho- 
graphic portrait of Livingston, by Vanderlyn, and 
is in the best style of our well-known printer, 
Mr. John F. Trow. 

AND Historical Register. January, 1877. 
8vo., pp. 140. Boston, 1877. 

We gladly welcome the first number of the 
31st volume of this well conducted and valuable 
quarterly. Its leading article is a sketch of the 
Life of President Millard Fillmore, by Rev, Dr. 
Hosmer, illustrated by a portrait on steel. 
Among the twenty-one papers which make up 
this number, we notice especially an account of 
the autograph copies of Keys' " Star Spangled 
Banner," by Rear Admiral Preble, who has made 
the National Flag a study for years, and a Re- 
port of the Committee on Heraldry of the So- 
ciety on the Seals attached to the Jefferies col- 
lection of manuscripts, prepared in the most 
careful manner. We hope this example may be 
followed, particularly in New York, which is rich 
in family papers still scattered and undescribed. 
The family history of the Holland Hugenots 
and English settlers of this State is full of 
material. We have reason to know that the 
Wills and Deeds on record in the public offices 
of New York City are a mine of wealth to the 
genealogical and heraldic enquirer. 

No library of American History should be 
without a complete set of this Register, which, 
since its first appearance, has gathered up and 
placed in permanent form the scattered and de- 
caying records of the civil, literary and political 
life of the people of New England. 

It is published under the direction of the New 
England Historic Genealogical Society, 18 Som- 
erset Street, at three dollars a year. The ac- 
complished John Ward Dean is the Editor. 

Presbyterian Church, of Ballston Cen- 
tre, N. Y., by the Pastor, Alexander S. 
HoYT. 8vo., pp. 71. Ballston, N. Y., 1876. 

Delivered on the occasion of Centennial anni- 
versary of the founding of the Church, Septem- 
ver 22, 1775, and supplemented July 2d and 9th, 
1876. Like all local publications of this char- 
acter, it contains a mass of detail, of family his- 
tory, always valuable. 




SOLOMON ALOY^Y.^.— Memorial notice read 

by Evert A. Duyckinck, Esq., before 

JV. Y. Hist.Soc., Dec. 5, 1876. 

On the loth of October, 1876, died at Arnhem, 
Holland, Solomon Alofsen, having nearly com- 
pleted his sixty-eighth year. He was born of a 
family of good standing, in the city of Amster- 
dam, Netherlands, November 22d, 1808. 

His parents were Roclof Alofsen and Sijtje 
Gonzal. He came to America early in life, as 
Secretary of Legation to the Dutch Embassy at 
Washington, in M'hich capacity he remained till 
the recall of the Minister, Van Polanen, whom he 
had accompanied. He then came to New York, 
subsequently taking up his residence at Jersey 

City. He married a lady of this place, and 

became thoroughly an American citizen. He 
was for a time Secretary of the Illinois Central 
Railroad, having his office in New York, and 
continued interested in the railway investments 
of the country. 

Apart from his business occupations, he was al- 
ways greatly devoted to historical studies, partic- 
ularly in the early relations of his native country 
to the portion of the United States where he had 
made his home. He was for a time Treasurer of 
the New Jersey Historical Society, and was ever 
an active member of the New York Historical 
Society, being elected a resident member in 1858, 
and became a life member in 1867. On several 
occasions he contributed papers read at the meet- 
ings of the latter, and made valuable donations 
to its collections. Among these were several his- 
torical medals, relating to America, struck in 
Holland, accompanied with explanatory memo 
randa. His papers and communications read at 
the meetings were chiefly with reference to an- 
cient manners and customs of the fatherland, and 
especially the traditions which belonged to the 
period of the colonization and settlement of New 
Netherlands. One of these, concerning the 
history of St. Nicholas and his festival, was ac- 
companied with various decorative illustrations. 

Mr. Alofsen, in 1867, presented to the Society 
the portrait of the Hon. Roger Gerard Van Po- 
lanen, accompanying the gift with a sketch of the 
life, character and public services of his distin- 
guished friend. Mr. Alofsen was also a member 
and liberal supporter of the American Ethnolog- 
ical Society. 

After forty years' residence in America, Mr. 
Alofsen, induced by family considerations, re- 
turned to Holland, by way of Paris, making his 
home at Arnhem, where he passed the remainder 
of his days. He still, however, kept up a con- 

stant correspondence with his old friends in New 
York, and became a medium of communication 
in literary and historical matters between the two 
countries. He collected American books and 
documents of a public character, exhibiting the 
development of the country, many of which he 
presented to the Library of the city of Amster- 

He was also much occupied with the formation 
of a distinguished American Collection of Books, 
his private library, which failing health and other 
circumstances induced him to dispose of during 
the last years of his life. This collection, of 
which an admirable catalogue was printed, em- 
bracing four thousand five hundred lots, was sold 
at Utrecht, in June, 1876. The library was 
chiefly composed of books relating to history and 
biography, works on diplomacy and the literature 
of Holland. The section occupied with the his- 
tory of America generally and the United States 
in particular, was remarkable for the spirit of de- 
tail which he carried into these, his favorite 
studies. Genealogy and the study of coins and 
medals, with the wide field of Ethnology occu- 
pied much of his attention. Of the literature of 
the War for the Union he was a diligent col- 

One of the last incidents which engaged his at- 
tention, of a public character, was the celebration 
of the sixth centennial of the existence of the city 
of Amsterdam, an event which was celebrated in 
that place by a striking exhibition of its antiqui- 
ties, in paintings, works of art, curiosities, etc. 
This was under the auspices of the Royal Anti- 
quarian Society of Amsterdam, of which Mr. 
Alofsen was one of the four foreign honorary 
members, a distinction which he pointed to with 
pride to the end, looking upon America in the 
light of his home. This celebration, which oc- 
curred in the spring of 1876, was preceded by 
another of like character, in the previous Octo- 
ber, in commemoration of the endowment by 
Florent V. of Holland, of " the people of Am- 
stellodame with freedom of toll," the record of 
this event being the first known document in 
which Amstellodame is mentioned. A bronze 
copy of the medal struck by De Vries, issued on 
occasion of this celebration, was presented by 
Mr. Alofsen to the New York Historical Society. 
Mr. Alofsen, in one of his latest letters to a friend 
in New York, wrote that he might yet unexpect- 
edly revisit the city, so strong was his attachment 
to it. 

He did not long survive the sale of his library, 
his death occurring suddenly in apoplexy. He 
will long l)e remembered by his friends in Amer- 
ica for his simple, straightforward character and 
by his general benevolence, no less than by his 
devotion to American historical pursuits, of 
which the catalogue of his collections remains an 
enduring memorial. 


Photo-lithograpliic fac-simile of a copy taken from the original in Cassel for Professor Joy, now in 
the possession of J. Carson Brevoort, Esq. 

Translation of the Legend on the Map. — The attack which His Excel- 
lency the Hon. General Lieutenant von Knyphausen, with eight Battalions of Hes- 
sians and one Battalion of VValdeckers, on the i6 November 1776, made on Fort 
Washington, taking it and a quantity of Ammunition and Provisions, and 2,600 
American Prisoners. 

A Camp before the Attack. B MnVch of the said Regiments for King's 
Bridge. C Formation of tlie Columns of which one on the right and another on 
the left. D The Riflemen E Enemy's Line of Batteries F G H Fort Wash- 
ington, Fort Independence, Speak-Devil Fort garrisoned by the Enemy. / Our 
Batteries. X Hessian Field Artillery. Z 'Quarters of His Excellency. J/ Do. 
of General Major Schmidt. N Do. of General Cleveland, O Do. of Colonel 
Rail. /'Landing of the English Brigade on the feint. (2 Frigate that made a 
strong cannonade at the beginning of the attack. 


Vol. 1 FEBRUARY 1877 No. 2 



FOUR of the military events of the American Revolution occurred 
upon the island of New York: — ist The landing- at Kips Bay, and 
the occupation of the city, by the British army, on the 15th of 
September, 1776; 2d The action of Harlem Plains on the succeeding- 
day ; 3d The capture of Mount Washington two months afterwards, 
and the evacuation of the island, and 4th The victorious entry of Wash- 
ington, on the 25th of November, 1783. 

A century ago, the i6th day of November 1776, took place the storm- 
ing and capture of Mount Washington, with its fort, garrison, armament 
and stores, by the army of Sir William Howe, who had been just made 
a Knight of the Bath for his victory, a few weeks before, at Brooklyn 
Heights. It was the first and the last great battle ever fought on the 
island of Manhattan since its settlement by Europeans. It was a terrible 
disaster to the American arms, and a heavy blow to the cause of the 
colonies. It gave to the British army and to England undisputed 
possession of the city and harbor of New York, the leading city and 
chief seaport of America ; a possession which it was never after in the 
power of the colonies even to threaten successfully, much less regain. 

It struck instantly from the then rapidly dissolving army of Wash- 
ington nearly three thousand effective men. By the same blow, practi- 
cally. Fort Lee, on the opposite side of the Hudson, with its guns and 
most of its stores, was taken, and New Jersey thrown open to the strong, 
well appointed, victorious troops of Howe, with nought to oppose them 
but the broken, dispirited, deserting, half clad regiments of Washington, 
dwindled down to less than three thousand men.' " In ten days," wrote 
Washington to his brother John Augustine, three dsivs after the capture, 
" there will not be above two thousand men, if that number, of the fixed 

'Washingtou to Lee, 21 Nov. Force 5th series, vol. iiipp. 78-9. Letter of Matthew Tilghman. 
Ibid. p. 1053. 


established regiments on this side of Hudson's river to oppose Howe's 
whole army, and very little more on the other to secure the Eastern 
colonies and the important passes leading through the Highlands to 
Albany and the country about the lakes.'" No wonder he exclaims 
in the same letter, in the full confidence of fraternal love, '' I am wearied 
almost to death with the retrogade motion of things, and I solemnly 
protest, that a pecuniary reward of twenty thousand pounds a year 
would not induce me to undergo what I do ; and after all to lose my 
character, as it is impossible under such a variety of distressing circum- 
stances, to conduct matters agreeably to public expectation, or even to 
the expectation of those who employ me, as they will not make proper 
allowances for the difficulties their own errors have occasioned." 

Whence and why this disaster ? Who was responsible ? Was it the 
commandant of the post, the General in charge of Fort Lee with whom 
that officer acted, or was it the Commander-in-Chief himself? 

Perhaps no questions growing out of any single event of the Revo- 
lution were discussed with more vigor at the time, or have given rise to 
more controversy since, than these. Each of the three officers, Wash- 
ington, Greene, and Magaw have had their enemies and opposers, friends 
and defenders. 

Two facts, utterly foreign to the capture as acts of war, or rather of 
military science and forecast, had much to do with the old opinion ; — 
the bitter antagonism to Washington in the Continental Congress, and 
the intense antipathy between the ofhcers and men from New England and 
those from all the other colonies. These facts, or their causes, are only 
mentioned, because they should always be borne in mind in considering 
the military affairs of the Revolution, and especially those of its first two 

The throwing of his army into Westchester county at Throg's Neck, 
by Sir WiUiam Howe on the 12th of October, 1776, forced Washington 
to evacuate New York Island, with the fortified camp at Kingsbridge, 
and to retreat to the north along the line of the river Bronx, to avoid 
being outflanked and surrounded. At the time Washington was at the 
Roger Morris House — his well-known head-quarters — and the bulk of his 
army lay in its neighborhood, while a strong force held Kingsbridge and 
the adjoining hills in Westchester county. 

The northern part of the island of Manhattan is a narrow, high, rocky, 
wooded region of singular natural beauty ; unique as a feature in modern 
cities, and precisely such a spot as in an ancient Greek city would have 

'Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 766. 


been chosen for its Acropolis. Separated from the rest of the island by the 
plains of Harlem on the south, and extending thence to Kingsbridge on 
the north, a distance of about four miles, its average width is onlv about 
three-fourths of a mile. Bordered on the east by the narrow winding, 
umbrageous Flarlem, and on the west by the magnificent Hudson, the 
two united by the historic inlet of Spuyten- Duyvel, it rises from these 
rivers in sudden, rocky, forest clad precipices, nearly a hundred feet in 
height, which for well nigh three-fourths of its circumference are almost 
inaccessible. These natural buttresses support an irregular plain, the 
surface of which rises toward the centre to an eminence on the side 
of the Hudson two hundred feet above its waters, and to another on the 
side of the Harlem of almost equal height, between which lies the most 
level part of the entire region. This towards its northern end sinks 
into a narrow valley or gorge, through which runs the road to Kings- 
bridge. Besides the Kingsbridge, which connected the island with the 
mainland of Westchester, there was another bridge, a short distance 
south east of it, called Dyckman's bridge. Opposite these bridges the 
rocky bluffs recede to the west for nearly a mile, leaving between them 
and the Harlem river a small plain, on which rise two or three low hills. 
At the southern end of this plain was a little branch of the Harlem called 
Sherman's creek, still in existence, directly above and south of which 
rises the high eminence on the Harlem above-mentioned, then termed 
''Laurel Hill," and since, and now, '' Fort George." 

The highest eminence on the Hudson, which was southwest from 
Laurel Hill, was selected by Colonel Rufus Putnam, in the summer of 
1776, as the site of a large earthwork fortification for the defence of and 
to aid the obstructions intended to close the Hudson against the passage 
of ships, which, after the Commander-in-Chief, was called " Fort Wash- 

The term " Mount Washington " was given in 1776 to the entire 
elevated region above described. It is so-called in the letters and docu- 
ments of that period, though sometimes styled " Harlem Heights ; " and 
in the same sense it is here used, although in our day the appellation 
has become restricted to the small part of the region immediately 
adjacent to the old fortification. That fortification — and that only — is 
here called "■ Fort Washington." 

Directly beneath the eminence on which Fort Washington stood, a 
low cape, or rather promontory, called Jeffrey's Hook, throws itself out 
into the waters of the Hudson, making the river narrower there than from 
any other point on the Manhattan shore. Between this '* Hook " and the 


Jersey shore extended a line of sunken vessels and chcvaux-de-frise, 
intended to obstruct the passage of the river. On the summit of the 
Palisades, opposite Fort Washington, was erected about the same time 
another fortification to defend the Jersey end of the obstructions, called 
" Fort Constitution " and subsequently '' Fort Lee," in honor of General 
Charles Lee. This latter was therefore dependent on the former, and 
was of no value without it. Both forts together commanded the river 
and the communication between its two sides, or, in a larger sense, be- 
tween New England and the colonies west and south of the Hudson. 

Jutting out into and rising above the Harlem plains, at the extreme 
south eastern extremity of Mount Washington, was a lofty and almost 
perpendicular promontory, now blasted away, called " The Point of 
Rocks." It was surmounted by a strong battery, and commanded '' the 
King's Highway," or '' the Road to Kingsbridge," from the city of New 
York, and was the American post nearest to the British lines. 

The American lines ran from the Point of Rocks westwardly to the 
Hudson river, along the southern face of Mount Washington, lower and 
less precipitous there than any where else, and northeastwardly along 
its high southeastern face to the Harlem river. 

A slight depression in the latter face, as it approached the Harlem, 
afforded a passage for the road to Kingsbridge as it ascended from the 
Harlem plains, forming the well-known *' Break Neck Hill," a short dis- 
tance to the east of which road stood the house of Colonel Roger Morris, 
occupied by Washington as his headquarters. A few weeks before, 
Roger Morris and his fair wife had retired to the Highlands, little 
dreaming that his old friend and companion of " the last war," and his 
wife's old admirer, was to become the next master of their beautiful 

East and west of the Point of Rocks, in exposed places, the Americans 
had thrown up light breast works and facing the Hudson some small 
batteries, the largest being upon Jeffrey's Hook. But their main works 
were at Mount Washington and south of the Fort — three distinct lines 
of fortifications running across the island from river to river. 

The middle line was located about a third of a mile south of the 
Morris House ; a thoroughly completed strong work, with redoubts, 
bastions, and curtains, and a Avell made line of intrenchments. The ex- 
treme southern line was placed about a third of a mile further to the 
south, but it was not so well built, nor in as favorable a location ; while 
the northernmost one, very near the Morris House, and about the same 
distance to the north of the middle line, was vastly inferior, and in some 
parts never wholly completed. 


Upon its north side Mount Washin^^ton had no intrenched lines 
whatever. On the summit of Laurel Hill was a small battery and re- 
doubt, ancfat the northern brow of the long hill, on which Fort Wash- 
ington stood — above what is now styled Inwood — was another redoubt 
and battery of three guns, to aid in protecting the river obstructions by 
an enfilading fire. The round wooded hill on the south side of the en- 
trance to Spuyten Duy vel was crowned by another small work of a simi- 
lar character mounting two guns.' From this first mentioned battery and 
hill, down and across the gorge occupied by the Kingsbridge road to 
Laurel Hill, ran two or three lines of abatis^ or felled trees, hastily made 
by the Americans after they retired on the 2d of November from Kings- 

Fort Washington itself was a large earth work fortification of five 
bastions, without supporting breastworks, except a single one on its 
north side. It was erected in July, 1776, by the Pennsylvania battalions 
or regiments under Brig. Gen. Thomas Mifflin ; the fifth of Avhich com- 
manded by Colonel Robert Magaw, and the third by Colonel John Shee : 
The last named officer, in September, went home on furlough, and never 
again rejoined his regiment, which thereafter was commanded by Lam- 
bert Cadwallader, its Lieutenant Colonel." These regiments arrived in 
New York at the end of June, 1776, full in numbers but deficient in 
arms, the latter having only 300 guns, and the former but 125' — a want 
subsequently remedied. The fort had been laid out by Colonel Rufus 
Putnam, Engineer-in-Chief, built under his directions at Washington's 
request, and was intended to cover the communication with New 
Jersey in connection with Fort Lee, on the summit of the Palisades on 
the opposite or Jersey side of the Hudson, which was erected at the 
same time by General Hugh Mercer and the troops under his command. 

It had no casemates, barracks nor well, and when invested, con- 
tained but small supplies of provisions, or fuel, or stores of any kind 
requisite to stand a siege of any length. With the exception of a 
wooden magazine and some offices, it had no interior construction and 
was, in fact, simply a large, open earth work." How many guns it 
mounted is not now known. The British return of ordnance of all sizes 

Uiowe's Dispatch. Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 924. 

^Graydon's Memoir, Littell's eel., p. 181. Cadwallader was commissioned Colonel of this 
regiment by the Continental Congress on the 25th of October, 1776. See Commission Pena 
Archives, vol. v., p. 53. 

^MifiQin's letter to Washington 5th July 1776. Force 5th series, vol. i, p. 27. 

^Gjaydon, 1S6. 


captured at Mount Washington was forty-seven/ of which probably much 
less than one-half were mounted in the fort. 

The summer of 1776 was of great heat, and these Pennsylvania 
troops were drilled hard, as well as worked hard. About a fourth were 
always on the sick list. Excepting two days service on Long Island, im- 
mediately following the battle of the 27th of August, and some short 
marches into Westchester, just after their return from Brooklyn, they 
saw no ^rvice in the field except upon Mount Washington."^ 

The American army lay encamped on Mount Washington from the 
beginning of September 'till the 13th of October, 1776, a period of about 
five weeks. 

At the latter end of September, Mr. James AUen,^ of Philadelphia, 
second son of Chief Justice Allen, and Dr Smith, the Provost of the 
College in that city, paid a visit of curiosity, merely, to the seat of war. 
In the manuscript diary of the former there is an account of his visit to 
Mount Washington at this time. From Amboy, where he saw his old 
friends Generals Dickenson and Mercer, he went to Bergen, and lodged 
with another friend. General Roberdeau, who commanded that post. 
" Thence," says the diary, '' to Fort Constitution, now Fort Lee, com- 
manded by my old acquaintance. General Ewing, with whom I dined, 
and same day crossed the river to Head-quarters. General Washington 
received me with the utmost politeness. I lodged with him ; and found 
there Messrs. Jos. Reed, Tilghman, Grayson, Moyland, L. Cadwallader, 
and many others of my acquaintance, and was very happy with them. 
Nothing happened while I was there except an attempt of our army to 
bring off grain from Harlem, in which they did not succeed, and which 
had well nigh brought on an engagement. Next day I re-crossed the 
river to Fort Lee, and came through Hackensack in company with 
Captain Charles Craig, and thence through Morristown to Union, where 
I found my wife and child, and Mrs. Lawrence,"^ the latter lady being 
his wife's mother. 

Ten days before this visit, on the i8th of August, says General Heath, 
not a single cannon was mounted beyond Mount Washington.^ On the 

'Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 1058. 

'•^ They were recruited in the early part of 1776, and so well drilled in Philadelphia, prior to 
being sent to New York at the end of June, as to receive mention from Washington himself. 

^James Allen, the second son of Chief Justice William Allen, of Pennsylvania, was a prominent 
lawyer of Philadelphia and a member of Assembly for Northampton county. He was a brother-in- 
law to Governor John Penn and to James de Lancey, of New York, the head of that family, eldest 
son of James de Lancey who died Governor of New York in 1760. 

^MS. Diary of James Allen. 

^Force 5th series, vol. i, p. 1030. 


19th William Ducr was ordered by the New York Convention to consult 
with Washington on the subject of aiding him to obstruct the river op- 
posite Mount Washington/ 

On the third of September Washington ordered Mercer to lay out 
and build additional works at Fort Lee." The very same day Colonel 
Rufus Putnam stated in his report to the Commander-inChief of that 
date, that with both sides of the river fortified as he recommended, and 
the forts and batteries well filled with guns and ammunition, and the 
river obstructed by sunken vessels, if the enemy *' attempted to force 
this post, 1 think they must be beaten.'" 

On this same third of September also, it strangely happened General 
Nathaniel Greene wrote Washington that remarkable private letter urging 
in the strongest terms the burning of New York and its suburbs, and 
the evacuation of the island, closing it with this request — " should your 
excellency agree with me in the first two points, that a speedy and gen- 
eral retreat is necessary, and also, that the city and suburbs should be 
burned, I would advise to call a general council on that question, and 
take every general officer's opinion upon it."* 

Washington, singularly enough, had already submitted the question 
of destroying New York to Congress the very day before ;' and Han- 
cock, also on this same 3d day of September, replied to him, that Con- 
gress, on considering his letter of the 2d, '' came to a resolution in a com- 
mittee of the whole house that no damage should be done to the city of 
New York.'" 

The Commander-in-Chief agreeing to Greene's suggestions, did call 
a council of general officers on the 7th, and they decided to defend and 
not to destroy and evacuate the city, by a majority vote. The minority 
were for a total and immediate removal from the cit}^ " nor were some 
of the majority," says Washington to Hancock, *' a little influenced in 

^Journals N. Y, Prov. Cong., vol. i, p. 579. 

^Force 5th series, vol. ii, p. 140. 

^Ibid. 139. The obstructions proved futile. On September 13 some of the chevaux de frise 
having been floating with the tide some days before, the N. Y, Committee of Safety wrote George 
Clinton on the subject, and on the 17th ordered Capt. Thomas Greenhill to make a survey of the 
landings, etc. of Mount Washington and report, and on the 21st ordered six vessels purchased hy 
Greenhill and delivered to Capt. Cook at Mount Washington to be sunk. On October 3d, Cook 
was cutting timber for the chevaux de frise up the river, and was written for to sink the vessels, 2 
sloops, 2 brigs, and 2 large ships, which got there about the 25th of September. Journals Prov. 
Cong., pp. 624, 628, 639, 663. 

■*Force 5th series, vol. ii, pp. 1S2-3. 

^Force 5th series, vol. ii, pp. 182-3. 

«Ibid. p. 135. 


their opinions, to whom the determination of Congress was known, 
against an evacuation totally, as they were led to suspect Congress 
wished it to be maintained at every hazard.'" 

This decision did not suit Greene, nor apparently Washington, and 
on the nth of September the former, with six Brigadiers, presented a 
written petition signed by them all, to the latter, requesting him to call 
another council of war to re-consider the question. Washington assented, and 
called it for the next dav, the 12th, at McDougall's quarters; when ten 
generals, Beall, Scott, Fellows, Wadsworth, Nixon, McDougall, Parsons, 
Mifflin, Greene, and Putnam, voted to re-consider and evacuate ; and 
three, Spencer, George Clinton, and Heath, to adhere and defend. The 
record of this council thus closes : *' It was considered what number of 
men are necessary to be left for the defence of Mount Washington and its 
dependencies — agreed, that it be eight thousand."^ 

This is the first official mention that Mount Washington was to be 
defended, and it is noteworthy that so large a number of men was then 
deemed necessary for that object. From this summary of the official 
action of Congress, Washington and the Council of War, we learn why 
Mount Washington was occupied and held. 

Pursuant to the decision of the Council of War just mentioned, the 
evacuation of the island begun on the 13th, continued on the 14th, 
and was interrupted on the 15th of September, 1776, by the landing 
at Kip's Bay and the taking of the city by the British. After 
the action of Harlem Plains the succeeding day, the two armies lay 
encamped opposite each other, separated by those plains. The British 
lines extended from Floren's Hook, on the East river at 90th street, along 
the heights at McGowan's Pass (the north end of the Central Park) to 
the end of the high ground on the south side of the western end of the 
Harlem plains at 125th street, while the American lines occupied the whole 
of the southern and eastern side of Mount Washington, facing the 
northern side of those plains, from the Harlem to the Hudson. 

Such were the positions of the two armies when Howe suddenly, on 
the 1 2th of October, in a dense fog, threw all his army upon Throg's Neck, 
nine miles up Long Island Sound, with the exception of a force under 
Lord Percy sufficient to hold the British lines just mentioned, and the city 
of New York. 

Washington, as before stated, was at the Morris House. Late in the 
day an express from General Heath advised him of the landing, the news 

'Force 5th series, vol. ii, p. 237. 
*Ibid. 325, 328, and 330. 


of which had reached the post of that officer at Kingsbridge. He in- 
stantly ordered a detachment, made up of his best troops, to Westchester 
to oppose them/ Among- these was the regiment of Prescott of Pep- 
perell, the hero of Bunker Hill, to whose lot it fell singularly enough, for 
the second time, to aid mainly in forcing Howe from a peninsula, by de- 
fending with success the road and Mill Dam leading from Throg's Neck 
to Westchester village. 

So unexpected was this movement of Howe, that the very day before 
it took place — the nth — General Greene, from Fort Lee, Avrotc Gover- 
ner Cooke, of Rhode Island, " our army are so strongly fortified and so 
much out of the command of the shipping, we have little more to fear 
this campaign."" General Greene however, the same day, as soon as he 
heard of it, at 5 o'clock P. M. of the 12th, wrote Washington of the fact, 
and offered if he desired them three brigades and his own services."'' 

The 13th Washington spent chiefly in a personal reconnoissance of 
southern Westchester. The next day, the 14th, he formed his army into 
four divisions, under Major Generals Lee, Heath, Sullivan, and Lincoln, 
which the following day, the 15th, moved into Westchester county. The 
same da}-, the 14th, he formed two other divisions to remain on the island 
under Major Generals Spencer and Putnam ; the former to take charge 
of all Mount Washington south of the northernmost of the fortified lines 
from river to river, near head-quarters, and the latter the rest of it on the 
north of that line. General Putnam, says the order, '' will also attend 
particularly to the works about Mount Washington and to the obstruc- 
tions in the river, which should be increased as fast as possible."' 

General Lee had arrived from the south the day of his appointment, 
and after making a brief stop at the fort which bears his name, crossed 
the river to Mount Washington, stopping long enough, however, to write 
this short note to General Gates, with his views of things as he found 
them : " I write this scroll in a hurry. Colonel Ward will describe the 
position of our army, which in my own breast I do not approve — viter nos 
the Congress seem to stumble at every step. I do not mean one or two 
of the cattle, but the whole stable. I have been very free in delivering 
my opinion to 'em. In my opinion. General Washington is much to 
blame for not menancing 'em with resignation unless they refrain from 
unhinging the army by their absurd interference.'" 

^Force 5th series, vol, ii, pp. 1014 and 1025, 
■■^Force 5 th series, vol. ii, p. 997. 
^Ibid. p. 1015. 
^General orders Oct. 14. 
^Lee papers, vol. ii, p. 261. 


Lee was outspoken in condemnation of the policy of leaving and 
holding- a garrison in Fort Washington, but he and those who thought 
with him were overruled in the council of war, held on the i6th at his 
own head-quarters in Westchester. Washington and all his Major Gen- 
erals and Brigadiers were present to the number of sixteen, except 
Greene. The command of the latter being in New Jersey was the prob- 
able cause of his absence. At all events he was not there. 

This council agreed that ''Fort Washington be retained as long as possi- 
ble." The record gives no votes but simply the result. It is, therefore, 
not officially known who was on one side and who on the other.' And 
here a most important point requires attention, and that is the limited 
extent, at this time, of Washington's powers as Commander-in-Chief, 
He did not have, nor exercise, the independent " one man power," 
which by all military rules belongs to that command. 

He could not overrule the council of war if he saw fit, and act on his 
own independent judgment, as Commanders-in-Chief usually do. Re- 
ceiving his appointment from Congress the year previous, in virtue, as 
he himself has told us, of '' a political necessity," that body was un- 
willing to vest in him the power referred to, and he was thus compelled 
to carry out the decisions of his council of war, no matter whether he 
individually did, or did not, approve them. Not until Congress at the 
very end of December, 1776, when Cornwallis was overrunning New 
Jersey, on the eve of their flight to Baltimore, and in fear of their own 
existence, vested in him the powers of a dictator, did he possess the 
full perogatives of a Commander-in-Chief. From the hour when he 
drew his sword under the great elm at Cambridge as leader of the armies 
of America, till that action of Congress he was, in all important steps, 
subject to the will and the decision of a majority of his own general 
officers. This fact must especially be borne in mind in the matter of 
Mount Washington. 

By the 20th of October all the troops left on the island of New York 
under Spencer and Putnam had been withdrawn, except the regiments 
intended to garrison Mount Washington.^ These were Magaw's fifth 
and Cadwallader's third Pennsylvania battalions before mentioned. 

Putnam, before leaving, had requested of Greene a re-inforcement 
from Fort Lee. The latter sent him, as he tells Washington in a letter 
of the 24th, between 200 and 300 of Durkie's regiment, and also sufficient 

'Force 5th series, vol. ii, p. 1117. 

'Harrison to Congress, Force 5lh series, vol. ii, p, 1137. 


provisions for the garrison.' Harrison, however, writing- for Washington 
the same day, from White Plains, tells Hancock that there " are about 
1400 men at Mount Washington and 600 at Kingsbridgc."" But Colonel 
Lasher, the officer in command at the latter post, wrote General Heath 
on the 26th that he only had 400 men and 6 artillery men.' On the 27th 
Lasher had orders from Heath to quit the post, burn the barracks, and 
join the army at White Plains, and either do this himself, or communi- 
cate with Magaw, as he pleased. He obeyed ard executed the orders 

The same day, which was Sunday, an attack was made by Lord 
Percy on Mount Washington by land, at the same time that two men-of- 
war attempted to pass it and go up the river. The latter were severely 
cut up by Magaw's artillery, and one of them, badly crippled, had to re- 
tire.' The British troops moved down from their lines at McGowan's 
Pass to Harlem Plains and began a fire Avith field pieces, which the 
Americans returned from their fortified lines and batteries. It was a 
mere artillery duel, had no effect, and was apparently intended as a feint." 
The cannonade was heard at White Plains." This affair was probably 
one great cause of Greene's confidence in Fort Washington, and of his 
desire a fortnight later to hold it. He was present in the fort, and with 
Magaw, during the firing on the ships. The whole contest Avas over by three 
o'clock in the afternoon, when he returned to Fort Lee and wrote an ac- 
count of it to General Mifflin,® and the next day sent another to the 
President of Congress. " From the Sunday affair," he wrote Washing- 
ton on the 29th, " 1 am more fully convinced that we can prevent any 
ships from stopping the communication."" 

Two days afterwards, Greene asked Washington's opinion as to hold- 
ing, not the fort only, but all Mount Washington, in these words : '' I 
should be glad to know your excellency's mind about holding all the 
ground from the Kingsbridge to the lower lines. If we attempt to hold 
the ground, the garrison must still be re-inforced, but if the garrison 
is to draw into Mount (Fort) Washington, and only keep that, the num- 

^Force 5th series, pp. 1202, 1203, 1221. 

^Ibid. 1239. 

^Ibid. 1263. 

^Ibid. vol. ii, p. 1264. 

^Ibid. vol. ii, pp. 1263, 1265. 

^Ibid. 1266, 

'MS. Letter of General Sullivan to his wife. 

^Force 5th series, 1263, 1269. 

nbid. 1 28 1. 


ber of the troops on the island is too large. * ^ * I shall re-inforce 
Colonel Magaw with Colonel Rawling's regiment, until I hear from 
3^our excellency respecting the matter. The motions of the grand army 
will best determine the propriety of endeavoring to hold all the ground 
from Kingsbridge to the lower lines. I shall be as much on the island 
of York as possible, so as not to neglect the duties of my own depart- 
ment.'" What Washington's answer was we shall hereafter see. He 
was then at White Plains, expecting an immediate attack by Howe's whole 

That high and beautiful region of south eastern Westchester, from 
Pell's Hill on the west to Heathcote Hill on the east, never glowed 
with more brilliant autumnal hues than on the 28th of October 1776. 
The white tents of the Hessians gleamed brightly in the morning sun, 
amid the glades and slopes of those fair hills which, rising fromlhe shores 
of Long Island Sound, form the coast line of the old Manors of Pelham 
and of Scarsdale. Martial music woke the echoes of the woods, and its 
sounds were borne on the soft autumn breeze over the blue waters of 
the Sound, far toward the distant hills of Long Island. The stirring 
scenes of camp life, companies drilling, groups of officers, prancing 
horses, busy adjutants passing to and fro, and a few brilliant young aids 
gathered under the over-hanging porch of a quaint old stone house with 
low Avails and a high roof, the flag above which marked it as head- 
quarters, formed a picture that had never before been seen by the de- 
scendants of the Huguenot exiles who then dwelt on those lovely shores. 
They beheld with singular interest the marked features, dark, striking 
uniforms and strange arms of the Germans. Some of the older, 
perhaps, as they heard the gutteral tones of the strangers, so different 
from their own musical tongue, recalled the days, a century before, when 
their own grandfathers, under the golden lilies of Louis Quartorze, had 
aided in the conquest of Alsace and Lothringen from the ver}^ people 
whose grandchildren stood before them. 

Arriving in New York harbor a week before, this second Hessian 
contingent had been transferred to boats and sloops, and landed directly 
at New Rochelle, where they had since been recovering from the effects 
of their long sea voyage. They were six regiments from Hesse Cassel, 
and one from Waldeck, all soldiers trained in the tactics of the great 

The obloquy which American historians have naturally, perhaps, 
cast upon ''the Hessians," as these Germans auxiliaries were, and still 

'Force 5th Series, 1294. 


are, generically styled, has deceived us much as ^to their real character. 
The men were the same people precisely as the 150,000 Germans whom 
we now find in this city of New York — such orderly, thriving citizens, 
and who have made New York the third or fourth German city, for 
population, in the world. They were drawn, as is our German popula- 
tion now, to use an Americanism, from the " masses " of the fatherland. 

Their officers, however, were of an entirely different class, and one 
of which we have few, or none, here now. They were a// noblemen. 
None but nobles could hold commissions under any German sovereign 
then, any more than they can now. The military services of Germany 
and Austria are the most aristocratic in Europe in 1876, as they were in 
1776. As far as birth was concerned, the Hessian officers as a whole in 
Howe's army were superior to the English officers as a whole. A rich 
middle class Englishman could buy a commission for a son, and it was 
often done, by favor of the Horse Guards, for the express purpose of 
making the youth ''a gentleman." But in the German services such a 
proceeding was not tolerated. The youth must possess the aristocratic 
prefix of " von," or '' de," or he could not aspire to a commission under 
the sign manual of his sovereign, and those sovereigns exceeded twenty 
in number. The Hessian officers in America were polite, courteous, 
well-bred gentlemen, educated soldiers, and in the social circles of the 
time great favorites. As military men they were the best in Europe at 
that period. And of this we can have no stronger proof than the fact 
that to one of these very '' Hessian," or '' German" soldiers did the 
continental army owe all the tactics and discipline it ever possessed — 
Baron de Steuben. 

The victorious guns of Howe had hardly ceased on Chatterton Hill, 
ere he dispatched an order to Lieutenant-General Baron von Knyphau- 
sen, the commander of the Hessians, to move from New Rochelle toward 
Kingsbridge. Leaving the Waldeck regiment as a guard, von Knyp- 
hausen marched Avith the rest of his command the next day, took post at 
Mile square, and on the 2d of November encamped on the New York 
island at Kingsbridge — the Americans retiring to Fort Washington at 
his approach.' 

Why Howe did not attack Washington at White Plains after the 
brigades from Percy joined him, neither he, nor any one else, has ever 
satisfactorily explained. After his return to England, he told the com- 
mittee of Parliament which investigated his conduct that he had in- 
tended an attack on AYashington's right, which was opposite to the 

'Howe's Dispatch, 30th Nov. Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 923. 


Hessians under de Heister, but that he had " political reasons, and no 
other, for declining to explain why that assault was not made.'" 

He retired from White Plains very suddenly in the night of the 5th 
of November, 1776, and his army had been moving some time on the 
road toward Dobb's Ferry before the fact was discovered by the Ameri- 
cans. " The design of this manoeuvre is a matter of much conjecture 
and speculation, and cannot be accounted for with any degree of cer- 
tainty," wrote Washington to Hancock on the 6th, and he called the same 
day a council of war, which unanimously agreed immediately to throw a 
body of troops into Jersey, and station 3,000 men at Peekskill to guard 
the Highlands. This was a perfectly natural conclusion. " Howe has but 
two moves more, in which we shall checkmate him," wrote Charles Lee, 
but without saying what they were.^ 

One was evidently to New Jersey, and the other to Mount Washing- 
ton. Why did Howe choose the latter? That he intended originally 
to throw his army into Jersey from Dobb's Ferry and march for Phila- 
delphia, leaving Washington to follow him as best he might — first, how- 
ever, detaching and leaving behind a sufficient force to hold Westchester, 
and to keep in check, or invest, Mount Washington — is most probable. 
This would explain his order to von Knyphausen on the 28th, and the 
subsequent order of the 3d to Grant, to march the next day, the 4th, with 
the sixth brigade to de Lancey's Mill on the Bronx at West Farms, send 
the fourth brigade to Mile square in the same town, and the Waldeck 
regiment from New Rochelle to a bridge, three miles above de Lancey's 
Mills, on the same stream." 

Washington and his council of war evidently thought he would do so, 
hence their unanimous vote to throw an army into Jersey and to secure 
Peekskill. The record of that council shows that neither '^ Mount Wash- 
ington" nor " Fort Washington" were even mentioned."^ A striking 
fact, when we know from a letter of the Commander-in-Chief himself, 
written the day the council met, that all '' communication with Mount 
Washington has now been cut off for two weeks.'" Reed, on the same 6th 
of November, says : '' Opinions here are various ; some think they are fall- 
ing down on Mount Washington ; others that they mean to take shipping 
up North river and fall upon our rear ; others, and a great majority, think 
that finding our army too strongly posted they have changed their whole 

^Howe's Narrative, p. 7. 

^Letter of Wn». Whipple to John Langdon. Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 555. 

^Howe's Dispatch. 

*Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 543. 

^To Pennsylvania Commissioners, Nov. 6, 1776. Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 546, 


plan, and are bending southward, intending to penetrate the Jerseys, 
and so move on to Philadelphia." 

Howe suddenly and certainly did '* change his whole plan." He 
himself said his reason for not attacking Washington at White Plains 
was a political one, but refused to divulge it. His successes in the cam- 
paign so far had not been decided ones. He had not been able to crush 
the rebellion in a single great battle as he hoped, and he found he must 
ask the Ministry in England for more men and materials. Though they 
were not his political friends, still, they had given him his command, and 
must be placed in a position to do so with ease and honor. And an 
occurrence utterly unexpected had just transpired by which he could 
not only do this, but at the same time win great applause for himself, and 
strike a blow deadly, if not fatal, to the rebellion, and that too with no risk 
of failure and little of loss. 

He had good cause " to change his whole plan," as Reed expressed it. 
And that cause was tJie treason of a coviniissioncd officer of the A nicricaii army. 
Four years before Arnold's attempt to betray West Point, a similar but 
more successful traitor betrayed Mount Washington. On the 2d of 
November, 1776, the Adjutant of Magaw, tJie commandant of the fortress, 
passed, undiscovered, into the British camp of Lord Percy, carrying the 
plants of Fort Washington, and full information as to its works and garrison, 
and placed tJiem in the hands of that officer. 

It was Percy's duty, of course, instantly to send the plans and the 
Adjutant to Sir WiUiam Howe, then at White Plains. As he could only 
do this by way of the East river, or the North river, it probably was the 
evening of the 3d of November before Howe received them, and they 
may possibly not have reached him till the 4th. The British commander 
now saw not only how he could certainly capture Mount Washington, 
but how he could do it without much loss, send the ministry in England 
a glowing account of forts, guns, and men taken, deprive Washington of 
a large force of his best troops, seize the communication between New 
York and Westchester, and destroy that between the eastern and southern 
colonies across the Hudson, on which both had so long relied ; he 
acted accordingly. 

Alexander Graydon, a captain in Cadwallader's regiment, who was 
taken at Mount Washington, says, in his striking '' Memoirs of 
his own Times," given to the world in 1811, "Howe must have had a 
perfect knowledge of the ground we occupied. This he might have 
acquired from hundreds in New York, but he might have been more 
thorojLighly informed of everything desirable to be known from an officer 


of Magaw's Battalion, who was intelligent in points of duty, and deserted 
to the enemy about a week before the assault." The same thing is inti- 
mated in one or two of the German accounts of the capture of Mount 

What these writers thought a possibility, is now an absolute certainty. 
The evidence too, is of the most conclusive character — that of the traitor 
himself — in a letter of his own, over his own signature, stating the treason 
in plain, undeniable terms. 

Sixteen years after the fall of Fort Washington, in order to obtain a 
small amount due him by the British government, he wrote the following 
letter, the contents of which were to be used in obtaing payment of his 
claim from certain British officials in Canada. It is addressed to the 
Rev. Dr Peters, a clergyman of the Church of England, originally of 
Hebron, and the author of the History of Connecticut. In Dr Peters' 
possession, and that of two gentlemen of this city, father and son, the 
elder of whom married a ward of Dr Peters, who resided Avith him, and 
died in his house, both well-known members of the bar, this letter has 
remained until recently placed in the hands of the younger, the author 
of this article. Its authenticity is therefore beyond a cavil. 

It is given, with its errors of grammar and style, precisely as written. 
Rev. Sir : 

Permit me to Trouble you with a Short recital of my Services in America Avhich I Presume 
may be deem'd among the most Singular of any that will go to Upper Canada. On the 2d of Nov'r 
1776 I Sacrificed all I was Worth in the World to the Service of my King & Country and joined 
the then Lord Percy, brought in with me the Plans of Fort Washington, by which Plans that 
Fortress was taken by his Majesty's Troops the 16 instant, Together with 2700 Prisoners and Stores 
& Ammunition to the amount of 1800 Pound. At the same time, I may with Justice affirm, from 
my Knowledge of the Works, I saved the Lives of many of His Majestys Subjects, — these Sir are 
facts well-known to every General Officer which was there — and I may with Truth Declare from 
that time I Studied the Interest of my Country and neglected my own — or in the Language of 
Cardinal Woolsey had I have Served my God as I have done my King he would not Thus have 
Forsaken me. 

The following is a Just Account due me from Government which I have never been able to 
bring forward for want of Sr. William Erskine who once when in Town assured me he'd Look into 
it but have never done it otherways I should not have been in Debt. 

This Sir though it may not be in your Power to Get me may Justifymy being so much in Debt, 
& in Expectation of this Acct being Paid, together with another Dividend, from the Express words 
of the Act where it Says all under Ten Thousand pound Should be Paid without Deduction, I 
having received only ;,^464 which I Justified before the Commissioners : 
Due for Baw, Batt. & Forrage .--.---- £i'io. 7.0 

For Engaging Guides Getting Intelligence, &c. - - - - - - 45- 9-7 

For doing duty as Commissary of Prisoners at Philadelphia Paying Clerks Stationery, &c. 16.13.8 



The last Two Articles was Cash Paid out of my Pocket which was Promised to be Refunded 
by Sirs Wm Howe and Erskine. 

I most Humbly Beg Pardon for the Length of this Letter & Shall Conclude without making 

Some Masonac Remarks as at first Intended, and Remain 

_ , X Rev'd Sir with Dutiful Respect 

London J ^ 

Tany i6th >• Your most obedient and Most Hum'l Serv't. 


P.S. the Inclosed is a true account of my Debts taken from the Different Bills received. 

Such was the treason of WiUiam Demont. Orig-inally entering Ma- 
g-aw's battalion in Philadelphia as an ensign by the appointment of the 
Pennsylvania Council of Safety, he was by the same body appointed its 
Adjutant on the 29th of February, 1776, and went with it to New York 
it the end of June in that year. This position gave him Magaw's confi- 
dence, and when, on Putnam's departure to join Washington's army, 
that officer was left in command of Mount Washington, it also gave him 
the fullest information of the post, and of every thing that was done or 
intended to be done in relation to it. What the two words Baw^ Batt, 
evidently abbreviations in the first line of the account mean is not known ; 
they are given as written. 

Graydon mistakes both the time of his desertion and his name. He 
left a fortnight before the capture, and not a week. He gives the name 
as ^'Dement,'' and so it also appears in the printed proceedings of 
the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, and in the Army Returns. But, 
if this is not a printer's error, he subsequently changed the last vowel, 
for he writes it himself, unmistakably, " Demo?tt.'' Of his subsequent 
career little is known, except that during the British occupation of. Phil- 
adelphia he acted as a Commissary of prisoners. From that time until 
he appears in London in 1792, writing the above letter, nothing has been 
learned of him, nor has it been possible as yet to trace him after that 
date. Nor yet whether he obtained his claim. Probably he could 
exclaim : — 

^ " It-is the curse of treachery like mine 

To be most hated where it most has serv'd." 

Sir William Howe's course shows that he acted on Demont's plans 
and information ; for, reaching Dobb's Ferry on the 6th of September 
with his army, he the next day dispatched his park of artillery to Kings- 
bridge, Avith a strong escort, to join von Knyphausen. And the first 
step after its arrival was to place batteries in position on the Westchester 
side of the Harlem river, to cover selected points of attack on the New 
York side. The next three days were occupied by the necessary prepa^- 
rations for an assault, and in sending a brigade of Hessians to von. 


Knyphausen, whose own headquarters were also on the Westchester 
side of Harlem river. About the 9th or loth of November a deserter 
named Broderick came one cold rainy night over to Captain Graydon's 
while he was on guard at the Point of Rocks, who told him " that we 
might expect to be attacked in six or eight days at furthest, as some time 
had been employed in transporting heavy artillery to the other side of 
the Haerlem, and as the preparations for the assault were nearly com- 
pleted." On the 1 2th Howe's whole army marched to Kingsbridge, and 
encamped the next day on the high ground on the same side of that 
river, with its right on the Bronx and its left on the Hudson. On the 
night of the 14th, undiscovered by either Magaw or Greene, thirty 
boats, chiefly from the transport fleet under Captains Wilkinson and 
Malloy, passed up the North river, and through Spuyten Duyvel to the 
Harlem river. 

Howe had determined on four separate assaults upon Mount Wash- 
ington ; the first and main one by von Knyphausen and the Hessians 
from Kingsbridge, aided by the man-of-war Pearl lying in the North 
river ; the second by boats across the Harlem river with English troops 
upon Laurel Hill ; the third by Scotch troops under Colonel Sterling, 
also by boats across the Harlem river, upon the hill inside the American 
lines of fortification near the Morris House ; and the fourth by Earl 
Percy, with English and a few German troops to march from the lines at 
McGowan's pass upon the American lines to the southward of Mount 
Washington. Batteries on the Harlem river opposite the chosen points 
of attack covered them completely.' 

Such was the British plan of attack. 

What were Greene at Fort Lee, and Magaw at Mount Washington, 
doing all this time ? And what was the action of the Commander-in- 
Chief ? 

Washington on the 5th of November replied through his Secretary, 
Harrison, to Greene's request of the 30th of October above mentioned, 
for his '' mind " as to holding all Fort Washington, '' that the holding or 
not holding the grounds between Kingsbridge and the lower lines de- 
pends upon so many circumstances that it is impossible for him to deter- 
mine the point. He submits it entirely to your discretion and such 
judgment as you shall be able to form from the enemy's movements, and 
the whole complexion of things. He says, you know the original design 
was to garrison the works and preserve the lower lines as long as they 
could be kept, that the communication across the river might be open 

^How.e's first Dispatch, Nov. 30. Force 5th series, vol. iii, pp. 921, 925. 


to US, and the enemy at the same time should be prevented from having 
a passage up and down the river for their ships.'" 

On the 7th Washington writes personally to Greene : '' We conceive 
that Fort Washington will be an object for part of his (Howe's) force, while 
New Jersey may claim the attention of the other part., To guard against 
the evils arising from the first, I must recommend you to pay every at- 
tention in your power, and give every assistance you can, to the garri- 
son opposite. * "" " If you have not sent my boxes, with camp 
tables, and chairs, be so good as to let them remain with you, as I do 
not know but I shall move with the troops designed for the Jerseys, per- 
suaded as I am of their having turned their views that w^ay."' 

Surely this was full authority to Greene to reinforce Mount Washing- 
ton if he saw fit, and as surely Washington did not expect it to be the object 
of Howe's " views." The next day (the 8th) he heard of the passage of 
three British vessels up the North river, and thereby convinced of the 
inefficiency of the obstructions therein, wrote Greene : " What valu- 
able purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post from which the ex- 
pected benefit cannot be had ? I am, therefore, inclined to think it will 
not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Mount Washington, but 
as you are on the spot leave it to you to give such orders as to evacu- 
ating Mount Washington as you judge best, and so far revoking the 
order given to Colonel Magaw to defend it to the last.'" 

This, though a strong opinion, still left it to Greene's judgment, and 
the latter replies on the 9th, after visiting the post the evening before : 
" Upon the whole I cannot help thinking the garrison is an advantage ; 
and I cannot conceive the garrison to be in any great danger. The men 
can be brought off at any time, but the stores may not so easily be re- 
moved, yet I think they can be got off in spite of them, if matters grow 
desperate. This post is of no consequence only in conjunction with 
Mount Washington. I was over there last evening ; the enemy seem to 
be disposing matters to besiege the place ; but Colonel Magaw thinks it 
will take them till December expires before they can carry it."' 

Two letters passed from Greene to Washington — the one on the loth 
and the other on the nth, and the only reference to Mount AVashington 
in either is the closing line of the latter, '' the enemy remains quiet there 
this afternoon.'"" 

'Harrison's Letter. Force 5th series, vol. iii. p. 519. 
''Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 557. 
^Ibid. p. 602. 
^Ibid. p. 619. 
*Ibid. p. 638. 


"Washington wrote no other letter to Greene after that of the 8th. On 
the loth he left White Plains, where he had been all the time, at 1 1 A. M., 
and rode to Peekskill. The nth he spent in an reconnoissance of the 
Highlands, and on the 12th. after writing t\A'o letters,' crossed the North 
river to the ferry landing below Stoney Point on his way to the arm}- in 
Jerse}-. The same day Greene wrote President Hancock ; " I expect 
General Howe will attempt to possess himself of Mount Washington, 
but very much doubt whether he will succeed in the attempt. Our 
troops are much fatigued with the amazing duty, but are generally in 
good spirits."" 

As Washington crossed the Hudson he saw the three British men of 
vrar, which had come up oh the 7th, quietly riding at anchor in the 
Tappan Sea. The obstructions and chevajix-dc-frise from which so 
much had been expected had been passed with e'ase. They were absolute 
failures. The British ships neither went over them nor through them, 
but around them, close in, on either the eastern or western shore, one 
of the largest vessels, which it was proposed to sink, in consequence of a 
blunder bilged and went down far from her destined position, and part 
of the cJievaux-dc-frisc found after the capture, having apparently never 
been used.^ 

On the 14th November Washington Avrote a long letter to the 
President of Congress, dated at " General Greene's Head-quarters," 
beginning, *' I have the honor to inform you of my arrival here yester- 
day." in which he discussed at length various subjects of public concern, 
but remarked casually on the movements of the enemy that, '' it seems to 
be generally believed on all hands that the investing of Fort Washington 
is one object they have in view," and closed with the words, " I propose 
to sta}' in this neighborhood a few days, in which time I expect the 
designs of the enemy will become disclosed, and their incursions be 
made in this quarter, or their investiture of Fort Washington, if they are 

This shows clearly that both Washington and Greene were in doubt 
on the 14th, the day before Mount Washington was summoned to surren- 
der, whether it was to be attacked or not. 

On the 15th, the day of the summons, Washington wrote two letters 
to the Board of War, one dated. '' General Greene's Quarters," on an 

'One to General Lee, and the other — a very full one — of instructions to General Heath, 
Mount Washington is mentioned in neither. Ibid. 656, 657. 

^Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 653. 

^British return of ordnance and stores taken from 12th of October to 2oth of November, 17/6. 
Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 1058-9. 


exchange of ladies, and the other dated '' Hackensaek," on an exchange 
of prisoners with the enemy, but alludes in neither to Mount Washing- 

The arrival undiscovered, of his boats after midnight of the 14th, 
completed Howe's preparations, but the next day proving unfavorable, he 
postponed the attack to the i6th. A short time after noon on the 15th, 
a mounted officer, with two or three companions under a white fiag, 
crossed Kingsbridge, and slowly ascended the heights towards Fort 
Washington. The American commander sent down to meet him Colonel 
Swoope of Pennsylvania. The officer proved to be Lieutenant-Colonel 
Patterson, the x\djutant-General of the British Army, who bore a sum- 
mons to Colonel Magaw to surrender at discretion or suffer the conse- 
quences of a storm, which by military law is liability to be put to the 
sword if taken, and he required an answer in two hours. 

Magaw at once dispatched a note with the intelligence to Greene at 
Fort Lee, saying to him at the same time, " we are determined to defend 
the post or die." He then replied to the summons this brave answer, 
addressed " To the Adjutant General of the British Army. — Sir, If I 
rightly understand the purport of your message from General Howe, 
commvmicated to Colonel Swoope, this post is to be immediately surren- 
dered, or the garrison put to the sword. I rather think it is a mistake 
than a settled resolution in General How^e, to act a part so unworthy of 
himself and the British Nation. But give me leave to assure his excel- 
lency that actuated by the most glorious cause that mankind ever fought 
in, I am determined to defend this post to the very last extremity." 

Rob't Magaw, Colonel Connnandiug. 

On receiving this note, Greene instantly ordered Heard's brigade 
" to hasten on," directed Magaw to defend to the last, and then in a let- 
ter dated '' Fort Lee, 4 o'clock," sent enclosed Magaw's dispatch an- 
nouncing Howe's summons to Washington, who was at Hackensaek, ar- 
ranging for the reception of the American Army then crossing into New 
Jersey. In his communication Greene said, " the contents will require 
your Excellency's attention."^ Washington immediately started for Fort 
Lee ; arrived there he found that Greene was on the New York side, and 
himself embarked to cross the river to the fort about 9 o'clock at night, 
'■'■ and [in his own words,] had partly crossed the North River, when I 
met General Putnam and General Greene, who were just returning from 

'Force 5th series, vol. iii, p. 699. 
■■'Ibid. 699, 700. 


thence, and informed me that the troops were in high spirits and would 
make a good defence ; and it being late at night I returned." 

The morning of the i6th November, 1776, broke bright and fair. The 
mists in the deep valley of the Harlem had not yet risen when Lieuten- 
ant-General von Knyphausen, at the head of his Germans, marched 
from their camp on its Westchester side across Kingsbridge, and joined 
a small body of the same troops that had lain upon the island. 

He had made a special request of Sir William Howe that the main 
attack might be made by himself at the head of German regiments only, 
and it had been granted. Forming his troops, consisting of detachments 
from his own corps, von Rahl's brigade and the Waldeck regiment, 3,000 
in all, according to Graydon, into two columns, the right nearest the Hud- 
son under Colonel von Rahl, and the left under Major-General von Schmid, 
the whole commanded by himself, he pressed forward about seven o'clock 
supported by a terrific cannonade from ail the British batteries, intend- 
ed to confuse the Americans as to the real point of the main attack. But 
receiving word from Howe that all was not quite ready, he rested quietly 
till the final arrangements for the other assaults were made. The sun 
had risen well above the Westchester hills on the eastern edge of the 
valley, when a gun from the British battery farthest down the Harlem 
suddenly threw a shot into the American lines south of Fort Washing- 
ton. Then pushing forward a battery of Hessian field-guns far enough 
to engage the American batteries on the hill above what is now called 
Inwood, he put his columns in motion, each preceded by an advance guard 
of about 100 men. Von Rahl on the right, passing through the break in 
the hills forming the present entrance to Inwood, close along the Hudson 
river, pressed through the Avoods up the northern end of the long hill 
on which Fort Washington stood, supported by the guns of the Pearl 
frigate, which lay opposite the break, and fiercely attacked the Ameri- 
can battery and redoubt on its crest, defended by Colonel Rawling's 
regiment of Marjdand riflemen, under himself and Major Otho Williams, 
and some Pennsylvania troops. The pass was steep, narrow, covered 
with woods, and well defended. The greatest gallantry was shown on 
both sides. Again and again the Germans attacked, and again and again 
were repelled. Fighting behind intrenchments, the Americans had the 
advantage of position ; the Germans that of numbers. Many were killed 
on both sides, but far more of the latter than the former. 

The American guns, only three in number, served rapidly and Avell, 
did great execution. But courage and numbers finally prevailed over 
courage and intrenchments, and the Germans, with a shout, at last car- 


ried the crest ol the hill, and drove the Americans, whose rifles at the 
last had become almost too foul for use, from their works. 

Von Schmid's column, with which von Knyphausen himself was, 
took a more easterly route, and attacked the same position a little nearer 
the Kingsbridge road, but having to penetrate a triple abatis of felled 
trees, and to go through a thick undergrowth covering the declivity, they 
were somewhat delayed ; but forcing their way through, von Knyphau- 
sen in person leading and helping to break down the obstructions with 
his own hands, the two German columns united upon the summit of the 
hill, and completed the discomfiture of the Americans, who retreated 
along its flat top to the fort. 

Just as the Germans became fully engaged the English regiments of 
light infantry and guards, four in number, under Brigadier-General 
Mathews, supported by the First and Second Grenadiers and the Thir- 
ty-third foot, under Cornwallis, in thirty boats, under cover of a tre- 
mendous fire from the British batteries on its Westchester side, crossed 
Harlem river to Sherman's Creek. Though met with a sharp fire, they 
instantly ascended the face of Laurel Hill, high wooded and precipitous, 
the fallen leaves, yet moist with the rain of the preceding day, render- 
ing the footing still more difficult, and drove from the battery on its brow 
and* its summit the Pennsylvania troops (the last reinforcements sent 
over from Fort Lee) whom Magaw had detailed to defend it. Though 
defeated and forced to retreat, they made a brave defense. Colonel 
Baxter (their commander) being killed, sword in hand, at the head of his 
men. About eight o'clock Earl Percy with two brigades, one English 
and the other Hessian under von Stein, began the attack upon the 
lines to the south of Mount Washington. With this corps was Sir 
William Howe himself, who animated the troops by his presence and 
personal bravery. The American lines were defended by Colonel Lam- 
bert Cadwallader at the head of his own, and Magaw's Pennsylvania 
battalions and some broken companies from Miles' and other regiments, 
chiefly from Pennsylvania. Driving them from a small outwork and the 
first fortified line across the island, Percy rested, extending his line how- 
ever to the North river. 

As soon as he obtained this advantage orders were sent to Colonel 
Stirling (whose attack, originally intended as a feint, was now changed 
into reality), on the Harlem river, who with the Highlanders, sup- 
ported by two battalions of the Second Brigade, instantl}' crossed 
the river in boats and landed at the foot of the hill, near the Morris 
House, inside of the American lines. Magaw, who had remained at the 


centre of the position with a few men, in order to direct all the opera- 
tions, at once sent about a hundred men to oppose them, and Cadwall- 
ader also dispatched about one hundred and fifty for the same purpose. 
They poured a heavy fire into Stirling's boats as they reached the shore, 
killing and wounding many men, but failed to stop his landing, as 
they were only aided by a single eighteen pound gun. Leaving behind 
their Major, named Murray, a man so fat he could not keep pace with 
them, the Highlanders, in kilt and tartan, rushed up the ascent with 
such speed and dash that they actually made prisoners of about a hun- 
dred and seventy of the Americans. Hearing his calls, some of his 
men then went back and helped their stout Major to the top of the hill. 

When Stirling's fire was heard, Percy again quickly advanced, 
and Cadwallader, after a short and brisk contest at the second line, find- 
ing himself in danger of being cut off by the Highlanders, retreated 
to the Fort, into which the flying Americans had crowded in disor- 
der as they were driven from their respective lines of defence. 

Knyphausen's columns having neared the fort first, and taken a 
commanding position within a hundred yards of its west side, he sent a 
second summons to surrender, which was received by Cadwallader and 
referred to Magaw. 

The fort itself does not seem to have fired at all. It was in fact so 
crowded by the fugitive Americans that they would have been slaught- 
ered in masses had it been defended and stormed. When they first be- 
gan to crowd in Magaw endeavored to animate them, urging them again 
to man the lines, but in vain. They could not again be rallied. 

When Washington from Fort Lee saw the success of the German at- 
tack, he sent Captain Gooch over the river with a note to Colonel Magaw 
to try and hold out till night, when he would endeavor to relieve him 
and bring off the garrison. Gooch rowed across, delivered the note, 
and returned in safety with the answer. But his mission was too late. 
Magaw had proceeded so far in his negotiations for a surrender that he 
could not withdraw. After much parley, he signed articles of capitu- 
lation with General von Knyphausen and Colonel Patterson, the British 
Adjutant General, by which safety of persons and baggage was guar- 
anteed, and the fort then surrendered to the British, who subsequently, 
in honor of the gallantry of the Germans and their commander, changed 
its name to Fort Knyphausen. 

Demont's treason had done its work, and the flag of England again 
waved over the entire island of New York. Twenty-eight hundred and 
eighteen prisoners, including officers, forty-three guns, aud a large quan- 


tity of military stores, including- '' 200 iron fraise of four hundred 
weight each, supposed to be intended to stop the navigation of Hud- 
son's River," fell into the hands of the victors, besides 2,800 muskets, 
400,000 cartridges, 15 barrels of powder, and several thousand shot 
and shell. The loss of the Americans was four officers killed and three 
wounded, and fifty privates killed and ninety wounded, a total of one hun- 
dred and forty-seven. The British loss was seventy-eight killed and three 
hundred and eighty wounded, a total of four hundred and fifty-eight; 
of which that of the Hessians alone was fifty-eight killed and two hundred 
and seventy-two ^ wounded, including officers, being in all three hun- 
dred and thirty. The British forces engaged were, according to Gray- 
don, three thousand under von Knyphausen, eight hundred under Stir- 
ling, and sixteen hundred under Percy. Mathews' numbers he does not 
give, but as there were seven regiments, of only about five hundred 
effective men each, they may be set down as thirty-five hundred, 
making a total force of eighty-nine hundred. Sir William Howe's 
dispatch gives merely the names of the regiments engaged, not 
their numbers. 

In the defense of Mount Washington Magaw seems to have disposed 
of his men to the best advantage, considering its great extent and his 
numbers, especially as he had to make his full dispositions after the Brit- 
ish plan had developed itself ; and he did his duty faithfully. 

Washington's private judgment was opposed to holding the post 
after the retreat from New York, but he was governed by the wishes 
of Congress and the decisions of his Council of War. When the British 
ships last passed up the river in spite of the obstructions, he strongly 
advised, and also authorized, Generals Greene and Magaw to abandon 
the post, but did not command it to be done. He was present, too, at 
Gireene's quarters at Fort Lee and at Hackensack from the 13th, when he 
found his advice had not been followed, to the i6th, and this 
time could easily have ordered the post abandoned and the garrison 
withdrawn, if he had seen fit. On the other hand. General Greene was 
for holding the fortress throughout from the very first. After the last 
passage of the frigates he was left to use his own discretion whether to 
abandon it or not by the Commander-in-Chief, and he exercised that 
discretion by holding it, as he had a perfect right to do. Neither Gen- 
eral should be censured at the expense of the other — each did what he 
thought was for the best under the circumstances, and neither dreamt 

' Force iii, 925, British returns of ordnance and stores taken. Ibid., 105S, Howe's dispatch. 


that he had treason to contend against. The loss of Fort Washington 
was due to the first traitor of the American Army, WiUiam Demont. 

There were instances on both sides in this action of humor and gaity, 
as well as of intrepidity and valor, in the midst of danger. One instance 
of the latter must be mentioned, which has rarely been equalled or sur- 
passed. In one of the Pennsylvania regiments was a soldier named Corbin, 
who was accompanied by his wife. His post was at one of the guns in 
the battery on the hill attacked by the Hessians, where the battle raged 
hardest, hottest, and longest ; for it was between two and three hours be- 
fore the Germans succeeded in carrying that position. In the midst of 
the fight Corbin, struck by a ball, fell dead at his wife's feet as she was 
aiding him in his duties. Instantly, without a word, she stepped into 
his place and worked the gun with redoubled skill and vigor, fighting 
bravely till she sank to the earth, pierced by three grapeshot in the 
shoulder. Though terribly wounded, she .finally recovered, but was dis- 
abled for life. A soldier's half-pay and the value of a soldier's suit of 
clothes, annually voted her by the Continental Congress while John Jay 
presided, was all the reward that the first Avoman who fought for 
American liberty ever received for such heroic love, courage, and 

Thirty-two years afterward Spain's glowing, dark-eyed daughter, 
erect in the deadly breach, fiercely defending her native city against 
the French invader, and hurling vengeance on the slayers of her lover 
dead at her feet, burst upon the world never to be forgotten. The deed 
of Augustina of Aragon, the Maid of Zaragoza, was not nobler, truer, 
braver than that of Margaret Corbin of Pennsylvania. Byron's im- 
mortal lines are as true of the one as of the other : 

" Her lover sinks, — she sheds no ill timed tear, 
Her chief is slain, — she fills his fatal post; 
• The foe retires, — she heads the sallying host: 

Who can appease, like her, a lover's ghost ? 


Note. — This account is an extended statement of one of Mr. E. F. DeLancey's editorial 
notes in the first volume of the History of New York during the American Revolution, written at 
its close by the Hon. Thomas Jones, of Queens county, Long Island (giving a Loyalist account of 
the war), now in press, and soon to be issued by the New York Historical Society. 


The first Huguenot pastor of New York brought a distinguished 
name to grace our annals. Jean Daille, author of the Apology for the 
Reformed Churches (born January 6th, 1594; died April 15th, 1670;) 
was one of the most erudite scholars and theologians of his day. For 
more than forty years minister of the Protestant congregation of Char- 
enton, near Paris, he exercised a vast influence as preacher, contro- 
versialist, and leader in ecclesiastical affairs. He left one son, who died 
in 1690, without male issue. 

This honored name Avas a recommendation in itself ; and it may have 
been as a kinsman of the great Daille that our refugee was introduced to 
his cotemporaries in the New World, and enjoyed their marked consid- 
eration. But precisely how Pierre and his brother Paul stood related 
to their famous namesake has not yet been ascertained. It is thought 
that they may have belonged to a branch of the same family, seated at 
Chatellerault, in Poitou. That city, one of the strongholds of Protest- 
anism in France, was the birth-place of Jean Daille, and there one of 
his brothers lived, and left descendants. It is noticeable that several of 
our refugees were from Chatellerault. Louis Carre, principal among 
them, Avas related by marriage to the Dallie family. His coming to 
New York in 1688 may have been determined by the fact that Pierre 
was already settled here as pastor of the French church. 

As early as the year 1652 the French refugees in and about New Am- 
sterdam had become so numerous that the Consistory of the Reformed 
Dutch Church found it expedient to make special provision for their re- 
ligious wants. Samuel Drisius was called from the charge of the Dutch 
congregation in London to assist Domine Megapolensis, and to min- 
ister to the French as well as to the English. Drisius preached for a 
while to the Huguenots and Vaudois settlers on Staten Island. His 
monthly visits to them, however, were probably discontinued after the 
first few years, owing to his protracted ill-health. 

In 1682 Domine Henricus Selyns came from Holland to take sole 
charge of the Dutch Reformed Church of New York. AVith him, or 
soon after him, Pierre Daille arrived here. An eminent authority states 
that he was engaged by the Consistory of that Church to come and 
preach to the French. This is altogether probable, as we find him at 


once associated with Selyns and occupying his pulpit. The fact also 
that his brother Paul was residing, some years later, in Holland, leads 
us to think that the Consistory's call may have found him there. The 
first mention of him that we find occurs in a letter addressed by Selyns 
to Increase Mather and other ministers of Boston. He writes from 
New York, May 8-18, 1683 : 

" I am alone, and alone am ministering in sacred things to this and 
circumjacent churches ; " ^ ''^ except the reverend Domine Peter 
Daille, who forsook France on account of persecution, and who preaches 
(to the French), and Domine Peter Van Zuuren, who proclaims the ora- 
cles of God in certain country places. These are men of pure life and 
faith. ■^" ^ '" We each, as long as we may, contend for true piety 
and religion, and whilst, alas ! the world rages, and assaults the Church, 
pray that God may preserve it, and restrain those who would disturb its 

To Setyns we are indebted also for another and more particular no- 
tice of the Huguenot pastor, contained in a letter written October 21-31, 
in the same year, to the Classis of Amsterdam : 

'' Domine Peter Daille, late professor at Salmurs, has become my col- 
league. He is full of fire, godliness and learning. Banished on account 
of his religion, he maintains the cause of Jesus Christ with untiring zeal. 

The academy of Saumur, the most celebrated of the four great Pro- 
testant schools of France, was still in existence. But its downfall, Avhich 
occurred two years later, was already foreshadowed by the fate of its 
sister academy of Sedan, destroyed by order of Louis XIV. in 1681.. 
Saumur had been for eighty years '' a torch that illuminated all Europe." 
Its course of instruction was very complete. There were two professors 
of theology, two of philosophy, a professor of Hebrew, and one of 
Greek, and a principal having the oversight of all. We do not know 
which of these chairs Daille occupied ; but as Saumur was noted for the 
care taken to admit to its corps of instructors none but men of tried 
and recognized capacity, the fact of his connection with this academy 
seems to bear out the statement of Selyns as to his learning. 

Daille was now not far from thirty-five years of age. His first wife, 
Esther Latonice, was probably living at this time. A few months after 
his arrival in New York we find him interested in the purchase of a 
plot of ground, perhaps the site of the '' French minister's house " men- 
tioned in the following summer. This plot of ground was situated '^ on 
the west side of the Broadway or street in the passage or lane that goes 
to the Halfe Moone." As Daille was an ahen, the purchase was made 



for him b}^ one Isaac Deschamps, '' likewise known by the name of wSa- 
viat Broussard," who had long been a resident of the city. 

Two congregations were already w^orshipping harmoniously in the 
Dutch church within the fort. The larger one was of course the Dutch 
Reformed congregation, numbering over three hundred communicants. 
Since the cession of the province to England in 1664, Anglican services 
had been conducted in the same building by the chaplain of the British 
forces. Between Domine Selyns and this chaplain, the Rev. John Gor- 
don, very friendly relations seem to have subsisted. With their accus- 
tomed liberality, the Dutch Consistory now admitted a third congrega- 
tion to worship in this sanctuary. The flock gathered by Daille was the 
smallest of the three in point of numbers ; but from the outset it com- 
prised some of the leading families of the city ; Paul Richard, Gabriel 
Minvielle, Nicholas Du Puis, Samuel Du Fuert, who had been members 
of the Dutch congregation, w^ere regularly dismissed to join the new 
" French church ; " while undoubtedly the Bayards, the Montagues, the 
D'Honneurs, Francois Rombouts, and others, who remained in the 
church of their adoption, w^ere frequently to be found among their Hu- 
guenot countrymen, listening to the impassioned oratory of the new 
preacher. Upon the return of Andros as Governor to New York, " un- 
derstanding and speaking both Low Dutch and French," he attended 
the ministrations both of Selyns and Daille. The French service was 
held during the intermission between the morning and afternoon ser- 
vices of the Dutch Church. 

Daille's parish was by no means limited b}' the bounds of the little 
town which lay at the southern end of the island of ^lanhattan. From 
Staten Island, from Bushwick, from Hackensack. from Harlem, the scat- 
tered families of Huguenots came to w^orship with their brethren in the 
city, and especially to be present on occasions of marked solemnity. 
Twice every year also Daille took his journey up the Hudson river and 
the valley of the Wallkill to the Huguenot village of New Paltz, there 
to meet the Du Bois, the Hasbroucqs, the Beviers, the Doyans, the 
Freres, and Guimars, who had founded that distant settlement. In fact, 
almost the earliest trace of his ministry in America is to be seen upon 
the records of the ancient Reformed church of New Paltz, where it is 
related that on "the twenty-second of June, 1683, ^lonsieur Pierre Daille, 
minister of the word of God, arrived in the New^ Palatinate, and 
preached twice on the following Sunday, and proposed to the heads of 
families that they should choose by plurality of votes an elder and a 
deacon, to assist the minister in the conduct of the church." 


The brief notices of Daille which have heretofore appeared (Doc. 
Hist, of N. Y., iii. 1 167 ; Col. Hist, of N. Y., iii., 651, note) refer to some 
differences with his congregation, leading to his removal from New 
York to Boston. As to the nature of these differences nothing has been 
known. We have been curious to inquire into them, and are now able 
to present the principal facts relating to this subject. 

Daille had been preaching for two or three years in New York, when 
one Laurent Vandenbosch, a Huguenot clergyman, made his appearance. 
He came from Boston, where in 1685 he was officiating as pastor of a 
small band of French refugees already gathered there. The magis- 
trates and ministers of Boston seem to have found him a troublesome 
character. The burthen of his offense was that he demeaned himself 
haughtily toward his brethren ; that he joined several persons in marriage 
without the usual publication of banns ; and that when rebuked and 
threatened with imprisonment, he repeated this irregularity. Com- 
pelled to leave Boston, he came to New York ; those who had watched 
his erratic course prophesying that he would be a cause of schism among 
the French here. So it proved ; for, beginning with an act of inter- 
ference with the Consistory of Daille's congregation, Vandenbosch 
ended by drawing off a large portion of the flock, and organizing a sep- 
arate church, of which he became the pastor, on Staten Island. '' Con- 
trary to pledges given," writes Daille, '' and to all that is honorable and 
just, he has snatched away to himself two-thirds of the membership of 
our church residing in the country ; so that our church which, before 
the coming of Vandenbosch, was closely joined together, and, so to 
speak, one heart and one soul, is now rent asunder." 

The division seems to have lasted some years ; though Vanden- 
bosch's career on Staten Island soon came to an end. In 1687 he re- 
moved to Kingston ; two years later he was suspended by Selyns and 
other ministers, and went to Maryland. The close of the separation 
seems to be indicated by Domine Selyns in 1692, when he reports to the 
Classis of Amsterdam that '' the two French churches have been united." 
There can be no reason to doubt that this statement refers to the city 
and country congregations, temporarily estranged from each other 
through the intrigues of Vandenbosch. Nothing indicates that any 
rupture occurred in the city congregation duri.ig Daille's ministry, or 
that his relations to it ceased to be friendly previous to his removal to 
Boston. That removal, as Ave shall see, was due to other causes. 

Pending this rural secession, the city church had grown to import- 
ance. Two considerable bodies of refugees had come to swell its num- 


bers. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes on the twenty-second day 
of October, 1685, not only drove from France many thousand who had 
remained in the kingdom notwithstanding the severities which preceded 
that measure ; but its effects were speedily felt in the French possessions 
in the West Indies, where hundreds of Huguenot families were settled. 
In 1687 several of these families arrived in New York. The names of 
Pintard, Le Roux, Robers, Bouteiller, L'Hommedieu, belong to this 
emigration. In the following year Louis Carre and others arrived 
from England, where they had first taken refuge, and where most of 
them had become naturalized as British subjects. With these additions 
the French Church of New York received new life" and strength, and 
took the rank which it long held as a highly respectable corporation. 

Near the close of the year 1687, Pierre Peiret, a Huguenot pastor, 
arrived from London and became associated with Daille as his colleague ; 
Peiret, who was the senior, officiating chiefly in the city, while Daille 
continued to look after the members of the flock who lived at a distance. 
His half-yearly visits to New Paltz are still recorded ; the last of them 
appears to have been made in April, 1694. 

Meanwhile the refugees had left the Dutch church in the fort, and had 
built themselves a " temple " near by, in Marketfield street or Petticoat 
lane. New York has scarcely another street that retains so much of a 
quaint, antique character, as this short and narrow passage leading from 
Whitehall to Broad street. With no great effort of imagination we 
picture to ourselves the train of v/orshippers flocking to their sanctuary, 
Bible or Psalter in hand. In their own distant country not a solitary 
house remained where they and their fathers had sung and prayed. 
At Chatelleraut, the home of Carre and perhaps of Daille also, the order 
w^as given to the Protestants, on the 15th of May, 1685, to demolish their 
church within a fortnight from that day. Of a hundred and sixty fami- 
liec professing the Reformed faith, among the wealthiest and most 
industrious of the town, only four person remained, by the beginning of 
the following February, who adhered to that faith. The rest had fled 
from the kingdom, were lying in prison, or had been enrolled among 
the " converts " of the dragonnade. 

The church in Marketfield street was occupied by the autumn of the 
year 1688. It stood on the south side of the street, about half way 
between Whitehall and Broad streets, upon a lot twenty-eight feet wide, 
and not quite fifty feet deep. A " common alley " over three feet in 
width on the west side was taken from the lot. The capacity of this 
modest building was increased four or five years later by the addition 


of a gallery. In this church Daille officiated occasionally in the Sabbath 
services, and at the Wednesday morning lecture. And here Peiret 
continued to preach until his death, which occurred in 1704, before the 
occupation of the new church in Pine street. 

Daille appears in a very favorable light in connection with the trou- 
bles attending Leisler's administration. Disapproving of the violent 
measures taken to support his usurpation, he " went to the Commander 
and exhorted him to meekness ; " but both he and his colleague, Peiret, 
were roundly abused by the dictator, and were even threatened with im- 
prisonment. Notwithstanding this, upon Leisler's downfall, the Hugue- 
not pastor was active in the endeavor to prevent his execution. " If our 
three ministers," wrote certain members of the Dutch church in New 
York to the Classis of Amsterdam, " had done the same as Domine 
Daille did, ^ * * who does not see that this murder could have been 
prevented ? " For " when he was in prison, and condemned to die, he 
did all his devoir to dissuade Governor Slaughter from the execution, 
urging him not to let Leisler die." More than that, Daille used his in- 
fluence with the French in New Rochelle and on Staten Island to unite 
with him in petitioning the government on Leisler's behalf. For this he 
was cited before the Assembly, and narrowly escaped the punishment 
visited upon some others, Avho were imprisoned by order of the 
Council as promoters of disturbance. 

Daille's ministry in New York closed in 1696, when he was called to 
the French church in Boston. He appears to have returned to this city 
the next year, to take to himself a second wife. The marriage license of 
Peter Daille, minister, and Seytie Duyshensh (?) is dated August thir- 
teenth, 1697. He came to New York again in 171 2, when, on the twen- 
ty-eighth of December, *' after 'the morning sermon, Monsieur Pierre 
Daille baptized Louis Rou, son of (pastor) Louis Rou and Marie Le 
Bcyteulx, his wife." The sponsers were Louis Carre and Marie Fleu- 
riau, two of the exiles from Poitou who had followed the Huguenot 
pastor — as we conjecture — to these shores. 

His removal to Boston seems to have been due to the fact that the 
" country congregations " near New York no longer needed his services. 
Staten Island was now supplied with a pastor, De Bon Repos, who also 
succeeded Daill6 in the charge of the church at New Paltz. 

Released from these duties, he went to the scene of his last useful la- 
bors, where on the twenty-first of May, 171 5, the faithful servant of God 
ceased from his self-denying work. 

Daill6 had lived to enter upon his sixty-seventh year. His third wife 


(Martha) survived him. In his will no mention is made of children by 
this marriage, or by either of the preceding ones. He leaves the resi- 
due of his estate, after certain bequests, to his '' loving brother Paul 
Daille in Holland, and to his heirs and assigns forever." In the original 
document a blank space left after this brother's name is filled by a differ- 
ent hand with the words '' Vaugclade^ iicar AmsfortT Hoevelaken, a vil- 
lage four miles to the northeast from Amersfoort, is perhaps the place 

All the facts that have come down to us regarding this Huguenot 
pastor go to prove that he was a worthy representative of the race and 
order to which he belonged, and that he was honored with the esteem and 
confidence of good men in his day. The Boston News-Letter, announc- 
ing his death states, with more than usual discrimination, the virtues 
that endeared him to his countrymen, and to the community in which he 
lived so long : — 

*' Boston, May 23, 171 5. — On Monday morning last, the 20th current, 
Dyed here the Reverend Mr Peter DailU^ Pastor of the French Con- 
gregation, aged about 66 years. He was a Person of great Piety, 
Charity, affable and courteous Behaviour, and of an exemplary Life and 
Conversation, much Lamented, especially by his Flock." 





AUGUST 8 1775 TO MARCH 30 I 7 76 

From the original in the Collection of the 
New York Historical Society 

August ye ^th, 1775. — Sailed from New 
York with 4 Companies of the first Regi- 
men: of New York Forces under my 

August ye 10th. — At 3 A. M. arrived 
& disembarked the Troops in Albany ; 
rt 9 of the Clock A. M. eodem Die 
marched to the half moon & encamped 
— The March was a good Seasoning to 
our young Soldiers, from the excessive 
Rain, & the gentel Wading thro' the 
Sprouts — this was no unpleasing Sight. 
The Men in good Health & of good Ap- 

August ye 15///. — Struck our Tents & 
marched to Stil water. 

August ye I'jth. — To Saratoga. 

August ye 19///. — To Fort Edward — 
having been detained in an extraordinary 
Manner from the Want of Waggons, owing 
to the Mismanagement of the Commissary 
General W. L. Esqre. 

August ye 20th. — To Skeensborough 
without our Tents. — these & the Baggage 
being sent under an escort to Fort George 
in order to be sent to Ticonderoga — our 
Rout this way being caused by the want 
of boats at Lake George. 

August ye 21st. — Embarked at South 
Ray & arrived safe in the Evening at 
Ticonderoga — here everything bore an 
unmilitary Appearance — the Fortifications 
in Ruins & not repairing— the N. E. sol- 
diers without order or discipline — Milites 
Rustici indeed ! 

August ye 28///. — At 6 P. AL my 4 Com- 
panies, Waterbury's Regiment & Mott's 
Artillery Company, under the Command 
of Brigadier General Montgomery em- 
barked for Crown Point — About 10 at 
night obliged to disembark, occasioned 
by the Darkness of the Night & the hard 
Rain — laid in the woods all night with- 
out our Tents. 

August ye 2()th. — At Crown Point — here 
also every Thing in Ruins & Confusion 
abounding — A bad omen to our future 
Operations — The Intent of our Embarka- 
tion is for the Isle au Noix, in order to 
intrench there & make some Redoubts 
to prevent the Vessels belonging to the 
Garrison of Fort St Johns, which we 
were informed Avere nearly finished, from 
entering the Lake. 

August ye T,ist. — High & contrary 
Winds detained us here 'till this Morn- 
ing, when we embarked for our intended 
Station & encamped in the Evening in 
Willsborough Bay on the Lake abt 30 
Miles from the Point. 

September ye 1st. — At grand Isle about 
T^T^ Miles from Willsborough Bay — en- 
camped there in a Cove — At Night an 
Express from General Schuyler, with 
orders to go to the Isle du Motte, & 
abide his coming there. 

September ye 2d. — At Isle du Motte 
& encamped there near a fine sandy 
Beach proper for Batteaus in Case of a 
Storm — very few Settlements along either 
Shore of the Lake ; the Country here- 
abouts very low & marshy — At night 
another Express from General Schuyler, 
that he was extremely ill &:c — There Mr. 
Gillilan ])aid us a Visit — Various Reports 
abt the Part the Indians in general intend 
takiuLT — Several of the St Francis Indians 



in our Camp, who appear to be friendly 
— So Success attends us no Doubt of 
their continuing so. 

September ye ^th. — Early this Morning 
we were joined by (General Schuyler and 
his Suit. Major Zedwitz of our Regi- 
ment with Mott's Company joined us 
this Day. — 5 Companies of our Regiment 
now with us — About Noon the whole 
Army embarked, a previous Disposition 
of the Batteaus, for an orderly Afarch 
being first made — This Day's March was 
extreamly regular & in the Evening the 
Boats being formed into one Line landed 
in a regular Manner without any opposi- 
tion on the Isle au Noix. 

September ye 6th. — The General order- 
ed the whole army without one Piece of 
Artillery, save two twelve Pounders in the 
Bows of the Gondolais, to embark for St 
Johns. — About 3 of the Clock P. M. we 
landed within a mile & an half of St Johns 
Fort under the Command of General 
Montgomery, General Schuyler being un- 
well remained with a Guard in his Bat- 
teau — coming down the River several shot 
were fired at us from the Fort without 
doing us any Hurt. — Having marched 
about a quarter of a mile thro' the woods 
and Marshes we were attacked by a large 
Body of Indians & Regulars in Ambush, 
who killed 9 of our men & wounded as 
many more. After firing about 15 Min- 
utes the Indians &c. returnd into the 
F'ort. We killed 7 Indians & wounded 
15 — Capt Tice who was out with the 
Indians was wounded in the Thigh. — On 
our Side Major Hobby & Capt Mead of 
the officers were wounded — Tho' much 
exposed escaped — In the Evening sevweral 
Shells thrown at us from the Fort, which 
induced the general to order the Men to 

reimbark (tho' they had built a ])retty 
good Breast work) & go a mile & an 
half higher up the River to be free from 
the Shells &c. — here the Men aaain 
disembarked »1' made another Breast 

September ye itJi. — The General or- 
dered the Army to embark which they did 
unmolested & to proceed to the Isle au 
Noix. — This day it was given out in 
Orders that the Intent of our Embarka- 
tion was to apprize the Canadians of 
our being come to their assistance — pent 

September ye loth. — Went from Isle au 
Noix with General Montgomery Avith 800 
Men towards St Johns and landed about 
8 o'clock P. M. at the Upper Breast Work 
unmolested. The Intent of our Embark- 
ation was that I should march with 500 
Men round the Fort and occu[)y the Road 
leading from the Fort towards Chamblee 
in order to cut off the Enemy's Commu- 
nication with the Country. Accordingly 
in the Evening, about 9 o'clock, I march- 
ed off, with 140 men belonging to our 
Regiment, with 2 Capts & 4 Subalterns, 
60 men of Hinman's Regiment & 300 
Men of Waterbury's, and had with the 
Van Guard [with whom I was] scarcely 
reached the lower Breast Work, when I 
thought I heard a firinj^ in the Center, on 
which I returned with Lieut Van Slyck of 
the Albany Regiment to the Head of the 
Division, and found Hinman's Men who 
were in Front with Major Elmore in their 
Station, but all ^Vaterbury's Men with 
their officers run off towards the Upper 
Breast Work from which we had march- 
ed — On this, I walked on and found the 
New Yorkers, at least the first Division 
of them, under the Command of Capt 



Weisenfels, attempting with fixt Bayonets 
to stop the New England Men in their 
Fhght, but in Vain, for they made their 
Way thro' the Water up to their Waists. 
In this general Confusion, when I found 
it impossible to rally the Men, I went to 
the General to know his Pleasure, he 
ordered me, after driving the fugitive 
Rascals who had got into the Breast 
Work out of it, to attempt the rallying of 
them again, which with the assistance of 
some good officers I with much difficulty 
effected, and then posted myself in the 
Center & ordered the whole with Major 
Elmore in Front to march, which they did, 
but had not advanced a quarter of a mile 
from the Breast Work, when the same 
Gentry, who had caused the Confusion 
before, threw us into a second only be- 
cause the Enemy had thrown a few Shells 
among us, so that one half of the Divi- 
sion retreated towards the Upper Breast 
Work, & the other half consisting of Hin- 
man's Men & the Yorkers with a few of 
Waterbury's with myself advanced to the 
lower Breastwork, which we took Posses- 
sion of after killing one Indian, & one Can- 
adian & wounding several others. Here 1 
remained till three of the Clock in the 
Morning, when I received orders from 
the General to march down to him with 
the Men I had with me. 

Septemhei' ye \ \ih. — In the Morning the 
General called a Council of War to con- 
sult, whether it was expedient or not, in 
our present Situation to proceed — who 
were unanimously of Opinion that we 
should go forward. On this the Men 
were ordered immediately to fall in & 
form themselves, which was obeyed with 
seeming Alacrity, when Waterbury's Men, 
with a certain Capt of another Corps, 

on a Report that the Enemy's Schooner 
was coming up the Lake, again betrayed 
a dastardly spirit, and betook themselves 
without being ordered so to do, to their 
Batteaux, which none of the Yorkers fol- 
lowed, but remained in their Ranks & 
shewed a ready Spirit to proceed. This 
infamous Conduct so much dispirited the 
General that he ordered the whole to em- 
bark and to proceed to Isle au Noix. 

N.B. On the second Retreat I wounded 
several of the New England Men for quit- 
ting their Ranks & would have fired on 
some of them if Doctor Williams had not 
prevented me. 

At the Isle au Noix, in which we were 
employed in repairing the old Breast Work 
& making a Boom across the Lake 'till 

September ye I'jth. — The whole Army 
amounting to about 1500 Men under 
General Montgomery [General Schuyler 
from his ill state of Health being gone to 
Ticonderoga] embarked again for St 
Johns — About Noon we landed at the 
Breast Work nearest the Enemy. The 
General detached Col Bedel with his 
Corps to occupy the Road, leading from 
St Johns to Chamblee, in order to cut off 
the Enemy's Communication with the 
Country, which they effectually accom- 

Septefuber ye igth. — A Bomb Battery 
within 600 yards of the Fort began erect- 
ing which was finished ye 21st. 

September ye 2\st. — Col Flemming in 
Capacity of Deputy Adjutant General, 
Capt Lamb's Artillery Company & Capt 
Goforth & Quackenbos with their Com- 
panies of our Regiment joined the army. 

September ye 24///.— Capt Mott's Affair 
happened — The 12 Cannon we brought 
with us from the Isle au Noix remained 


in the Bottom of the Batteaux, save that 
two of them were mounted on a Battery 
within a mile of the Fort, which never an- 
noyed the Enemy in the least. We re- 
mained in a sui)ine state all to throwing a 
few Shells from the Bomb Battery in ye 
Fort till 

October ye ()th. — When Capt Weisenfels 
erected a two Gun Battery of four Pound- 
ers on the East shore opposite to the P^ort 
— At this the Enemy seemed much exas- 
perated & were not sparing of their Shells 
& Ball in order to make us quit — how- 
ever, it had a contrary Effect upon us, as 
the General after holding a Council of 
War, ordered Colonel Clinton on, 

October ye iT^th. — To take his Regiment 
to the P^ast side & add two nine Pound- 
ers more to the Battery already erected 
there — With this Battery a pretty smart 
P'ire was dayly kept up at the F"ort and 
Vessels, which much annoyed the Enemy 
& eventually destroyed their Vessels — 
The Enemy Dayly exerting themselves to 
the utmost to annoy us in our Camp & at 
our two Batteries by throwing dead Shot, 
Shells & Grape incessantly amongst us — 
Sometimes a hundred Shells a Day & three 
Times the number of Shot, which hap- 
pily did us little or no hurt, not having 
lost above six Men in the whole. 

October ye iGth. — Major Brown was 
with Lieutenant Johnson of the Artillery 
Company detached with 300 Men & one 
nine Pounder to attack P'ort Chamblee, 
which on 

October ye i8//z. — We obliged to capit- 
ulate. Major Slopford & six or seven 
other officers with 2)T, Privates & 100 
Women & Children of the 7th Regiment 
taken Prisoners — 124 Barrels of Powder 
600c Cartridges, six Royals & a large 

Quantity of Provisions & military Stores 
found in the Fort, 

October ye 23^/. — The Prisoners taken 
at Chamblee were escorted by Capt Wil- 
let & his Company of our Regiment to 
Ticonderoga, in order to be sent to Con- 
necticut, where they are to remain till an 
accomodation takes place between G. B. 
<S: the Colonies, or till they are exchanged. 

October ye 24///. — Capt Varick's Com- 
pany of our Regiment joined us — no 
firing from our Side this Day — many 
dead Shot from the Fort in our Camp. 

October ye 25///. — St Crispin's Day — 
O Agincourt! — one of Capt Mott's Men 
killed and another wounded in their Tent 
by a dead Shot — The General began to 
remove the Cannon &i mortars from the 
Batteries on this Side. 

October ye 26th. — No firing on either 
side — Brigadier General VVooster with 400 
Men joined the army. 

October ye 27///. — A few Shot from 
either side — General Wooster marched to 
the North Side. 

October ye 2?>th. — Our Regiment and 
Waterbury's with Lamb's Artillery Com- 
pany marched around the P^ort to the 
North side of it to join the rest of the 
Army there — Our whole Strength now on 
this Side — save Clinton's Regiment with 
a few Gunners on the East, to guard & 
fire the Battery there. 

October ye 29///. — In the Evening I 
was ordered with 200 Men to erect a 
Battery [the Ground for which having 
been previously laid out by the P2ngi- 
neers] within 250 Yards of the Fort — In 
the Morning the Breast Work & Ambre- 
surs compleated — The Fort kept a heavy 
P^re upon us all Night — But happily no 
Lives lost. 



October ye 30///. — The whole Army 
busily employed in moving the Cannon, 
Mortars, Ball & Shells to the Battery & 
preparing for a Cannonade. 

October ye ^ist. — An Express from 
Colonel Warner at I^ongue Isle with In- 
telligence that he had the Day before 
repulsed Governor Carleton, who had 
made an Attempt to land on this side 
with 800 Men in order to raise the Siege 
of St Johns — The Governor it is said lost 
20 Men killed &: 50 wounded — two In- 
dians & two Canadian Merchants taken 
Prisoners — The Governor retreated to 

November ye 1st. — Our Gun & Mortar 
Battery on this side was opened, consist- 
ing of four 12 Pounders & six Royals 
which together with the four Gun Battery 
on the East side kept up an incessant 
Fire on the Fort all Day, which did great 
Execution & knocked every Thing in the 
Fort to Shatters. — In the Evening General 
Montgomery sent a Flagg to the Fort with 
a Letter to Major Preston by one of the 
Prisoners taken by Colonel Warner in- 
forming him of Carleton' s Defeat & that 
he had now no longer Reason to flatter 
himself with Relief from that Quarter, & 
that therefore to prevent the farther P'.ffu- 
sion of Blood which a needless & obsti- 
nate Defence would cause, especially as 
we had been informed by Deserters of 
the scanty State of Provisions in the 
Garrison, he demanded a Surrender of 
the Fort — The Major in Return to the 
General's Message, sent Capt Stewart of 
the 26th with a Drum into our Camp, 
that the General should have an Answer 
to his Fetter in the Morning — that in the 
mean Time Hostilities should cease on 
both Sides. 

November ye 2d. — Capt Stewart of the 
26th and Capt Williams of the Royal 
Train came about Eight o' Clock in the 
Morning into our Camp with an Answer 
from Major Preston to General Mont- 
gomery's I^etter demanding to waic four 
Days to see whether no Relief would 
come to them in that Time, if not, that 
then they would make Proposals for a 
Surrender — To this the General replied 
that from the advanced Season, &c he 
could not give the Time required & that 
the Garrison must immediately surrender 
Prisoners of War, otherwise, if any fatal 
Consequences should ensue from their 
Obstinacy that they must charge them- 
selves with it — The General also referred 
them for the Truth of Carleton' s Defeat 
to another Prisoner on Board of our 
Sloop — & informed them that whenever 
they choose to recommence Hostilities 
they should give the Signal by firing a 
Cannon without ball. 

At Noon the same Gentlemen returned 
to our Camp with the Articles of Cajiitu- 
lation, some of which were agreed to & 
others rejected or amended, the sum of 
which was that the Garrison should march 
out of the Fort with the Honors of War, 
lay down their Arms on the Plain South 
of the Fort & be Prisoners of War, the 
AVarlike Stores &c to belong to the Con- 
tinent — & that Possession of the Fort 
should be given to Morrow Morning at 8 
o'clock — this was agreed to by the Gar- 
rison & accepted of. 

November ye yi. — Detachments from 
all the Corps in the Army under the Com- 
mand of Major Dimond took Possession 
of the P'ort — & the Prisoners embarked in 
Batteaux for Ticonderoga — The 7th & 
26th Regiment with about 50 Canadian 



Volunteers made Prisoners amounting in 
the whole to about 700 Men, two Schoon- 
ers &: a large number of Batteaux & In- 
dian Canoes with a great Quantity of 
Warlike Stores & a good Park of Artillery, 
among which is 14 Brass Field Pieces & 
2 Brass 24 Pounders, 2 Brass Howitzers & 
20 Mortars &c. 

A^ovember ye ^th. — Marched from St. 
Johns to I.apraire — here the Army re- 
mained till 

November ye nth. — When General 
Montgomery with Waterbury's the Second 
& fourth Regiment of Yorkers crossed the 
River St Lawrence to Isle St Paul. 

November ye \T^th. — The General with a 
Detachment of the Army entered into 
Montreal — there was no Resistance made 
— General Carleton with his Soldiers, 
Scotch Emigrants, and French Tories, 
having made his Escai)e the Night before 
on Board of Eleven Vessels, with Inten- 
tion to reach Quebec. 

November ye i^th. — Our Regiment 
came into Montreal. This Week the 
General emi)loyed in new modelling the 
Army & in permitting such as were desir- 
ous of returning to their Homes to do it 
— Most of the New England Men em- 
braced the Opportunity — a few under the 
Command of Genercl Wooster only re- 
maining. — The Yorkers in general resolved 
to see an End to the Campaign, Also 
employed in new & warm cloathing the 
Men who are to remain — The Cxcneral re- 
ceived several Expresses from Col Arnold 
that he had invested Quebec — That the 
Enemy had burnt the" Suburbs of St 
Johns — That the City was in an ill State 
to make a long Defence. 

November ye \Q)th. — An Express from 
Col Easton at the Sorrel where he had 

erected an Eight Gun Battery, that he liad 
obliiied Governor Carleton with his Vessels 
to retire up the River, 

November ye 20th. — Carleton made his 
Escape in the Night down the River — 
The same Day the Fleet surrendered to 
us on the Terms granted the Garrison of 
St Johns — Among the Prisoners are Gen- 
eral Prescott, Major Campbell, St Luke 
I^a Corne, Capts Frazier & Anstruther, 
Tom Gambol & Major Hughes with about 
500 Soldiers & Canadians — The Enemy 
destroyed the Powder on board the Ves- 
sels — there were an immense Quantity of 
Stores on Board the Vessels. 

November ye 22d. — Prescott with his 
Officers & Men, landed from on Board the 
Vessels without the Market Gate & laid 
down their Arms — & were immediately 
sent across the River to Lapraire in order 
to proceed to New England. 

November ye 2Zth. — The six Months for 
which the Men of our Regiment were en- 
listed being nearly expired, agreeable to 
general orders they were enlisted anew to 
the 15th of April next, & General Mont- 
gomery appointed me full Colonel of the 

— General Montgomery embarked for 
Quebec : He took with him, on Board 
the Gaspee Sloop of War and the Mary 
Schooner, Part of Capt Lamb's Artillery 
Company — Cheesman's & Weisenfels' 
Companies of my Regiment — one Com- 
pany of the second & two of the third 
Regiment. He also took with him four 
field Pieces & six Mortars ; the Cannon, 
Mortars, Shells, Shot & Powder were to 
meet him at the Sorrel from Chamblee — 
Just before the General embarked he 
informed me that I was to remain at 
Montreal at the Request of General Woes- 



ter to assist him in the Duty of the Gar- 

December ye \st. — Major Zedwitz with 
Mott's, Varick's & Quackenboss's Com- 
panies embarked on Board another of our 
Prize Vessels in order to join General 

In the Evening of this Day General 
Wooster ordered me with a Party of 150 
Men, on a Supposition that St Luke La 
Corne, Major La Combe and other MiUtia 
officers together with Capt Frazier and 
Monsr de Chambeau were complotting 
Measures for the Destruction of our Gar- 
rison, to go to Longuille and examine the 
Papers of Monsr De Chambeau & Capt 
Frazier & all other suspected Persons, 
and on finding any having such a Tenden- 
cy to secure their Persons and order them 
either to Lapraire or to conduct them 
hither — My orders were also to seize the 
Arms and Ammunition if there was any 
Collection of them. On Examination 
found nothing having any evil Tendency, 
on the contrary all Peace and Quietness. 
Then proceeded to Boucherville where I 
apprehended St Luke & Major Campbell, 
whose Houses and Papers I examined, as 
also those of many of the Inhabitants, 
but finding Nothing that had an inimical 
Tendency I dismissed the Inhabitants & 
sent St Luke to Lapraire and ordered 
Major Campbell to this Place and con- 
ducted the Major of Militia with one of 
his Captains & Courville a Lawyer to 
Montreal. Capt Goforth with Major 
Nicholson and some New England offi- 
cers attended me in this nocturnal Expe- 

December ye 6th. — Nicholson was or- 
dered to Cognewaga to conduct St Luke 
hither, whither it was said Colonel Bedel 

contrary to the General's orders had con- 
ducted him. — On the Major's arriving 
there with Major Campbell St Luke's 
son in Law, the whole Information ap- 
peared false & St Luke who was ill was 
ordered to take up his former Quarters 
at Boucherville. 

December ye igth. — The whole Tribe 
of Coghnewaga Indians, with their Wives 
and Children, amounting to between 300 
& 400, waited on General Wooster & pre- 
sented him with a Belt of Wampum, 
promised to maintain a strict Friendship 
towards us — One of their antient Chiefs 
on presenting the Belt said : That as we 
were Countrymen he trusted the Supre?ne 
Being luould never suffer that Belt to be 
tariiished wJiile the Sun and Moon endur- 
ed ; & farther that they were ready at any 
Time to send their young Men to our as- 
sistance — The General thanked them for 
their Profers of Friendship, that he would 
maintain them in their ancient Rights & 
protect them against all their Enemies, 

January ye 3^, 1 776. — Mr Antill arrived 
here Express from Quebec with Intelli- 
gence that General Montgomery on the 
31st Ultimo between the Hours of 5 & 7 
in the Morning (after a previous Disposi- 
tion of his small Army) made two Attacks 
upon the lower Town, under a feigned 
one upon the Upper — The Feint was con- 
ducted by Capt Browne with 94 Men ; 
one of the real attacks by the General 
himself at Drummond's Wharf below 
Cape Diamond with 466 Men ; the other 
by Colonel Arnold with the Men he 
brought with him by the Way of Kenne- 
bec & Capt Lamb's Company of Artillery 
amounting to 560 Men thro' St Roques 
at the other End of the lower Town ; the 



General forced his Way thro' the first 
Picquet or Barrier without receiving a 
Shot — at the next, he was received with 
a heavy Fire of Musquetry & two field 
Pieces which caused Cheesman's Compa- 
ny to fall back in some little Disorder, 
while the General was endeavoring to 
rally these IVfen he received his Coup de 
Grace as also his Aid de Camp McPher- 
son (S: Capt Cheesman of our's — The 
General was shot thro' the Head & both 
his Thighs — After the Death of the Gen- 
eral Colonel Campbell led off the Gener- 
al's Detachment. Colonel Arnold with 
his Party passed thro' St Roques and ap- 
proached near a two Gun Battery well 
piquetted in without being discovered ; his 
Men forced the Piquets & carried the 
Battery after an Hour's Resistance; in the 
Attack the Colonel was shot thro' the 
Teg and was obliged to be carried off; 
after gaining the Battery his Detachment 
pushed on to a second Barrier which runs 
from Limeburner's Wharf into the lower 
Town of which they took Possession, 
where they maintain themselves in the 
Houses without any possibility of being 
supported, so that they must either carry 
the Town, be made Prisoners or be cut 
to pieces. 

Ja7mary ye ^th. — Capt Melcher arriv- 
ed Express with an Account that Arnold's 
whole Detachment had surrendered them- 
selves Prisoners, having lost about 100 
Men killed & wounded, — The Enemy 
took our Mortars & two Field Pieces. 
Capt Lamb is wounded in the Eye — many 
of the officers killed & wounded whose 
Names are as yet unknown. 

.January ye 29M. — General Wooster 
?3nt me from Montreal to consult with 
General .Schuyler at Albany about the . 

best Means to be put in Practice for a 
si)eedy Reduction of Quebec & for es- 
tablishing the York Battalions on a per- 
manent Footing. 

February ye ^th. — After an agreeable 
Passage over the Lakes I arrived at 
Albany & addressed myself to General 
Schuyler, who after conversing with me, 
deemed the Matters I mentioned to him 
of such Importance to the Colonies, that 
he could not determine upon them, but 
referred me to the Continental Congress, 
for which he gave me Dispatches &: en- 
forced the Subject of our Conversation. 

February ye 11th. — Arrived at New 
York & waited upon General Lee & the 
Committee of Safety — General Lee coin- 
cided in opinion with me, & also enforced 
the Propriety of the Measures I proposed 
to the Congress. 

February ye 12th. — Departed for Phila- 
delphia — where I arrived 

February ye \\th. — And immediately 
delivered my Dispatches to the President 
of the Continental Congress — The Con- 
gress appointed a Committee to confer 
with me — Before whom I laid the follow- 
ing Declaration, & enlarged occasionally 
upon each Head. 

February ye 16th. — "That the Army 
in Canada (exclusive of the late Rein- 
forcements) does not exceed 900 eflcc- 
tive Men — that their Time of service 
expires the 15th of April next, or sooner 
if Reinforcements arrive, when I imagine 
most of the Men would insist on going 
Home — that 1 conceived it impracticable 
to form these Men into two Battalions, 
agreeable to a late Resolution of this 
Congress, as they are composed of the 
Remnant of the different Troops of New 
,'York, Jersey, Connecticut <^ the liay, & 



of too opposite Characters ever to form 
a useful Corps. 

Second. That it is absolutely necessary 
that the Army in Canada consist of 8 or Men, & that they be enlisted for 
so long Time as they may be wanted — 
to enable the Colonies to do this with 
greater Ease to themselves, two Regi- 
ments of Canadians might be formed & 
marched into these Colonies, where they 
would act with Vigor & be bro't to proper 
Discipline — Here they would not dread 
the Anathemas of the Church nor the 
Frowns of their Noblesse. 

Third. That Dugan (tho' a Barber) 
has more Influence over the Canadians 
than either Livingston, Hazen or Antill 
— that he was extreamly serviceable to us 
the last Campaign — that the taking of 
Chamblee was altogether his own plan- 
ning & that we were much indebted to 
him for his Assiduity in transporting our 
Cannon down the Rapids to the North 
Side of St Johns & after the taking of it 
to the Sorrel & Montreal. 

Fourth. That General VV'ooster is ex- 
treamly anxious that some General Offi- 
cers be immediately sent to his Assistance. 

Fifth. That as the Artillery Company 
we had in Canada with their Captain 
are Prisoners, & the one since formed 
there only engaged to the 15th of April, 
two Companies ofMatrosses be sent there 
with some able Officers, who not only 
understand firing Cannon, but are able 
to compose the various Works necessary 
for a tolerable Train, such as Fuses, 
quick Match, Fireballs, &c. 

Sixth. That an Engineer is much 
wanted — the northern Army having suf- 
fered much from the want of a tolerable 

Seventh. The Difficulty the Congress 
has laboured under in supplying the Army 
in Canada with Specie, from an Aversion 
the Canadians have to paper money, 
renders it necessary that some Expedient 
be devised to remove it — that nothing 
would tend to facilitate it more than that 
Merchants should go from the English 
Colonies to Canada with proper Assort- 
ments of Sutlers' Goods, such as Hosiery, 
Shoes, coarse Linnens, Soap, Rum, Sugar, 

Eighth. That a few Artificers, namely 
Armourers, Smiths, Carpenters, Harness 
Makers, VVheelrights, with a proper person 
to superintend their Conduct be forthwith 
sent into Canada — it being impossible for 
an Army to be without them. 

Ninth. That a few Pieces of heavy 
Artillery with a suitable Proportion of Ball 
— two large Mortars with Shells &:c, 
agreeable to an Estimate in the Hands of 
this Committee, be forwarded with all 
Speed into Canada. 

Tenth. As the York Regiments which 
have been in Canada the last Campaign 
are nearly broke up and many of the Offi- 
cers still desirous of continuing in the ser- 
vice, that they be preferred in the new 
Levies in the Province of New York to 
others — That tliey would feel much as if 
they were neglected after so fatiguing & 
expensive a Campaign." 

The Committee after having made their 
Report to the Congress informed me that 
the Congress intended complying with the 
Requisitions I had made. 

February ye 21st. — Left Philadelphia. 

February ye 2\th. — Arrived at New 
York where I was given to understand, 
that four new Regiments were to be raised 
& that the old Regiments, the Remnant of 



them, agreeable to the Resolution of the 
Continental Congress above mentioned, 
were to be formed into two, of which I 
was to have one, & Clinton the other, & 
that therefore the Provincial Congress had 
made no provision for the Canada officers 
in the new Regiments ; well knowing the 
Impracticability of the intended Measure 
of the C. C. & that it had superseded their 
former Order, I resolved by the Advice of 
General Lee (who was then to command 
in Canada but afterwards sent to Virginia) 
to remain here & not to return to Canada 
till such Time as I knew whether I should 
be provided for in the new Levies or not. 
— In the meantime I exerted myself to 
the utmost in Favor of the Canada offi- 

March ye 21st. — I received a Letter 
from Mr Jay, one of the New York Mem- 
bers of the Continental Congress, request- 
ing me immediately to come to Philadel- 
phia, with which I forthwith complied & 
arrived there 

March ye 24//^ — When a Committee of 
Congress was appointed to confer with 
me, the Result of which was, that I was 
appointed Colonel of the 3d Regiment of 
Yorkers & received my Commission ac- 
cordingly from the President. The Regi- 
ment is to continue during this unhappy 
struggle in Service. — This removed all my 
Objections to the Service. 

March ye 2,0th. — Arrived at New York. 

N'ote. — The writer (son of Dominie Ritzema of 
New York), one of the N. Y. Com. of One Hun- 
dred, I May, 1775 ; appointed Lieut. Col. of 
First N. Y. Reg., Alex. McDougall, Col., June 
30, 1775; orderedseizureof King's Stores, N. Y., 
July 12, 1775 ; was broken by court-martial in 
1778, and joined the British. 



F-rom the original MS. in the possession 
of George H. Moore, LL.D. 

Plaisance 22 October 1705 
MoNSEiGNEUR : — I have received the 
letter which your Highness did me the 
honor to write to me by the Kings Ship 
La Loire. In joining Monsieur de Suber- 
caze in the enterprise undertaken against 
the enemy's coast I had no idea that any 
danger to the post of Plaisance could arise 
in my absence and therefor had only to 
consider how I should endure the fatigues 
of a march which seemed to me only pos- 
sible to robust savages accustomed to this 
kind of exercise ; my ordinary disposition, 
Monseigneur, to do all in my power to 
show to your Highness the true zeal I 
have always felt for the service of the 
King, soon determined my resolution and 
I found no difficulty insurmountable ; I 
have not neglected to inform him by the 
first ship which left this port of the details 
of this action and I now make to your 
Highness a succinct repetition in duplicate 
of the report I had the honor to address 
to him. 

Monsieur de Subercaze having made 
every necessary preparation for an enter- 
prise of this nature, we left the foot of the 
great bay of Plaisance the 15 th January 
1705 with a detachment of 450 armed 
men including Soldiers and Canadians 
flibustiers of the country and savages ; all 
the fatigues of the march and the camp, al- 
though severe beyond conception, seemed 
to be mitigated by the ardors and resolution 
which our entire troop, although hurriedly 



scraped together, displayed in surmounting 
the greatest obstacles Each man carried 
20 days provisions, his arms, cooking uten- 
sils and a tent for each mess, through im- 
practicable forests and roads. We forded 
four streams, more dangerous from the 
broken ice in their rapid currents than 
from their depth of water, although the 
tallest men found it much above their 
waists ; we marched after this fashion fa- 
tiguing to the most hardy until the 2 2d 
day of the present month without meet- 
ing any obstacle upon our route serious 
enough to interfere with the due speed re- 
quisite to an expedition of this nature. 
The following night there was a heavy 
fall of snow drifted by a wind so cold and 
violent that we were forced to remain for 
three days in the same camp when our pro- 
visions begining to fail us and in our un- 
certainty as to our distance from any hos- 
tile settlement we sent out some French 
and savages in search of the coast whence 
we supposed the sea might be seen ; the 
best informed of those sent out reported 
that they had seen the Bay of Beboul 
which lay only three leagues distant. 

The 26th the wind and the snow holding 
up, after having covered the earth with all 
that the northern climate has most terri- 
ble to the traveller, we took up our march 
to the settlements of Beboul, finding it 
impossible to move directly on St Jean 
without incurring the risk of all perishing 
by hunger ; at two in the afternoon of the 
same day we made our appearance in the 
midst of the settlement when all the Eng- 
lish fell on their knees before us without 
firing a single shot ; we found there pro- 
visions enough to ensure us against any 
further fear of famine. 

When Monsieur de Subercaze had ar- 

ranged every thing in the manner which 
seemed to him best to secure the safety 
of the march, which he was to resume, on 
the 28th at the hour of noon we started 
again intending to camp about half way 
on the road to Petit-Havre distant some 
six leagues from Beboul and three from 
St Jean. 

The snow was so deep, the woods and 
the mountains so rough and an exces- 
sively cold wind so filled the air with 
icicles that the most robust suffered in- 
conceivable fatigue in this days march. 
After taxing my strength to the utmost 
limit, which it is capable of reaching on 
such occasions, I was compelled to en- 
camp a quarter of a league in the rear of 
the Commander losing the file in the 
darkness of the falling night and in the 
blinding snow, a circumstance Monsieur 
de Subercaze would certainly have no- 
ticed if he had not been carried away by 
his habitual ardor ; It would have been 
much more prudent to have gone into 
camp at least a full hour before nightfall 
as it was not possible, in such a march as 
this, that his rear guard should not be at 
least a league behind the head of the col- 
umn. I do not attribute to this distance of 
ground, Monseigneur, the unfortunate ac- 
cident which befell me that night ; it was 
my unlucky star which robbed me of the 
opportunity of showing to your Highness 
of what advantage my presence might 
have been in an enterprise of the charac- 
ter of that we were about undertaking ; 
In saying this I wish in nothing to detract 
from the merit and courage of Monsieur 
de Subercaze : I was deprived of this op- 
portunity, Monseigneur, by the careless- 
ness of a sailor who in chopping down a 
tree directly opposite my tent let it fall 



upon my body ; In the fall I was covered 
with an avalanche of snow. I remained 
two whole hours in the hands of my ser- 
vants without any sign of consciousness ; 
when at last I came to my senses I felt 
the painful effects of this violent shock 
and found that I could move neither legs 
nor arms, and I should certainly have died 
on the spot but for the assistance of the 
savages who carried me the second day 
after to Petit- Havre where I remained for 
three weeks in a dying state ; Your High- 
ness will do me the justice to believe that 
to the severe pain of my body was joined 
the disappointment of my ambition at 
finding myself almost at the gate of St 
Jean, after having endured all the fatigue 
of the campaign, yet unable to share 
with my fellows the glorious fruits of the 

Monsieur de Subercaze started early 
the 31st of January with the picked men 
of his detachment, leaving behind him 
about 40 to guard the prisoners taken at 
Beboul and the place he was leaving. The 
state, in which I was, not allowing of my 
following him, I made ineffectual offers to 
the savages of all the money they could 
ask of me to convey me to St Jean (the 
Fort not being yet attacked) ; They were 
the only persons capable of such an un- 
dertaking over roads, so rough as those 
they would be compelled to take, but no 
r:ward would induce them to it as they 
had nearly broken down under the efforts 
they had made to bring me to where I 
was ; hence I can only inform your High- 
ness by the report of others of what passed 
at the attack which our troops made on 
the settlements of this post; it has been 
confirmed to me however by the common 
voice of the officers that at a time when 

our troops should have marched in the 
best order they scattered without knowing 
where they were to come together again, 
(all this J. attribute to the severity of tlie 
cold and the darkness of the night), the 
situation of the fort was imperfectly ascer- 
tained, nothing was known either of the 
condition of the enemy, owing to which no 
effort was made to profit by the advan- 
tage this glorious surprise offered against 
the fort itself; no one was in the place 
where he ought to be as no one knew in 
what direction it was his duty to go ; this 
moment lost, for reasons of which the 
leaders knew nothing, was a moment 
which could not be recovered for the at- 
tack of the forts ; all that remained was 
to quarter upon the inhabitants who made 
no resistance, to plunder and burn their 
houses and return empty handed, after re- 
maining to no purpose until the 5th of the 
month of March, harrassing the garrisons 
of the large and small forts which held out 
bravely, firing bomb and cannon shot upon 
the barracks of our troops who sustained 
the heaviest of the enemys fire with a 
firmness which could not be exceeded by 
the best troops of the kingdom ; in this 
following the example of their officers who 
greatly distinguished themselves on this 
occasion and to whom Monsieur de Su- 
bercaze will not hesitate to render the full 
justice which is their due. 

The loss in killed and wounded on our 
side does not exceed 15 men ; The death 
of the Sieur Chevalier de Lo of the com- 
pany which I have the honor to com- 
mand is the greatest loss our garrison has 
sustained, he being an officer of merit 
and ability ; If, considering the treachery 
of Monsieur le Chevalier dii Pin towards 
me, which I would take pains to conceal 



had he not shown himself unworthy of 
the favor he has received from your 
Highness, I venture to ask the vacant 
post of ensign in my company for the 
Sieur Bernard de Piedmarin, I shall see in 
the granting of this request that your 
Highness does not cease to honor me 
with his good will. 

Monsieur de Subercaze after having 
reduced to ashes, all that he thought it his 
duty not to spare in the harbor of St 
Jean, left there with his entire detachment 
the 5th of the month of March, pushing 
along the enemy's coast as far as Fourniilon 
in order to leave nothing that could be 
burned or destroyed; The inhabitants of 
this last named harbor having had informa- 
tion of our march appeared at first disposed 
to defend their territory but this pretended 
resolution did not long hold out and on 
the approach of our troops they surren- 
dered at discretion ; When this post had 
shared the fate of its neighbors, Monsieur 
de Montigni was detached at the head of 
the Savages and part of the Canadians 
to march to Carbon niere and Bonneville 
and destroy all the habitations he should 
find ; which he did without the loss of a 
man, so great was the terror of these 
people ; there only remaining on the 
coast from the north east to the south- 
west Fremouse and Rognouse which 
were both deserted ; we returned in this 
direction by short days marches burning 
as we went every thing which could be of 
service in the reestablishment of the 
Fisheries which is the only wealth of the 
country ; the 23d of March we arrived at 
Plaisance whence Monsieur de Subercaze 
has since despatched numerous parties of 
Canadians, Filibusters of the country and 
Savages vho have desolated all the English 

settlements to the very northern extremity 
of this island. 

In consequence of the different ad- 
vices we have received that the English 
were preparing to attack Plaisance, with a 
large squadron of men of war and a large 
number of troops for debarkation, Mon- 
sieur de Subercaze has changed the desti- 
nation of the King's ship La Loire and 
stopped its voyage from Acadia. The 
same reason has delayed the departure of 
the Canadians and Savages for Quebec. 

Whether the enemy should make his 
appearance or not our platforms and bat- 
teries were in such bad condition that all 
the inhabitants and the crews of merchant 
vessels were employed ten or twelve 
days in repairing them ; but even now it 
can only be said that they are not quite 
as bad as they were before ; all the offi- 
cers of the garrison displayed on this occa- 
sion their entire devotion to the King's 
service in vigilance and assiduity in the 

The great number of merchant vessels 
captured by the enemy on their way from 
Europe to Plaisance has completely 
ruined the trade of the settlements, salt 
having failed at the very moment when 
the fishery was most successful and that 
which had been hitherto used having been 
sold to private individuals at prices so 
ruinous to the buyer that it is not to be 
doubted that if your Highness does not 
order the vessels coming to the fisheries 
to bring a large amount of salt in excess 
of their own needs, the inhabitants will be 
driven to abandon the colony or to aban- 
don their trade until there be plenty 

The Sieur Jean d'Aye, a bourgeois from 
St Jean de Luz residing at Plaisance and 



having warerooms generally well stocked 
with supplies necessary to the settlers, 
being about to return to France on one of 
his vessels to make arrangements to fulfill 
the contracts he has made to supply dif- 
ferent inhabitants of this colony with all 
that they may require for the coming 
f.shing season ; such as salt and other 
useful and necessary goods, I think it my 
duty on this occasion to inform your 
Highness and to entreat him in the inter- 
est of the public good to give every 
desi)atch and a prompt clearance to the 
vessels he intends sending to Plaisance, 
there being no surer convoy for the pas- 
sage than to leave France, at the end of 
the month of February, a season when the 
Privateers are few in number and no 
longer dare to hold the sea. 

Your Highness will permit me to repeat 
what I have had the honor to lay before 
him for many years, to which he has re- 
plied with exceeding kindness andjustice, 
that the King did not give the preference 
of this government to Monsieur de Suber- 
caze because of any dissatisfaction with 
my services and that when the occasion 
served, his Majesty would mitigate this 
piece of bad fortune by giving me some 
more advantageous post ; By what gate 
Monscrigneur may I hope to escape from 
this exile, to what command may I aspire 
unless you recall me to France and give 
me such a rank in the Marine Corps as I 
feel I shuuld have deserved if I had re- 
mained in that service ; that of Captain of 
a Ship of War Monseigneur in the post 
where I am, would withdraw me with honor 
from tlie long captivity in which I have 
lived until now ; The Marine service is not 
familiar to me, but enough so for me to feel 
r.ure that six months of application will 

fit me thoroughly for this command. Re- 
move me I entreat you Monseigneur from 
a residence in which with all the patience 
of Job I could not be happy ; I am no 
longer of an age to show any impatience 
in "any service to which the King calls me ; 
on the contrary no one has ever been 
more submissive and more attached to him 
than 1 am, but the pain which I endure 
since the unfortunate accident which be- 
fell me last winter during the march to Si 
Jean makes it impossible for me any 
longer to endure the severity of this cli- 
mate ; with these new causes of discon 
tent, without fortune of my own, or chance 
of advancement can you Monseigneur, in 
a situation so distressing, refuse to my long 
and arduous services the Cross of Chev- 
alier of the Order of St Louis ; I beg of 
your Highness to honor me with this ray 
of glory ; I will prove to you my eternal 

We have reduced all the settlements of 
the English coast of Newfoundland to 
such extremity of distress that there is 
no reason to believe that they will ever be 
able or dare to attempt to reestablish 
themselves there so long as the war lasts ; 
all who do not return to England are fly- 
ing to St Jean where they are building a 
new fort beneath that which was not at- 
tacked, which is apparently destined as a 
place of retreat for the inhabitants. 

It is not to be doubted, unless the Eng- 
lish are very hard ])ressed in Europe, that 
they will next cami)aign fit out a large 
squadron of vessels to succor their own 
colonies and destroy that of Plaisance ; 
they must do this or their entire coast will 
be wholly deserted ; — In this conjuncture 
1 do not see how the Court can without risk 
of losing this post, avoid sending a rein- 



forcement of troops to the garrison ; it 
would be much better if they were marines ; 
at least so long as the war lasts ; the im- 
mediate necessity not calling for fresh re- 
cruits ; moreov^er that will not put the 
King to the charo-e of a new loan for this 

Two men of war arriving in this port in 
the beginning of the month of June, or 
still better that of May, could make a se- 
rious campaign in defence of Plaisance ; 
they could complete the ruin of the ene- 
mies trade ; cruising on the coast before 
the arrival of their squadron, which could 
be easily learned from the prizes, and with- 
out exposure of our vessels to a superior 
force we could defeat their projects ; this 
plan Monseigneur for the defence of this 
post seems to me to deserve a serious 

I have still another favor to ask of your 
Highness, that is to grant me a furlough 
to return to France if the war end in 
Europe. There are some family affairs 
for which my presence is absolutely ne- 
cessary ; but those of the King's service 
are in my view so much to be preferred, 
and so preferred by me, that 1 venture to 
assure your Highness that no one can be 
more devoted to it than I shall be the rest 
of my life. While never ceasing to pray 
for the health and prosperity of your 
Highness I am with all possible respect 

Your very humble, 

and very obedient servant, 


At Plaisance this 22 October 1 705. 

Note. — De Costebelle first went to Placentia in 
1685 in command of twenty-five men— comman- 
dant in 1690, Governor in 1709, transferred to and 
Governor of Isle Royal in Cape Breton in 1713, 


letters from capt. laurence butler 
to mrs. joseph cradock. 

Part IL 

West77ioreland County Vij-ginia 
March 25 1789 
Dear Madam : — Upon the 4th of Feb- 
ruary last I had the pleasure of receiving 
your obliging letter, dated Gumley-house 
July 8th and loth of August 1788, which 
beleive me, dear Madam, gave me great 
pleasure. There is not the least danger 
of lettei's miscarrying as we have stages 
established from one end of the Conti- 
nent to the other, which carry the mail 
as regular as in England. 

You were so obliging as to give me a 
description of your journey from Paris to 
Flanders and PloUand, which must have 
afforded you great satisfaction in sailing 
through the canals, with neat villages and 
gardens on each side and through the 
streets of Amsterdam to the doors of your 
hotel. ' 

I am very sorry that I did not make 
that tour through Flanders and Holland, 
as I intended when I had the pleasure of 
seeing you in Paris. I should have been 
much delighted with Amsterdam, and the 
Hague, from the description you give me 
of them. 

Every thing is very still in this country, 
except our frontiers, which are frequently 
visited by the Indians, who kill a family 
or two and steal a parcel of horses, and 
then clear themselves before our people 
can collect though we very often follow 
them by their track and overtake them. 

We have adopted a new form of gov- 
ernment in the United States, with a 



Senate and Congress and a President 
and Vice-President : the President is voted 
in by all the StateSj who is to serve four 
years, and I have the pleasure to inform 
you that our illustrious Genl Washington 
is appointed to that post, who did not 
lose a vote in all the States I hope by 
the time he has served his four years out, 
he will leave every thing in a proper 

Believe me, dear Madam, with every 
respect, your most obedient servant, 

Laurence Butler 

Westmoreland County Virginia 
April 15 1790 
Dear Madam : — I have been in a bad 
state of health ever since I saw you in 
Paris. I went last summer to Bath, over 
the mountains about two hundred miles 
from this, but did not receive any benefit 
from the waters. My complaint is bil- 
ious ; and I am advised by the doctors to 
go to another spring, which is called the 
Sweet Spring, over the mountains near 
three hundred miles from this, and lying 
wide from Bath about one hundred and 
fifty miles. I intend to set off about the 
I St of June, and remain there the whole 
season, that is, until October. If it had 
not been for my indisposition, I should 
have been settled in the Kentucky coun- 
try before this, as I have four tracts of land 
of a thousand acres each in that country, 
and one of them I wish to settle on, 
which lies near two miles on the river 
Ohio. That river is near half a mile 
wide, and there is a creek that runs 
through the centre of the land, which is 
about fifty yards wide, and very deep, well 
furnished with fish and wild fowl. This 

land is on the frontiers, though I. expect 
in a few years it will be quite safe from 
the Indians who frequently invade these 
frontiers. That country has not been 
settled more than 15 or 16 years ; they 
have settled so rapidly that they can raise 
20,000 fighting men, all riflemen. Their 
towns increase very fast with good build 
ings, as they have plenty of limestone in 
that country which answers the purpose 
of oyster shells for lime ; they have a 
number of very good houses from two to 
four stories high, built of stone and some 
of brick. There is a town in that coun- 
try which has fifteen or twenty capital 
stores in it ; which is a great many for 
such an infant country. 

The produce of our country is very 
high, except tobacco, which is very low ; 
our wheat has sold as high as half a guinea 
per bushel, and our Indian corn, which 
always sold for about 2s ^ now sells for 45- 
and other grain in proportion. It is 
owing to the scarcity of grain in Europe. 
There is a merchant living in my neigh- 
borhood, who has bought up about 50.000 
bushels of Indian corn and about to. 000 
bushels of wheat. We have a great crop 
of wheat on the ground ; double as much 
as ever was in a year before ; and, should 
it please God not to send any disaster 
amongst it, there will be a vast quantity 
to export, as I expect there will be a 
great demand in France for grain. 

Believe me, dear Madam, to be, with 
great respect your most obedient servant 

L. Butler. 

Westmoreland County Virginia 
April 20 1 791 
Dear Madam: — The revolution in 
France has driven upwards of a tlKDUsand 



of that nation, some of family and fortune, 
to Virginia. They have bought a large 
tract of country on the river Ohio, where 
they have marched out and settled in 
a body. I believe Congress has fur- 
nished them with a few troops as a guard 
against the savages. This land that 
they have settled on lies about sixty or 
seventy miles above where my land Hes. 
You mentioned in your letter that you 
would, by the aid of a map, visit me in 
idea on the banks of the Ohio. We have 
no accurate maps of that country at 
present, as we, I mean the officers to 
whom this land was granted by the State 
of Virginia for their services in the army 
last war, have named the different creeks 
emptying into the Ohio, which are quite 
different from the names laid down in the 
former maps. I have not seen a map of 
that country since we located our lands, 
and named the creeks. 

I wish much to be settled in that coun- 
try, as I am remarkably fond of shooting 
and fishing, though I am afraid it will be 
some time before I can venture there, as 
the Indians have been very troublesome 
of late. Congress last fall sent a small 
army, consisting of 120 regulars and about 
1200 militia troops, against a nation 
called the Shavvonees. When they ap- 
proached the towns they found them de- 
serted. The General ordered the houses 
to be set on lire when about 300 were 
burnt ; they also burnt about 20000 
bushels of corn. The General then set 
off back to the settlement, and marched 
about eight miles. He then detached 
about 60 regulars and 340 militia back 
to the towns to see wnether the Indians 
had returned and to give them battle if 
they should see them. When they got to 

the towns, they found a large body of 
Indians, consisting of the Shavvonees and 
two other nations, whom they attacked, 
and fought for several hours ; but at last 
the Indians' superiority in numbers forced 
our troops to retreat. Out of the 60 
regulars we had 50 killed and about 130 
mihtia killed and 30 wounded. This is 
the account given Congress by the Gen- 
eral. Oh ! what a pity such a parcel of 
brave men should be butchered and the 
General within eight miles with iioo 
men. • The Indians suffered a good deal 
in the action, though we cannot ascertain 
the number. I expect in the course of 
this summer, or next fall, there will be 
another expedition against the Indians, 
which I think will drive them a good way 
back. There were about 500 men sent 
against another town called the Wabash 
the same time the others went against the 
Shawonees. They destroyed the town 
and took several prisoners without the 
loss of a man. 

I am happy to inform you I have much 
recovered from the different springs which 
I visited last summer or from the pureness 
of the air. I left home the ist of June 
last, and arrived at the Warm Springs 
about the 12th of the same month, which 
is about 210 miles about 100 of which 
are very mountainous. The water of this 
spring is about milk-warm and impreg- 
nated with sulphur and fixed acid. These 
waters are reckoned good for the rheu- 
matism. I remained there about ten 
days, and then called at the Hot Spring 
which is about five miles from the former. 
The water is so hot that it is difficult to 
bathe in it. These waters are reckoned 
better for the rheumatism than the Warm^ 
Springs. There is a cold spring so near* 



this hot spring, that you may put one hand 
in the hot and the other in the cold spring. 
I made no stay there, but continued my 
journey, and arrived the next day at the 
Sweet Springs, which are about 45 miles 
from the Warm Springs. We had a good 
deal of genteel company, from the differ- 
ent parts of the continent and sonle from 
the West Indies, considering how far it 
lies in amongst the mountains. We had 
a regular ball every week besides tea 
parties. Our accommodations I cannot 
say were so good as we had at the Hotel 
de York in Paris, as there was only one 
inn and upwards of two hundred people, 
besides their servants to accommodate ; 
though I cannot but say we had a plenty 
of good eating, notwithstanding our great 
appetites, which the waters create. Our 
lodgings were in log-cabins with mat- 
trasses and some beds to lay on. The 
log-cabins are generally built about 20 
feet long and about 16 feet wide with 
round logs piled up on each other like a 
pen : after they get them about seven 
feet high they keep laying them up and 
drawing them in which forms a roof. 
After this they cover it with slabs or 
boards about four feet long without the 
help of a nail ; then they lay a plank of 
floor and then they sop the body of the 
house between the logs with mud to keep 
the air out ; after this gets dry they gen- 
erally whitewash the whole house inside 
and out. In each of these cabins there 
are generally about three people lodging ; 
and thus we are accommodated at the 
Sweet Springs. The reason we are not 
better accommodated is that these springs 
have not been much frequented on ac- 
count of their laying so far in among the 
mountains and until these few years past 

very dangerous on account of the In- 
dians ; and another reason is, that the 
land and springs belong to one person. 

I expect it will be better in a few years 
as there is petition drawn up, to be 
handed to our next General Assembly, 
praying for a town to be laid off. If that 
should take effect we shall have many 
inns which will make it much more com- 
fortable for visitors. 

The waters of the Sweet Springs are 
impregnated with vitriolic acid, two kinds 
of salts, fixed acid, lime, magnesia and a 
small proportion of iron. 1 remained at 
the Sweet Springs about ten weeks, where 
I found great benefit ; I then crossed the 
AUigany mountains, which divide the 
eastern waters from the Mississippi, and 
went to a Sulphur Spring, where I stayed 
about a fortnight. That spring is the 
strongest impregnation of sulphur I ever 
saw. In walking round the spring my 
buckles would turn quite black, and the 
towel I wiped with, after bathing, smelt 
so strong when carried to the fire that I 
could not bear it near me ; indeed where 
the waters run through a gutter into the 
bath, you might scrape a handful of pure 
sulphur from the gutter. 

I must beg leave to give you a descrip- 
tion of some curiosities which I saw last 
summer in my travels. The first is a 
natural bridge over a creek which I think 
a great curiosity. The height of the 
bridge is 270 feet about 45 feet wide at 
the bottom, and about 90 at the top ; its 
breadth in the middle is about 60 feet but, 
more at the ends ; and the thickness of 
the mass at the sunnnit of the arch is 
about 40 feet, and part of this thick- 
ness is constituted by a coat of earth 
that gives growth to many large trees. A 



person might cross this bridge without 
knowing he was on it, if he did not look 
to the right or left, as the trees are grow- 
ing on both sides of you. Nature has 
been very bountiful in fixing this bridge 
where it is, as, if it was not there, trav- 
ellers would not have a road over the 
creek on account of the steepness of the 
hills and would be obliged to go many 
miles round. The second is a falling 
spring ; about three quarters of a mile 
from its source it falls over a rock 200 
feet ; the sheet of water is broken in its 
breadth by a rock in two or three places 
but not at all in its height : between the 
sheet and the rock at the bottom I walked 
across quite dry. The third is a cave 
called Madison's Cave ; it is in a hill about 
200 feet perpendicular height, the ascent 
of which on one side is so steep that you 
may pitch a stone from the summit into the 
river which washes the base ; the entrance 
of the cave is on this side, about two thirds 
of the way up ; it is about six feet wide 
and about five feet high ; it extends into 
the earth about 300 feet, branching into 
subordinate caverns, sometimes ascending, 
but generally descending; at length it ter- 
minates into two different places at basons 
of water of unknown extent and which I 
suppose to be on a level with the water of 
the river. The vault of this cave is of 
solid lime-stone from 20 to 50 feet high. 

I received so much benefit from the 
springs last Summer that I intend going 
again this year. I shall set off about the 
15th next month, and shall remain at the 
S[)rings and in the mountains until the 
middle of October. 

I am. Madam, with respect your most 
obedient servant 

I>AURENCE Butler. 

Westmoreland County^ Virginia 
May 15. 1792 

Dear Madam : — I have paid a visit to 
the Sweet Springs, but the accommoda- 
tion was so wretched I could only stay 
six weeks. The year before last I stayed 
about ten or eleven weeks, as I was then 
better accommodated. 1 thought I found 
great benefit from the waters the first sea- 
son, but last year I was never clear of a 
cold the whole time I was there. The 
springs belong to one man, and so far 
remote from any navigation that every 
thing is very high and the proprietor will not 
suffer a town to be laid out, so that there 
is only one tavern, and sometimes there 
are four or five hundred persons there at 
a time. We had a good deal of genteel 
company, many of whom came five hun- 
dred miles ; We had a regular ball every 

I set off in a fine day to Bath which is 
about two hundred miles off; there are 
several very good inns where a man may 
have a room and bed to himself. I shall 
spend two or three months there as it is 
a very agreeable place ; and a good deal 
of genteel company attend it. There is 
a ball-room as large as the new one at 
Bath in England though I cannot say it 
is so elegant. They have regular balls 
twice a week. The actors generally at- 
tend Bath where there is a i)lay-house 
erected. I have not moved to the West- 
ern Country yet as the Indians are very 
troublesome : we were defeated the year 
before last by them ; the last year our 
army suffered very much as we lost forty 
or fifty fine oflicers and about six or eight 
hundred men. We have established forts 
upwards of 100 to 150 miles in their coun- 
try and within forty-five miles of one of 



their towns. The action that was fought 
last fall was within 15 miles of their town. 
We are making preparations to go against 
them again this summer or fall when I 
hope we shall have better success than 
we had the last two campaigns. I am 
very anxious to go myself, but my health 
will not permit ; therefore I must decline. 
In your last letter you kindly men- 
tioned, that if it was recommended to me 
to try a change of climate, and I should 
come to England, you and Mr. Cradoch 
would be happy to see me at your seat, 
and that you looked on yourself as a 
tolerable good nurse, and would be 
happy in serving me in that way. I hope, 
iVEadam that you and Mr. Cradoch will 
accept of my sincere thanks for your 
politeness &c. but I never accept to 
see England again. Your most obedient 

Laurence Butler. 

Wesiinor eland ^ V'wgin ia. 
April 26 1793 
My Dear Madam : — I return you 
many thanks for your kind letter. What 
a revolution has taken place in France 
since I had the pleasure of your good 
company in Paris : surely the whole na- 
tion is mad ! I am really distressed for 
the death of the king, as America was 
the cause of his losing his head. Had 
he never sent his troops to our assistance 
last war, they never would have known 
what liberty was ; but on their returning 
from a country of freedom to that of slave- 
ry, they instilled the notions of liberty 
in their fellow-citizens which roused them 
to do what they have done. O how I 
pity that beautiful woman the Queen, 
and royal family ! They are still kept 

in confinement, though I hope treated 
well. I observe in the newspapers, that 
war is declared with Great Britain and 
Holland by France and that almost 
every power in Europe is at war with 
France. The different powers will dis- 
tress her very much ; they will take her 
sea-port towns, destroy her fleet and 
take all her possessions in the East and 
West Indies ; and perhaps by prevent- 
ing a supply of provisions may reduce 
her to terms. I heartily wish the French 
may be severely scourged for killing the 
poor King, who, I think, was a good 
and religious man. I wished the nation 
success in recovering their freedom before 
they put the King to death. 

We are still at war with the savages in 
the Western country ; they gave us a se- 
vere defeat in Nov 1791, when we lost 
upwards of eight hundred men. It was 
owing to a misunderstanding between the 
commanding officer and some of the other 
officers. The trooi)s being all new, and 
becoming panic struck at the beginning 
of the action, we had a number of fine 
officers killed. There was very little done 
last campaign but skirmishing. At pres- 
ent there is talk of a treaty with the In- 
dians in next month. If there is not 
peace, a strong army will go against them 
this fall when the leaves are off the trees * 
though \ heartily hope for peace, without 
any more bloodslied, which I wish could 
take place with England and all Europe. 
Our Government I hope in a few years 
will be fully established. We have re- 
elected that good man General Washing- 
ton President of the United States ; he 
did not lose a single vote through the 
whole continent, which was the case when 
he was first elected to that post. Such 



an instance I never read of not to lose 
a single vote through such an extensive 
country, upwards of one thousand or 
twelve hundred miles in lengdi and where 
there are more than four millions of people. 
Our Congress at present sits at Phila- 
delphia where they will remain until the 
year 1800, at which time they are to move 
to the State of Maryland, on the Potomac 
river near Alexandria, where they have 
laid off a city, by the name of Washing- 
ton, which I took a view of last fall on 
my way from the Springs. I will give you a 
short account in what manner it is laid off, 
and to be built. The breadth of the streets, 
the grand transverse avenue, and every 
i:)rincipal divergent one, such as the com- 
munication from the President's house to 
the Congress house, &c. are 160 feet in 
breadth, and thus divided : ten feet for pave- 
ment on each side, is twenty feet ; thirty 
feet of gravel walk, planted with trees on 
each side is sixty feet ; eighty feet in the 
middle for carriages ; the whole one hun- 
dred and sixty feet. The other streets 
are of the following dimensions : those 
leading to ])ublic buildings or markets, 
130 feet and others no and 90 feet. 
There are to be five grand fountains of 
water constantly running ; and within the 
limits of the city twenty-five good springs. 
The city is so situated as to have the river 
on one side, a creek through the middle, 
and a creek on two sides, and has such a 
command of water as to carry it through 
the whole of the city. There is to be a 
public walk, being a square of 1200 feet ; 
there is to be a grand avenue, 400 feet in 
breadth and a mile in length, which leads 
to the equestrian statue of General Wash- 
ington. Some of the streets are 1300 
poles long and 160 feet wide. The houses 

are all to be built of brick or stone and 
none above forty-five feet high or under 
forty feet. Thus I have given you a slight 
sketch of our new city, though it would 
take two sheets to give you a full account. 
I am. dear madam, yours &c 

Laurence Butler. 







Licens'd, November 28th, 1689. J. F. 

Although the Nature and State of Af- 
fairs relating to the Government of this 
Province, is so well and notoriously known 
to all Persons any way concerned in the 
same, as to the People and Inhabitants 
here, who are more immediately Inter- 
ested, as might excuse any Declaration 
or Apology for this present inevitable Ap- 
pearance : Yet for as much as (by the 
Plots, Co?itrk>ances, Insinuations, Remon- 
strances, and Siibscriptiofis, carried on, 
suggested, extorted, and obtained by the 
Lord Baltemore, his Deputies, Repre- 
sentatives, and Officers here) the Injustice 
and Tyranny under which we groan, is 
palliated, and most, if not all the Particu- 
lars of our Grie7!ances shrouded from the 
Eye of Observation, and the Hand of 
Redress. We thought fit for general Sat- 
isfaction, and particularly to undeceive 
those that may have a sinister Account of 
our Proceedings, to Publish this Declara- 
tion, of the Reason and Motives inducing 
us thereunto. 

His I-oidship's Right and Title to the 



Government, is by Virtue of a Charter to 
his Father Cecilius, from King Charles 
the First, of Blessed Memory. How his 
present Lordship has managed the Powers 
and Authorities given and granted in the 
same, We could Mourn and Lament only 
in silence, would our Duty to God, our 
AUegeance to his Vicegerent, and the 
Care and Welfare of our Selves, and Pos- 
terity, permit us. 

In the First Place, In the said Charter, 
is a Reservation of the Faith and AUege- 
ance due to the Crown of England (the 
Province and Inhabitants being imme- 
diately subject thereunto) but how little 
that is manifested, is too obvious to all 
unbiassed Persons that ever liad any thing 
to do here ; The very name and owning 
of that Sovereign Power is sometimes 
Crime enough to incur the Frowns of our 
Superiors, and to render our Persons ob- 
noxious and suspected to be 111 Affected 
to the Government. 

The 111 Usage and Affronts to the 
King's Officers belonging to the Customs 
here, were a sufficient Argument of this ; 
We need but instance the Business of Mr. 
Badcock and Mr. Roiisby, of whom the 
former was forcibly detained by his Lord- 
ship, from going home to make his just 
Complaints in JEngland, upon which he 
was soon taken Sick, and 'twas more than 
l)robably conjectured that the Conceit of 
his Confinement was the chief Cause of his 
Death, which soon after happened. The 
other was Barbarously Murthered upon the 
Execution of his Office, by one that was 
an Irish Papist, and our Chief Governor. 

AUegeance here, by these Persons 
under whom We Sufiler, is little talk'd of, 
other then what they would have done 
and sworn to his Lordship, the Lord 

Proprietary ; for it was very lately owned 
by the President himself, openly enough 
in the Upper House of Assembly, That Fi- 
delity to his Lordship was AUegeance, and 
that the denial of the one, was the same 
thing laith refustil or denial of the other. 
In that very Oath of Fidelity that was 
then imposed under the Penalty and 
Threats of Banishment, there is not so 
much as the least word or intimation of 
any Duty, Faith, or AUegeance to be re- 
served to Our Sovereign Lord the King 
of England. 

How the Jus Regale is improved here, 
and made the Prerogative of his Lordship, 
is too sensibly felt by us all, in that ab- 
solute Authority exercised over us, and 
by the greatest part of the Inhabitants, in 
Seizure of their persons. Forfeiture and 
Loss of their Goods, Chattels, PYeeholders 
and Inheritances. 

In the next place. Churches and Chap- 
pels (which by the said Charter should be 
Built and Consecrated, according to the 
Ecclesiastical Laws of the Kingdom of 


England) to our great Regret and Dis- 
couragement 06 our Religion, are erected 
and converted to the use of Popish Idola- 
try -AXid. Superstition, Jesuits and Seminary 
Priests, are the only Incumbents (for 
which there is a Supi)ly provided, by 
sending our Popish Youth so Educated 
at St. Oniers) as also the chief Advisers 
and Councellors in Affairs of Govern- 
ment, and the Richest and most Fertile 
I^and set apart for their Use and Main- 
tenance ; while other Lands that arc 
piously intended, and given for the Main- 
tenance of the Protestant Ministry, be- 
come Escheat, and are taken as Forfeit, 
the Ministers themselves discouraged, and 
no care taken for their Subsistance. 



The Power to Enact Laws is another 
branch of his Lordship's Authority; but 
how well that has been Executed and 
Circumstanced, is too notorious. His 
present Lordship upon the Death of his 
Eather, in order thereunto, sent out Writs 
for Eour (as was ever the usuage) for each 
County to serve as Representatives of the 
People ; but when Elected, there were 
Two only of each Respective Four, pick'd 
out and summoned to that Convention. 
Whereby many I^aws were made, and the 
greatest Levy yet known, laid upon the 

The next Session, the House was filled 
up with the remaining Two that was left 
out of the former, in which there were 
many and the best of our Laws Enacted, 
to the great Benefit and Satisfaction of 
the People. But his Lordship soon after 
Dissolved and Declared the best of those 
Laws, such as he thought fit, null and 
void by Proclamation ; notwithstanding 
they were Assented to in his Lordship's 
Name by the Governor, in his absence, 
and he himself sometime Personally Acted 
and Governed by the same ; so that the 
Question in our Courts of Judicature^ in 
any point that relates to many of our 
Laws, is not so much the relation it has 
to the said Laws, but whether the Laws 
themselves be agreeable to the Approba- 
tion and Pleasure of his Lordship ? Where- 
by our Liberty and Property is become 
uncertain^ and under the Arhitary Disposi- 
tion of the Judges and Commissio?iers of 
our Courts of Justice. 

The said Assembly being sometime 
after Dissolved by Proclamation^ another 
was Elected and met, consisting only of 
Two Members for each County, directly 
opposite to an Act of Assembly for Four, 

in which several Laws, with his Lordship's 
Personal Assent, were Enacted : Among 
the which, one for the Encouragemeiit of 
Trade, and Erecting of Towns. But the 
Execution of that Act was soon after by 
Proclamation from his Lordship out of 
England, suspended the last Year, and 
all Officers Military and Civil, severely 
prohibited, executing or inflicting the 
Penalties of the same. Notwithstanding 
which suspension, being in effect a disso- 
lution and abrogating the whole Act, the 
Income of Three Pence to the Govern- 
ment by the said Act, payable for every 
Hogshead of Tobacco Exported, is care- 
fully Exacted and Collected. 

How Fatal, and of what Pernicious 
Consequefice, that Unlimited and Arbitrary 
pretended Authority may be to the In- 
habitants, is too apparent, but by con- 
sidering, That by the same Reason, all 
the rest of our Laws whereby our Liberty 
and Property subsists, are subject to the 
same Arbitrary Disposition, and if timely 
Remedy be not had, must stand or fall 
according to his Lordship's Good Will 
and Pleasure. 

Nor is this Nullifying and Suspending 
Power the only Grievance that doth per- 
plex andburthen us, in relation to Laws; 
but these Laws that are of a certain and 
unquestioned acceptation, are executed 
and countenanced, as they are more or 
less agreeable to the good liking of our 
Governours in particular ; One very good 
Law provides, That Orphan Children 
should be disposed of to Persons of the 
same Religion with that of their deceased 
Parents. In direct opposition to which, 
several Children of Protestants have been 
committed to the Tutelage of Papists, 
and brought up in the Romish Supcrsti- 



tion. We could instance in a Young 
Woman, that has been lately forced, by 
Order of Council, from her Husband, 
committed to the Custody of a Papist and 
brought up in his Religion. 'Tis endless 
to enumerate the particulars of this nature, 
while on the contrary, those Laws that 
enhance the Grandeur and Income of his 
said Lordship are severely Imposed and 
Executed ; especially one that against all 
Sense, Equity, Reason, and Law, Punishes 
all Speeches, Practices, and Attempts re- 
lating to his Lordship and Government, 
that shall be thought Mutinous and Se- 
ditious by the Judges of the Provincial 
Court, with either Whipping, Branding, 
Boreing through the Tongue, Fine, Im- 
prisonment, Banishment, or Death ; all, or 
either of the said Punishments, at the Dis- 
cretion of the said Judges ; who have given 
a very recent and remarkable Proof of 
their Authority in each particular Punish- 
ment aforesaid, upon several of the good 
People of this Province, while the rest are 
in the same danger to have their Words 
and Actions liable to the Constructions 
and Punishment of the said Judges, and 
their Lives and Fortunes to the Mercy of 
their Arbitrary Fancies, Opinions, and 

To these Grievances are added, 
Excessive Officers Fees, and that too 
under Execution, directly against the Law 
made and provided to redress the same ; 
wherein there is no probability of a Legal 
Remedy (the Officers themselves that are 
Parties, and culpable) being Judges. 

The like Excessive Fees imposed upon, 
and extorted from Masters and Owners 
of Vessels, Trading into this Province, 
without any Law to Justifie the same, and 

directly against the plain Words of the 
Charter, that say, there shall be no Impo- 
sition or Assessment, without the Consent 
of the Freemen in the Assembly : To the 
great Obstruction oi Trade, and Prejudice 
of the Inhabitaftts. 

The like excessive Fees Imposed upon, 
and extorted from the Owners of Vessels 
that are Built here, or do really belong to 
the Itthabitants ; contrary to an Act of 
Assembly, made and provided for the 
same : Wherein, Moderate and Reason- 
able Fees are assertaijied, for the Promot- 
ing and Encouragement of Shipping and 
Navigation amongst ourselves. 

The frequent Pressing of Men, Horses, 
Boats, Provisions, and other Necessaries, 
in time of Peace ; and often to gratifie 
private Designs, and Occasions, to the 
great Burthen and Regret of the Inhabi- 
tants, contrary to Law and several Acts 
of Assembly in that Case made and pro- 

The Seizing and Apprehending of 
Protestants in their Houses, with Armed 
Force consisting of Papists, and that in 
time of Peace ; their hurrying them away 
to Prisons without Warrant or Cause of 
Commitment, there kept and Conhned 
with Popish Guards, a long time without 

Not only private but publick Outrages, 
and Murthers committed and done by 
Papists upon Protestants without any Re- 
dress, but rather connived at, and Tol- 
lerated by the chief in Authority ; and in- 
deed it were in vain to desire or expect 
any help or measures from them, being 
Papists and Guided by the Counsels and 
Instigations of \.\\q Jesuits, either in these 
or any other Grievances or Oppression. 
And yet these are the Men that are our 



Chief Judges, at the Common Law, m 
Chancery y of the Probat of Wills, and the 
Affairs of Administration, in the Upper 
House of Assembly, and the Chief Mili- 
tary Officer, and Commanders of our 
Forces ; being still the same Individual 
Persons, in all these particular Qualifica- 
tions and Places. 

These and many more, even Infinite 
Pressures and Calamities, we have hith- 
erto, with Patience lain under and sub- 
mitted too ; hoping that the same Hand of 
Providence, that hath sustained us under 
them, would at length in due time release 
us ; and now at length. For as much as it 
has pleased Almighty God, by means of 
the greatPrudence and Conduct of the best 
of Princes ; Our most gracious King Wil- 
liam, to put a Check to the great Innun- 
dation of Slavery and Popery, that had like 
to overwhelm Their Majesties Protestant 
Subjects in all their Territories and Do- 
minions (of which none have suffered 
more, or are in greater Danger than our 
selves) we hope and expected in our par- 
ticular Stations and Qualifications ; a pro- 
portionable Share of so great a Blessing. 
But to our great Grief and Consternation, 
upon the first News of the great Overture 
and happy Change in England ; we found 
our selves surrounded widi Strong and 
Violent Endeavours from our Governoiirs 
here, being the Lord Balternore' s Depu- 
ties and Representatives, to defeat us of 
the same. 

We still find all the means used by 
these very Persons and their Agents ; 
Jesuits, Priests, and lay Papists, that Art 
or Malice can suggest, to divert the 
Obedience and Loyalty of the Inhabi- 
tants from Their Most Sacred Majesties, 
to that heighth of Impudence, that solemn 

Masses and Prayers are used {as we have 
very good Liformation) in their Chappels 
and Oratories, for the prosperous Success 
of the Popish Forces in Ireland, and the 
French Designs against England, where- 
by they would involve us in the same 
Crime of Disloyalty with themselves, and 
render us Obnoxious to the Insupportable 
Displeasure of Their Majesties. 

We every where hear, not only Pub- 
lick Protestantism against Their Majesties 
Right and Possession of the Crown of 
England ; but their most Illustrious Per^ 
sons vilhfied and aspers'd with the worst 
and most Traiterous Expressions of Oblo- 
quy and Detraction. 

We are every day threatned with the 
Loss of our Lives, Liberties, and Es- 
tates, of which we have great Reason to 
think our selves in Imminent Danger, by 
the Practices and Machinations that are 
on foot to betray us, to the French, 
Northern, and other Indians, of which, 
some have been dealt withal, and others 
Invited to Assist in our Destruction ; 
7vell rememhring the Incursion and Jn- 
roads of the said Northern Indians, in the 
Year 1681 ; who were conducted into the 
Heart of the Province, by French Jesuits, 
and lay sore upon us, luhile the Peprese?it^ 
atives of the Country, then in the Assem- 
bly, were severely press' d upon by our 
Superiors, to yield them an Unlimited 
and Tiranical Power in the Affairs of the 
Militia. As so great a Piece of Villany 
cannot be the Result but of the worst of 
Principles ; so we should with the greatest 
Difficulties believe it to be true, if Un- 
deniable Evidence and Circumstances did 
not convince us. 

Together with the Promises, we have, 
with all due Thinking and Deliberation, 



considered the Endeavours that are mak- 
ing to Disunite us among our selves, to 
make and Inflame Diflferences in our 
Neighbour Colony of Vb'ginia^ from whose 
Friendship, Vicinity, great Loyalty and 
Sameness of Religion ; we may expect 
Assistance in our greatest Necessity. 

We have considered, that all the other 
Branches of Their Majesties Dominions 
in this Part of the World {as well as we 
could he informed) have done their Duty 
in Proclaiming and Asserting their un- 
doubted Right in these, and all other 
Their Majesties Territories and Countries. 

But above all, with Due and Mature 
Deliberation, we have reflected upon that 
vast Gratitude and Duty incumbent like- 
wise upon us, To our Sovereign Lord and 
Lady, the King and Queen's most Excel- 
lent Majesties, in which, as it would not 
be safe for us ; so it will not suffer us to 
be Silent, in so great and General a 
Juhile, withal considering and looking 
upon ourselves, Discharged, Dissolved, 
and Free from all manner of Duty, Obli- 
gation, or Fidelity, to the Deputies, 
Governours, or Chief Magistrates here, 
as such : They having Departed from 
their Allegiance (upon which alone our 
said Duty and Fidelity to them depends) 
and by their Complices and Agents afore- 
said, endeavoured the Destruction of 
our Religion, Lives, Liberties, and Prop- 
erties, all of which they are bound to 

These are the Reasons, Motives, and 
Considerations, which we do Declare, have 
induced us to take up Ar??is, to Preserve, 
Vindicate, and Assert, the Sovereig?i Do- 
viinion, and Right, of King WILLI AAt 
and Queen MARY, to this Province : To 
Defend the Protestant Religion among us. 

and to Protect and Shelter the Inhabi- 
tants, from all manner of Violence, Op- 
pression, and Destruction, that is Plotted 
and Designed against them ; which we do 
solemnly Declare and Protest, we have 
no Designs or Jntentiofis whatsoever. 

For the more Effectuate Accomplish- 
ments of which. We will take due Care, 
that a Free and full Assembly be Called, 
and Convened with all Possible Expedi- 
tion, by whom we may likewise have our 
Condition and Circumstances, and our 
most Dutiful Addresses represented and 
tendered to Their Majesties : From 
whose great AVisdom, Justice, and especial 
Care of the Protestant Religion ; We may 
Reasonably and Comfortably hope to be 
Delivered from our present Calamities, 
and for the future be secured under a 
Just and Legal Administration, from being 
evermore subjected to the Yoke of Arbi- 
trary Government, Tyrany and Popery. 

In the conduct of this, We will take 
Care, and do Promise, That no Person 
now in Arms with us, or that shall come 
to Assist us, shall commit any Outrage, 
or do any Violence to any Person what- 
soever, that shall be found Peaceable and 
Quiet, and not oppose us in our said just 
and necessary Designs : And that there 
shall be Just and due Satisfaction made 
for Provision, and other Necessaries had 
and Received from the Inhabitants : And 
the Soldiers, punctually and duely Paid ; 
in such Ways and Methods as have been 
formerly accustomed, or by Law ought to 

And we do Lastly, Invite and Require 
all manner of Persons whatsoever ; Re- 
siding or Inhabiting in this Province, as 
they tender their Allegiance, the Protes- 
tant Religion ; their Lives, Fortunes and 



Families, to Aid and Assist us in this our 

Given imder our Hands in Mar}'land, 
the 2^th Day of July, in the Fii'st Year 
of Their Majesties Reign^ Annoqne Dom- 
ini 1689. 

God Save King WILLIAM and Queen 

Published by Authority. 

MARYLAND, Printed by Willian Nut- 
head at the City of St. Maries. Re- 
printed in LONDON, and Sold by 
Randal Taylor near Stationers Hall, 


Sebastian Vizcaino's voyage along 
the pacific coast of north america in 
1602. — Sebastian Vizcaino explored and 
surveyed the Pacific coast of North- 
America from Cape San Lucas to Cape 
Mendocino in 1602, Cabrillo having first 
sailed along the same in 1539. (?) He 
prepared Rej)orts and a map, notarial 
copies of which were made in Mexico, 
Dec. 8th, 1603, and are now to be found 
in the Archivo General de Indias de Se- 
villa. These were utilized, and a re- 
duced copy of the original map on 2i^ 
sheets, published, by Don M. F. de Navar- 
rete in his Atlas and Introduccion to the 
voyage of the Sutil y Mexicana, Madrid, 
1802, a work of much interest to Ameri- 
can geographers. The prefatory matter 
by Navarrete is a complete history of dis- 
covery along this coast. (See Greenhovv, 
Memoir on the N. W. Coast of N. A., 
1840, p. 13T.) 

The MS in Mexico seems to have dis- 

appeared. Torquemada, Monarchia In- 
diana, Madrid, 1723, and Venegas, 1757, 
print a Relacion of the voyage, which, 
according to Navarrete, p. Ixi, is the 
derrotero of the pilots only. Venegas 
had a careful search made in the Secre- 
taria del Consejo Supremo de las Indias^ 
but could not find the full narrative and 
map.' An abridged narrative, from Loren- 
zana, is given in the Boletin of the Mexi- 
can Geographical Society, Tom. V., 1857. 

Burney copies the Map given by Na- 
varrete in his South Sea Voyages, Vol. II., 
1806. The MSS in Seville, according to 
Navarrete, consist, I. of a vol. in foL of 
114 leaves, containing the resolutions and 
declarations of th.Q J u?itas y consejos de 
mar y gnerra, held by Vizcaino during 
the voyage. II, a Relacion diario, in 
full detail of the voyage. Ill, the derrotero 
or log-book of the whole voyage made 
in 1602, by the cosniographo mayor ^ 
Geronimo Martin Palacios, with the 
acuerdo or approval of five pilots, and in 
the presence of the P. Fr. Antonio de la 
Ascension. IV, thirty-two demonstracioncs 
or maps of all the coast reconnoitred, its 
ports, bays, &c., made pursuant to an 
order of the Viceroy, by Enrico Martinez, 
cosmbgraplw de S. M. in New-Spain. 
Navarrete copied all these and other 
documents relating to the same under- 
taking, which copy is probably now in the 
Library of the Academy of History in 
Madrid. Navarrete defines the exact 
location of the papers he copied as being 
in Icgajo 4 of the papers collected from 
the house of the Secretary, Juan de Ciriza. 

Tlie Relacion made by the Padre Fray 
Antonio de la Ascension, a Carmelite, 
who accompanied the Expedition as Cos- 
mographer, is given from a MS Vol. in the 



Biblioteca Nacional, J. 89, in the Docu- 
mentos J?iedifos, America y Oceania^ Vol. 
VIII., 1867, pp. 539-574. Vizcaino's ex- 
pedition of 161 1, to Japan, in which the 
Fray again accompanied him, is in the 
same vohime, copied from the same MS 
collection as the first. 

With all this published information, 
with the Map by Vizcaino reproduced by 
Navarrete and Burney, we find, in the 
Proceedings at the Am. Antiq. Soc. for 
October 1873, ^'^'^^ ^'^^ Recording secre- 
tary, Mr. John D. Washburn and Mr. 
John T. Doyle of San Francisco, con- 
sider Vizcaino's Reports as iinfindable. 

The Fray Ascension, Doc. Ined. Supra, 
p. 555, calls Monterey a famoso pnerto, 
in 37 degrees, and adds that the vessels 
from the Philippines to New-Spain made 
land there. P. 558, he says, " we recog- 
nized, on our way to Cape Mendocino, 
the Port of San Francisco, where in past 
times a vessel from China, that came 
with orders to explore this coast, was lost, 
and I believe that at the present time 
much wax and pottery (losaza) is there, 
which the vessel carried." 

The first successful return voyage from 
the Philippines to New Spain, after several 
failures, was accomplished by Andres de 
Urdaneta in 1566. However, we shall 
speak of this navigator, who in 1552 be- 
came an Augustine brother, in another 
note. J. C. B. 

Sanctified bells. — The Rev. An- 
thony Sepp sailed from Cadiz, Jan. 19 
1 69 1, on a voyage to South America, in 
company with forty-four missionaries sent 
out by the Jesuits' College. On the 25th 
instant they encountered a terrible tem- 
pest accompanied with thunder and light- 

ning. In the following paragragh he 
states the measure they took to secure 
their safety. 

" Our procurator had brought along 
with him a sanctified bell, as we call it, 
and Kaloke by the Americans, unto which 
they attribute this virtue, that as far as its 
sound reaches no thunder or lisfhtnins: 
can do any mischief; for which reason 
we took care to have it rung, at this time 
of danger. The original of its virtue 
must be traced as far as Mexico, where, 
they say, was formerly a bell of vast bulk, 
which, as often as it lightened and thun- 
dered, rung of itself, and as far as the 
sound thereof reached, no thunderbolt 
was ever known to fall ; afterwards it was 
thought fit to cast many bells of the 
metal of this great bell, which are given 
as a singular present to persons of qual- 
ity ; and ours is one of the same kind ; 
every procurator who goes from the 
Indies to Rome having such a bell al- 
lowed him, to protect him in his voyage." 

W. K. 

Grandfather of commodore vax- 
DERBILT. — Wednesday last Mr. Cornelius 
Vanderbilt, of Staten Island, was found 
dead, on the Road, leading from the 
Court House, and 'tis supposed he either 
went off in a Fit, or killed himself by a 
Fall from his Horse.— 77/^ N, V. Mer- 
cury^ Monday, Sept. 28, 1767. 

H. G. 

Weld. — In Sabine's Loyalists there is 
mention of Benjamin Weld of Massachu- 
setts. This is an error. The gentleman 
named was a determined Whig. He was 
at Lexington as a school teacher when 
the news came of the approach of the 



British ; mounting a horse he rode 
through the neighboring towns beating a 
drum to call the farmers to arms. Dur- 
ing the Revolution he was in the Com- 
missary Department and in New York 
with the army under Washington in 1776. 
He was the first deputy collector of the 
customs at the port of Boston, a sufficient 
proof of his attitude during the struggle. 
He was a nephew of the celebrated Dr. 
Benjamin Church, who deserted the whig 
cause, whose daughter he married. This 
may have been the cause of his being in- 
cluded by Sabine in his List. His sec- 
ond wife was Abigail, daughter of Col. 
William Perkins of Boston. Weld. 

General wolfe. — On the death of 
Wolfe, a i)remium was offered for the best 
written epitaph; among the poems sent 
to the Editor of the Public Ledger there 
was one containing the following curious 

" He marched without dread or fears 
At the head of his bold grenadiers ; 
And what was miraculous nay, very particular, 

He climbed up rocks that were perpendicular," 


Invincible ix peace ; invisible in 
WAR. — The authorship of this aphoristic 
witticism has generally been credited to 
the Hon. Ben. Hill of Georgia, who re- 
cently aptly applied it, on the floor of 
Congress, to a class of braggarts of the 
present day. The merit of it, however, 
belongs to the late Captain George H. 
Derby, a graduate of the U. S. Military 
Academy of the Class of 1846, better 
known by the nom de plume of "John 
Phoenix." When stationed at San Fran- 
cisco he was invited to a public dinner 

given by a company of state militia. 
Being called upon for a toast, though a 
guest, he could not repress his love for 
satire and accordingly gave : " The Cali- 
fornia Militia — Invincible in Peace ; In- 
visible in War." The expression was 
new, though the idea is old. Dryden in 
his Cymon and Iphigenia, expressed,, with 
his usual keenness and energy, the senti- 
ments which had been fashionable among 
the sycophants of James the Second, in 
the following lines : 

"The country rings around with loud alarms, 
And raw in fields the rude Militia swarms ; 
Mouths without hands, maintained at vast ex- 
In Peace a charge, in War a weak defense, 
Stotit once a month they inarch a blusteriitg 

And ever, but in time of need ^ at hand.'''' 

G. W. C. 

The LENOX library. — The event of 
the month in the literary and art circle of 
New York was the opening, on the 15th, 
of the gallery of the Lenox Building, when 
for the first time the public had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing the interior of this noble 
structure, the munificent gift, with its 
library and pictures, of the most generous 
of the citizens of New York— a true 
Maecenas in taste and liberality. The 
library is not yet ready for use, the prelimi- 
nary arrangements not being completed, 
notwithstanding the indefatigable labor of 
its accomplished superintendent, Dr. 
George H. Moore, in arranging, shelving, 
and cataloguing its rare and costly con- 
tents. The picture gallery, which alone was 
opened, is a spacious apartment, perfect in 
pro[)ortion, decorated in excellent taste, 
and admirably lighted. 

It is not our province to enter upon 



any general description of its many 
treasures ; nor yet is it in our compe- 
tence to pass an opinion upon their artistic 
merits ; but we invite the attention of 
students of history to the value of the 
portraits here preserved. The import- 
ance of authentic portraits is recognized 
abroad, where National Portrait galleries 
have been established by governments. 

New York is rich in portraits, and the 
day is not distant when those of historic 
interest will find their way from the se- 
clusion of family homes to public galleries, 
where they may serve as illustrations of 
the manners and costumes of the past. 

In the gallery of Air. Lenox are speci- 
mens of Copley, the Peales, Stuart, Jarvis, 
Trumbull, Leslie, Morse, and Hunting- 
ton. Editor. 

first inaugural occurs the following phrase, 
the peculiar combination of consonants 
and labials of which can only be appre- 
ciated by an attempt [we use the word 
attempt advisedly] to read it aloud : "Will 
you hazard so desperate a step, while any 
portion of the ills you fly from have no 
real existence ? Will you, while the cer- 
tain ills you fly to are greater than all the 
real ones you fly from ? " A. U. S. 

An historical portrait. — In the hall 
of the Chamber of Commerce in New 
York hangs a full-length portrait of Alex- 
ander Hamilton, painted for the citizens 
of New York in 1792. It is certainly the 
finest portrait of Hamilton and the best 
of Trumbull's works, yet, strange to say, 
the painter makes no mention of it in his 
autobiography. To the request of the 
committee, of which Gulian Verplanck 

was chairman, to Hamilton to permit the 
representation to exhibit such part of his 
political life as may be most agreeable to 
himself, he replied: "The simi)le repre- 
sentation of their fellow-citizen and friend 
will best accord with my feelings." In 
the portrait Hamilton appears in plain 
citizen's dress. Historical. 

Sharp legislation. — Providence, R.I.^ 
Feb. 6, 1790. — Extract of a letter from a 
gentleman in New York, to his friend in 
this town, dated Jan. 30 : "A curious 
anecdote is circulated here, that a Parson 
in your Senate was violently apposed to a 
convention, and prevented the passing of 
the act for calling one : That the Gover- 
nor proposed deferring the business till 
next day (Sunday), which was agreed to : 
That the Parson, being obliged to attend 
to the care of souls, was under the neces- 
sity of banishing worldly cares on that 
day ; and that his absence occasioned an 
equal division of the Senate, which fur- 
nished the Governor with an opportunity 
of doing a popular act, and turning the 
scale in favor of a convention." — Neiv 
York Packet, Feb. 20, 1790. W. K. 


Washington's headquarters in new 
YORK. — General Washington arrived in 
New York from Cambridge, Saturday, the 
13th April, 1776, with his aid-de-camp, 
William Palfrey, and Horatio Gates, the 
Adjutant-General of the army. Where 
did he take up his headquarters ? Tra- 
dition says at the Kennedy House, No. i 
Broadway. This is not probable, as, on 
the authority of a letter to a friend in Eng- 
land, written from New York, April 11, 
published in the American Remembrancer, 



** Kennedy's new house.. Mallet's, and one 
next to it had 600 men in them," and the 
trooj-fs are described as " the dirtiest j-»eople 
on the Continent" Washington would 
hardly have made his headquarters here. 

Wednesday the 1 7th April the Lady of 
his Excellency arrived in New York from 
Cambriiige by way of Xew London, when 
Washington took up his headquarters at 
the Mortier House, There was then 
great alarm at the prevalence of the small- 
pox, which had decimated the army in 
Canada. The Mortier House, later known 
as RKJuiiond Hill, was in a salubrious 
situation. Washington was residing here 
at the close of June, the period of the 
Hickey plot. 

On the ipth May, among the signals for 
alarm it was ordered that by Jay a flag, 
and by night two Lanterns be hoisted from 
G^ieral Washington's headquarters. 

On the 22d May in the order naming 
tbe Batteries, that behind his Excellency 
General Washington's headquaners is 
called the Oyster Battery, 

On tbe Sth August die order for alarm 
was altaied ; the signal in future to be 
given from Bayara s HiU ; but the order 
continues. ** the flag will not be hoisted at 
tbe OW Head Quarters in the Broadway." 
Where was the Oyster Battery? This 
win determine tbe location of the town 
beadqnaiters. Hi?toricai^ 

Central park reports, — AXTiat con- 
stitutes a complete set to this date of the 
Central Park Re^wrts ? Collector. 

Law of primogentttre ix Massachu- 
setts. — By the laws of descent and dis- 
tribution in Massachnsetls, founded on the 
law of Moses, Datieroncmy : xxi. 1 7. the 
eldest son had a double portion both of 
real and personal estate. When was tbis 
exception in favor of the eldest sen abol- 
ished ? Plvs. 

GRESS. — Is the reprint by Way and Gid- 
eon, 4 vols.. Washington, 1S23. a com- 
plete reproduction of the original journals? 
They seem to me to be imi>erfect. P. F. 

New enguvxd societv. — ^^\'ho was the 
founder of the Xew England Societ}- in 
the C\x\ of Xew York ? Was it the nrst 
of the kind ? Xew Hampshire. 

In-tolerance in new xetherlaxds. 
— Is it probable that this was due to the 
influence of Connecticut ? We know that 
it was promptly suppressed b\' orders 
from Holland, as soon as the few instan- 
ces of it became known there ; but how 
shall we account for its appearance among 
Dutchmen at all ? Rip A'ax Dam. 

Portraits. — Can any reader of the 
Magazine inform me whether ^xjrtraits of 
Rev. Peter Bulkely. of Concord Mass., or 
of Gov. \S"illiam Brenton, of Rhode Island, 
are eictant? T. ?. H. 

Bibliography of arctic expeditioxs. 
— The London Times for Dec. 29tb, 
1S74. published one extending only from 
1S4S to 1S73, ^^ich was copied into 
Xotes and Queries, 1875, 5^ ^^-^ ^^^ 
iiL. p. 19. Another, much more OMn- 
plete, extending from 1841 to 1 858, with 
a list of tbe names of persons who have 
attempted to explore the Xorthem Re- 
gions from 1496 to 1857, is given in 
" The Xorth-West Passage, and the Plans 
for the Search for Sir John Franklin. A 



Review: By John Brown, F.R.C.S. Lon- 
don, 1858." 8vo, pp. 447-452. Where 
can others be found ? Carllson. 

AmBOY, kill van KULI,, ARTHUR KILL, 

bonsall's BASIN. — What is the origin of 
the name of Amboy ? Is it not from the 
Dutch "Am Bog," at the elbow? 

What does "the KuU" mean, in the 
name of the Sound between Staten Isl- 
and and New Jersey, viz., " the Kill van 
Kull," or the river or channel of the Kull ? 

Is not the name Arthur Kill improperly 
applied to the Sound above named? 

Where was Bonsall's Basin ? 

J. B. B. 

The portfolio. — Can some one fur- 
nish a complete bibliographical account 
of this Magazine, published in Philadel- 
phia, and edited by Dennie and others, 
in all its series and forms, with number of 
plates, facsimiles, etc. ? Carllson. 

Bernal DIAZ DEL CASTILLO. — This his- 
torian of the companions of Fernando 
Cortez, in the Conquest of Mexico, came 
out with Pedrarias Davila in 15 14, as he 
states in his Historia Verdadera. pub- 
lished Madrid, 1632. He became after 
the conquest Regidor of the City of Gua- 
temala (Remesal, Prescott, BookV. end^) 
and completed his work there in 1568, as 
he tells us in Cap. CCX., and in his Pre- 
face. Father Alonzo Remon found the MS 
in Spain and published it. But Dr. C. 
Scherzer in his publication of the R. P. F. 
Francisco Ximenes MS, entitled "Z^j- His- 
torias del Origen de los Indios de esta Pro- 
vincia de Guatemala^ 6^^., Viena, 1857." 
Introduccion, p. VI, says that the orig- 
inal MS by Castillo is in the library of the 

Municipality of the City of Guatemala, 
and that it ends with the declaration, " Ar 
ciial concluyb eri Guatemala el 14 de no- 
7ne?nbre, 1605." He adds, in a note, that 
this date would give to the author an ex- 
traordinary longevity, but it did not seem 
to him improbable or erroneous, as it i.i 
known that he died very old, though the 
date of his decease is unknown. Scher- 
zer remarks that the text as published is 
very incorrect. 

Castillo had children, and we believe, 
a son, who bore his own name, but the 
exact date of the death of the old Conquis- 
tador, it would seem, might be easily 

Can any of your readers furnish it ? 

J. C. B. 

Col. JOHN LASHER. — This officer fig- 
ured in the vicinity of New York during 
the Campaign of 1776. What is his per- 
sonal history, where born, occupation, 
public record, &c. ? Has he descendants 
living ? H. P. J. 

Frobisher's VOYAGE. — Mr. Sabin, the 
indefatigable Bibliographer, brings to no- 
tice in his Dictionary (vol. V. 166) a dis- 
covery of his own, respecting a book by 
one Thomas Ellis, printed by Dawson, in 
1578, and entitled a "True Report," of 
Frobisher's third Voyage. No copy of 
the original can now be found even in the 
British Museum, though reprinted by 
Hakluyt (HI.) and Pinkerton (XH.) There 
is also to be found in the recently pub- 
lished Registers of the Stationers' Compa^ 
ny (H. 406) the following entry, under 
November, 1578 : 
" Jhon Charlvvood. At a court holden 

this day The said Jhon Charlwood fox 


«f libeCledE: 


bf CsLpL DdaTan. CoL wiio caane to Boston aiMMt Ike jcar 16S7, 

WHtiam Hon coanKUided the Light In- and to vImsbb bads ««ie gnroi at Casc3 

fuUij, and- CoU. Lamb and Stevens die Bar. R OLni n g to Wndvo{f s accnnc 

AitiSeTT. The order of December 23, of dK int farmal aftrmpr br Captaia 

1 783, issoedbf Gen. Knox at West Point, Wmiam Sajle to ooloKe that kiaad, 

co mnMinir a rin g to the troops the tbanks dien knovas Scgetos G u ic i— Lcfrof 

of the State Coondl for dien- good be- obserres tktt k seems evident that the 

harior 00 this occaaoo, maj- peifaaps give first sftthimnt dU not imlnili amw 

detailsw W. K. French <t m ini : while fiicv i u n s to Ais 

the onlf inhabitants profaaUf , weie a 

AwrHAic WORDS.— L 55.) The proper f^ w an Jani g baccaneeis. In 1649 » 

definiiion of "Haward-'is diatgircn by^ nmnber of peiamsbehj^h^tothe Indev 

Wr^ in his Provincial Dictionarj, fk^ pendent porlj woe l i intp iM li i l to Elen- 

"- Hajftmrd. A person who gnaided the ^^^.^ ^tr die SovdiAs of Hju^jji^V ^^^ 

com and farm yard at n^; or who ^mained dKie mitfl lecaBcd nnder Ae 

watched rartie, to prevent them from ppuMimai ijih m. 16^ '-The 

breaking the fences." He ako dpimes l-ji ^ ||^ 
^Seg 2l castrated bafl." Peters ftzlz . 

Archaic words. — tL 55.) ~Si. 
Ox.^ — In some of the earir E . 
works this name is spdkd ^f f . : 
applied to the animal now knc 
botchers and diov q: ^ in this : 
Siag. The reason for giviiig 

here to dns bovine animal L^ :mma_xi>er3 i> 

boIlH^df has been left to obtain as armt.— <L 5 

before beii^ altered, bv whic "* * *«*^ * '^S^- ^ '^-^ 

preserves mnch of the boE ' 
in a. heavy, coarse, thick t.- 
fleshj make; the horns 
dnck. The '"Sag" is nf 
aiMwial than die Ox of the - 

-Ciief of the U. S- Armv frcwa 
Hiving some 
I a. list, I send Toa 
It i= 25 complete 

- A.£>,a 

HUGUEXOTS IX THE BAHA3€AS. <L53.> I- *> '775- 

A note £roai the conrteoos and scr — "^ : ■ 

Governor of tfie Bennodas, \fc^or r 

end J. H. Lefroy, may throw li^ vpc 17^9. — March, i79r. ill. Annur 

die qoesdoQ raised in the January nnm- :?- Ciair, March, 1791. — Mirch, 1792- 

ber of the Magazine of American His- IV. Antho^ Wavne, March, 1792. — ^Dec 

tory. reUave io dK nationality of certain 15. 179^ ^- James WSki^nn, Dec:- 

refiigees from the island of Efentheva, 1 796^— Jrfy, 1 79^ "^^ George 



ton, July, 1798.— Dec. 14, 1799. VII. 
James Wilkinson, June, 1800. — Jan. 1812. 
VIII. Henry Dearborn, Jan. 1812. — June, 
18 1 5. IX. Jacob Brown, June, 1815. — 
Feb. 24, 1828. X. Alexander Macomb, 
May, 1828.— June, 1841. XL Winfield 
Scott, June, 1841. — Nov. 1861. XII. 
George B. McClellan, Nov. i, 1861. — 
March 11, 1862. XIII. Henry W. Hal- 
leck, July 11, 1862. — March 12, 1864. 
XIV. Ulysses S. Grant, March 12, 1864. 
—March 4, 1869. XV. William T. Sher- 
man, March 8, 1869. 

nance." The print is more particularly 
described in Potter's American Monthly 
for July, 1875. • X. X. 

The first new yorker. — (I. 55.) 
Among the signers of the New York 
Association, in Orange County, during 
the summer of 1775, were Tunis and 
John Dolson. in Newburgh, and Abraham 
and Isaac Dolson, both Sen. and Jr., in 
Goshen. The Prov. Cong., in Feb. 
1776, commissioned new officers for the 
Florida and Warwick regiments, Goshen, 
of whom were Abraham Dolson, captain, 
and Matthias Dolson, ensign, in late 
Henry Wisner's company. During the 
following fall Dolson' s company formed 
part of the Regt. of Col. Isaac NicoU, 
Brigade of Gen. Canton at Peekskill. 
I- J- G. 

Washington portraits. — (I. 55.) A 
letter published in Force's Am. Archives 
throws some light on the portrait referred 
to. Washington, writing to Jos. Reed 
from Cambridge, Jan. 31, 1776, says: 
" Mrs. VVashington desires me to thank 
you for the picture sent her. Mr. Camp- 
bell, whom I never saw to my knowledge, 
has made a very formidable figure of the 
Commander-in-chief, giving him a suffi- 
cient portion of terror on his counte- 

Washington portraits. — (I. 55.) 
VivAX will find in the Menzies Cata- 
logue : page 471, Lot 2227, a descrip- 
tion of the Campbell portrait and engrav- 
ing, with a reference to Washington's let- 
ter concerning it and the artist, whom he 
says he never saw, to his knowledge. 


First American play. — (I. 56.) 
Thomas Godfrey, Junr., a native of Phil- 
adelphia, completed in the year 1759 ^ 
tragedy entitled The Prince of Parthia. 
The manuscript was offered to the Amer- 
ican Company performing at that time in 
Philadelphia, but it was not accepted. 
This play is included in an edition of the 
audior s Poems published at Philadelphia 
in 1765, and it is claimed to be the "first 
essay this Continent, has as yet publicly 
exhibited of Dramatic Composition." 

W. K. 

First American play. — (I. 56.) Gov- 
ernor Hunter of New York is said to 
have written a play or something of the 
sort during his administration of the gov- 
ernment there about 1710. Plus. 

An interesting relic. — (I. 55.) 
" Rem." will find in the Collections of the 
Histoi'ical Society of Pennsylvania ; Vol. 
I. page 79, Nov. 185 1, an article on the 
presentation of the Freedom of the City 
of New York to Andrew Hamilton, of 
Philadelphia, which shows that the origi- 
nal document, written in large German 
text upon vellum, and the gold box that 



contained it was in the possession of 
Septimus H. Palairet, Esq , of The 
Grange, near Bradford, England, who 
married a great-great-grand-daugliter of 
the famous lawyer who was Zenger's 
counsel in 1735. 

The gold box was oval in form, three 
inches in length by two in breadth, and 
three-fourths of an inch deep. Around 
the rim of the face this inscription was 
engraved, " Demersce Leges — Timefacta 
Libertas — H(LC taiidem Emergwity — 
Around the rim on the outside, ^^ Ita 
Cuique eveniat, ut de Republic a meruit T 
Inside of the lid, in a scroll, '' Non Nu?n- 
mis — Virtute ParaturT Upon the box 
the arms of the city. The box was made 
of very yellow pure gold, and quite 
heavy. Plus. 

his name in its Latin equivalent — Filo- 
dexter Transylvaniis. G. H. M. 

Harvard graduates. — (I. 56.) In 
Sibley's Biographical Sketches of Harvard 
Graduates it is stated that the first work 
printed by any graduate of that college 
Was a Sermon on the Gunpowder Plot, 
preached at St. Paul's, in London, Nov. 
5,1651, by William Ames of the class of 
1645. Copies of this interesting publica- 
tion are preserved in the libraries of Bow- 
doin College and of C. VV. Upham, of 
Salem. It is a quarto tract of fifty-five 
pages, and bears the imprint, London 
1652. Cambridge. 

Harvard graduates. — (I. 56.) I 
name as the first publication by a Har- 
vard Graduate, Benjamin Woodb ridge's 
" Church Members set in Joynt^'' etc. 
He was the first graduate (in 1642,) and 
published this tract about six years later, 
in reply to a pamphlet favoring " Preach- 
ing without Ordination^ He concealed 

"Sink or swim, live or die." — (L 
48.) This quotation from John Adams 
was erroneously credited to Patrick 
Henry. A reference to Bartlett's Famil- 
iar Quotations would have corrected this 
slip of the memory. W. K. 

First book printed in north Car- 
olina. — (I. 51,) A volume has just 
been presented to the Library of Con- 
gress which tallies precisely with the col- 
lation given by E. Y. E., except that 
after page 353 follow pp. 355-371, then 
"Alphabetical Table," 2 ])p. only (A — W). 
The additional matter embraces the Acts 
of 1752, and the date on title-page is also 
1752, showing this to be a 2d Edition of 
the " Yellow Jacket" Laws, although the 
title does not so state. A. R. S. 

Library of Congress^ January 3, 1877. 

Organ building in America. — (I. 53.) 
The record evidence referred to is the 
following, from the records of " Old 

"At a meeting of the Vestry of Trinity 
Church, August 4, 1703. 

'^ Ordered^ That ye Rev. Mr. Vesey, 
Rector, Col. Wenham and Capt. Willett 
(Wardens) Col. Peartree, Capt. Tothill 
and Capt. Lurting be a Comee to meet 
with Mr. Regnier, Mr. Brit, Lieut Hob- 
son & Mr. Carter, and they to confer 
with and discourse Mr. Henry Neering, 
Organ Maker, about making and erecting 
an organ in Trinity Church in New York, 
and if they shall think meet agree with 
him on as easy terms as possible." 







The Annual Meeting was held in the 
Hall of the Society, Tuesday Evening, 
January 2d, 1877, the President, Freder- 
ic de Peyster, LL. D., in the Chair. 
After the usual table business the An- 
nual Reports were presented. 

The Treasurer's Report showed a 
balance to the credit of the Society in 
the Manhattan Company, of $10,628.50, 
and invested securities to the amount of 
$36,900 — which includes the Isaiah 
Thomas, Elizabeth Demilt, the Sons of 
Rhode Island, Seth Grosvenor, David 
E. Wheeler, Thomas C Barron, and the 
Publication Funds. In addition to 
these a Fund of $3,000, given by John 
D. Jones, for the publication of books 
on New York History, now being applied 
to Judge Jones' History of New York in 
the Revolution ; a loyalist view of the 
struggle with Great Britain from the re- 
sistance to the Stamp Act to the close 
of the War. This work will be edited 
with extensive Notes by Mr. E. F. de 
Lancey, and shortly issued in two large 
octavo volumes, profusely illustrated by 
portraits, maps, views, and completed 
by a copious index. 

The Report of the Executive Com- 
mittee showed that the Society had held 
during the year ten Stated and two 
Special Meetings, the papers read at 
which were of a high standard. Not- 
withstanding the great depression the 
Society has maintained its membership. 
More could not have been expected. 
Since its foundation, in 1804, its Register 
shows a total membership of 6,812, of 

whom 448 Honorary, 1,253 Correspond- 
ing, and 5,111 Resident. 

The Report of the Librarian stated 
the number of donations to the Society, 
at Volumes 331, Pamphlets 1548, Vol- 
umes of Newspapers 67, Collection of 
Manuscripts 2, Separate Manuscripts 38, 
besides numerous Maps, Engravings and 
Broadsides ; and addition by purchase of 
956 volumes of carefully selected Histor- 
ical Works. A portrait of Chancellor 
Livingston, by Vanderlyn, and a bust 
of Philip Hone, were added to the col- 
lection of Art, and 57 objects of interest 
to the Museum. 

Col. Andrew Warner, for thirty years 
the Recording Secretary of the Society, 
received the honor of a complimentary 
resolution, and was requested to sit for a 
portrait for the Art Gallery. 

In accordance with the ancient custom 
of the Society, the new Governor of the 
State, Hon. Lucius Robinson, was elect- 
ed an Honorary Member, 

The Annual Election for the year 
resulted in the unanimous choice of the 
following : 

For President, Frederic de Peyster; 
for First Vice-President, William Cullen 
Bryant; for Second Vice-President, 
James W. Beekman ; for Foreign Cor- 
responding Secretary, George H. Moore ; 
for Domestic Corresponding Secretary, 
Evert E. Duyckinck ; for Recording 
Secretary, Andrew Warner ; for Treas- 
urer, Benjamin H. Field ; for Librarian, 
John Austin Stevens. 

The Paper of the Evening was read 
by Major-General John Watts de Peyster. 

The subject selected for the address 
was " Major-General Philip Schuyler 
and the Burgoyne Campaign in the Sum- 



mer of 1777," and the purpose of the 
orator was evidently to vindicate the 
fame of this distinguished and patriotic 
man from the slurs which have been cast 
upon his conduct and character. 

The position of New York as the 
Flandersof America, a debatable ground 
over which the quarrels of France and 
England were fought for nearly a cen- 
tury, was pointed out, and here in this 
" cock-pit of America " it was shown that 
the General Schuyler had his first 
training in arms, a training similar to 
that in which Washington first learned 
that art of war which was to prove so 
valuable to his country and mankind. 
After quoting the noble tribute to Schuy- 
ler, pronounced by Chancellor Kent, 
who said of him that " in acuteness of 
intellect, profound thought, indefatiga- 
ble activity, exhaustless energy, pure pa- 
triotism, and persevering and intrepid 
public efforts he had no superior," 
the speaker entered boldly upon his 
theme, which soon showed itself to be 
not alone a defense of Schuyler, but an 
attack upon General Gates, who was 
pronounced a *' vainglorious and cun- 
ning intriguer, a boasting Englishman 
not native here and to the manner 
born;" and certainly the most bitter en- 
emy of Gates in his day could not have 
more enjoyed the disaster of Camden than 
Mr. de Peyster, though near a hundred 
years have passed since the defeated 
general " drew rein " at Hillsborough, 
one hundred and eighty-five miles distant 
from the battle-field. 

We must leave the question of Gates 
and the Nemesis history has in store for 
all but a few special favorites among the 
Immortals, and follow the orator to the 

heights of Saratoga. Here was fought 
the famous action which Creasy, in his 
Fifteen Decisive Battles of the Worlds 
considers as the thirteenth of those fields 
of decision, " those few battles, whose 
contrary event would have essentially 
varied the drama of the world in all its 
subsequent scenes," and which was 
aptly termed the turning point, the 
" Gettysburg," in the seven years' terri- 
ble struggle. We remember to have 
seen an address to the Queen of Eng- 
land, by Daniel O'Connell, the Irish ora- 
tor, in which he speaks of the Battle of 
Saratoga as the determining battle of the 
American Revolution. On neither side 
of the water is there any question of the 
importance of the event which defeated 
the plan of the ministers for the separa- 
tion of the Eastern from the Middle 
Colonies, and their reduction in detail, 
and secured for the Young Nation the 
active interference of France, with her 
men, her fleets, and her money. To 
whom the credit of the well matured 
plans, which assured this success was 
due, is a much vexed question. 

The battle of Saratoga was purely an 
American triumph. No Frenchman fixed 
a bayonet or fired a shot. The Colon- 
ists did the work for themselves. No 
French sinews of war assisted, no French 
ammunition was in the barrels of the 
victorious guns, or in the cartridge 
boxes of the victors. 

The critical review of the campaign 
began with the unqualified approbation 
given by Van Bulow to the British plan, 
which included three movements; Bur- 
goyne southward, through Champlain ; 
St. Leger eastward, down the Mohawk ; 
and Clinton northward, up the Hudson. 



The three were to concentrate at Albany. 
Van Bulow's opinion was endorsed by 
Joly de St. Valier, who when he learned 
that General Burgoyne arrived on Lake 
Champlain and occupied the post of Ti- 
conderoga, remarked " I then thought 
the English had perceived their mis- 
take, and that their army was about 
to occupy the only post which was 
proper, and when I learned the arrival of 
Burgoyne at Ticonderoga, I believed the 
Americans to be lost without remedy." 

On the 22d May, 1777, General 
Schuyler was assigned to the command 
of the whole Northern Department, and 
set about with untiring energy, of which 
his vast correspondence gives ample tes- 
timony, to improve the means of defence 
on the frontier ; gathering supplies from 
every direction, and hurrying forward 
militia from Massachussetts, Connecticut, 
and New York, to Albany, which he had 
reached himself from Philadelphia on 
the 3d June, and had made his head- 
quarters. On the 7th July, he was on 
his way to reinforce General St. Clair 
with about two thousand men, when he 
learned of the evacuation of Ticondero- 
ga the day before, and the approach of 
Burgoyne with his well equipped, well 
appointed army. 

Burgoyne's force was estimated at nine 
thousand men, of whom over seven 
thousand were veterans. Against this 
formidable army, the largest which "old 
Ty " had ever witnessed, Schuyler had 
but four thousand men, half clad, half 
armed — a motley force, which by the time 
the British Army was concentrated at 
Skenesborough had dwindled to two 
thousand seven hundred — some say to 
fifteen hundred, dispirited men. 

The activity and energy of Schuyler in 
increasing his strength, and the ceaseless 
efforts of Washington, who was deter- 
mined at all cost to stop tlie junction of 
the Northern and Southern armies of in- 
vasion, were carefully shown, and their 
result in the accumulation of the twelve 
or fifteen thousand men which were trans- 
ferred to the command of Gates, when 
on the I St August, by almost unanimous 
vote of Congress, Schuyler was relieved. 

During the interval between the fall 
of Ticonderoga and his supersedure 
Schuyler had been active in en- 
deavoring to wear out the patience of 
Burgoyne by what is called the process 
of attrition. He set himself to work " to 
dispute every inch of ground with Gen- 
eral Burgoyne," and by the obstruc- 
tions he put in his way so delayed his 
advance that it took him eight weeks 
to overcome the distance from Skenes- 
borough to Stillwater, near Saratoga, the 
farthest point south to which he pene- 
trated. As Burgoyne did not reach 
Stillwater till the 19th September, forty- 
nine days or seven weeks from the date 
of Schuyler's removal, it is of some in- 
terest to know how far these obstructions 
.were ordered by Schuyler, and how 
far by Gates, who took command on 
the 1 6th August. Perhaps it may be found 
that some of the credit is due to the 
artillery and artificer service, the ability 
of which was conceded by Burgoyne 

" The wild unsettled tract, the wilder- 
ness that lay between Skenesborough and 
Albany, some twenty-five miles in extent, 
was rendered almost impassible. Schuy- 
ler converted them into endless slashings, 
impenetrable with their interlaced 



branches." The currents of the creeks 
were stopped by immense rocks thrown 
into the channels, and every means of 
communication with the English base of 
supplies at Ticonderoga made difficult 
in the extreme. When Burgoyne reached 
Stillwater, seventy-nine days after his 
victorious occupation of Ticonderoga, 
in the opinion of the speaker his 
fate was already decided, and when 
Schuyler, from his headquarters at the 
junction of the Mohawk and the Hud- 
son river, turned over his command to 
Gates, Burgoyne was " absolutely bleed- 
ing to death, and ready to die of ex- 
haustion." We prefer another simile 
as more suitable to the case. There 
was not much blood letting. The 
English officers were all Nimrods and 
fox hunters of the first order. They 
were forever sounding the tally ho and 
view halloo in their actions, and in 
the despatches of each in turn, the 
American commanders were foxes — wily 
foxes, perhaps, but foxes to be bagged at 
the end of the run. On this occasion 
it was Burgoyne himself who was 
run to earth ; that he committed 
a gross military blunder in crossing 
the Hudson and allowing himself to 
be hemmed in between the skirt of moun- 
tains on the west, and the river on his 
left flank, there is no doubt. 

That the Fabian policy of Schuyler, 
in luring on the boastful enemy was the 
true policy, is equally evident. It is the 
policy of all wars of defence, as we had 
abundant evidence in the late Rebellion. 
It was the policy of Washington. It was 
the policy of the allies on the Pen- 
insular. . 

The orator referred to the fact that 

Gates did not leave his camp during the 
contest at Saratoga, but admitted that the 
dispositions were so complete that Bur- 
goyne had no escape from surrender; 
such action on the part of a commander 
is not unusual. The "spiteful fire" of 
the American artillery was the immediate 
cause of the capitulation, and tradition 
hath it that a cannon shot, dropping 
into Burgoyne's marquee, materially has- 
tened the deliberation of the Council of 

So much has been written of the run- 
ning away of the American Troops, that 
we read with new pleasure the reply of 
the Earl of Balcarras, when asked if the 
Americans abandoned their works from 
fear of the British artillery, that " the 
reason they did not defend their en- 
trenchments was that they always 
marched out of theirs and attacked us.'* 
A late and famous military authority 
has recently given high testimony to 
the dangerous qualities of the Ameri- 
can soldier, whom he pronounc&s 
"most formidable when apparently 

The opinion of Genl de Peyster that 
Schuyler organized victory will not be 
disputed, but we have no idea that the 
laurels which Gates has worn for a 
hundred years as the victor of Saratoga, 
are to fade for a hundred years to come. 
Nor does the large-hearted, generous 
Schuyler, a nobleman by nature, and 
a gentleman by birth, habit, and train- 
ing, need the pedestal of the fame of any 
other man whatever to lift him into 


On the conclusion of the Address the 

thanks of the Society were voted to the 




(Publishers of Historical Works wishin-g Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box loo. Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

FROM THE Discovery of the Continent, 
by George Bancroft, In six volumes ; thor- 
oughly revised edition. i6mo. Little, 
Brown & Co., Boston, 1876, 
This is known as the Centenary Edition. 
In a prefatory note the distinguished author an- 
nounces that "a solid year of close and undivided 
application has been devoted " to the revision of 
his history from the vast number of notes and 
papers which have accumulated in his hands, his 
object being to attain to "exact accuracy." Over 
some of the moot points of American history 
there has been, and there will continue to be, a 
difference of opinion until all the manuscripts of 
the RevoUitionary period have found their way to 
places of permanent deposit accessible to all, 
but the statement of the author of his earnest 
effort to reach exact accuracy will not for a mo- 
ment be disputed. Without this additional la- 
bor from the master hand, these volumes v/ould 
be still hailed with delight as an admirable 
working edition, as they contain a thorough and 
exhaustive index, without which no historical 
work, no matter how valuable, is comfortable to 
historical students. 

LA France et de l'Amerique pour lTndb- 


Bancroft, traduit et annote par le 
Compte Adolphe de Circourt. Accom- 
pagne de documents inedits, 3 vols. 8vo. F. 
ViEWEG. Paris, 1876. 

The first and second volumes contain a faith- 
ful translation of Mr Bancroft's history from 
1778 till 1782, the period of the French-Ameri- 
can alliance. The observations of the distinguished 
P'rench publicist who has undertaken this impor- 
tant work are given in the lorm of notes to the 
text. The third volume is composed of original 
documents not before published, which were com- 
municated by Mr Bancroft himself, and the his- 
torical conclusions of M. de Circourt. The doc- 
uments are divided into five series, and again 
subdivided. First series — I. Correspondence of 
the English Minister with his envoys abroad. 
2. Negotiation of the English Government for 
the re-establishment of peace. Second series — i. 
Correspondence of Frederic II. of Prussia with 
his ambassadors at the French Court. 2. By 
the same with his ambassadors at London. 3. 
Letters of the same to the Queen dowager of 
Denmark. Third series — Negotiations and Con- 

vention for the protection of neutral flags and 
the freedom of the seas. Fouri-h series — T. Ne- 
gotiations between the French Government and 
the United States of America. 2. Memorials of 
Beaumarchais and of Dumouriez to the French 
Ministers. Fifth series — Correspondence of the 
French Ministry wifh its envoys at Madrid. 

A careful review of this work, entitled '* L'Eu- 
rope et l'Amerique en 1778, d'apres I'histoire de 
Bancroft," appeared in ih.Q jRevtie des deux Moiides 
for the 15th March, 1876, over the signature of 
M. Rene Millet. We prefer to give the French 
comment rather than any opinion of our own. 
The industry and erudition of the American his- 
torian are fully recognized, but in the opinion^of 
the reviewer his sympathies and the philosophic 
tendency of his mind affect the impartiality of 
his judgment. M. de Circourt, on the other 
hand, is described as a man in whom "impar- 
tiality is the dominant trait," and, again, as im- 
bued with the spirit of history, and free from the 
spirit of system, judging the living as though 
they were dead, and the dead as though still alive. 
The Teutonic sympathies of Mr. Bancroft, and 
tendency of his mind toward the German school 
of philosophy, are the source of constant grief to 
the French reader, and especial exception is 
taken to the assertion that "Germany, though 
she appropriated no territory in America, gave 
the colonies of New Netherland and New Eng- 
land their laws of being." But for the recent 
war M'e should have probably heard no complaint 
from France of such judgment, and it is one of 
the best signs of the regeneration of French 
thought that her public men are beginning to 
look to the causes of the political progress and 
security of other nations, and to claim the share 
of France in the American birth-right. To the 
cool indifference of Holland and the selfish cal- 
culating spirit of Prussia, the reviewer opposes, 
with satisfaction and pride, the generous action 
of France — always ready to draw the sw^ord for 
an idea. Not the least valuable of his pages are 
those in which M, de Circourt describes the in- 
fluence of America upon the nations which fa- 
vored or opposed her cause. Not confining him- 
self to France alone, he shows also the profound 
transformation which the American war wrought 
upon Europe, and traces its echoes even to the 
heart of Poland and of Greece. Such consider- 
ations are of the highest historical order, and 
cannot be too closely studied. 





AN BIS AUF DIE Neueste Zeit von George 

Bancroft ; deutsch von A. Bartels. Two 

vols. 8vo. Otto Wigand. Leipzig. 1875. 

These volumes are translations of the gth and 

loth volumes of Bancroft's history, each with a 

short preface. The translations of the first three 

chapters of the ninth and the first five chapters 

of the tenth volume are announced as by Dr. 

Henne AmRhyn. 

Canada adressees au Journal^des Debats 
X. l'occasion de l'Exposition Universelle 
DE Philadelphie, par M. G. Molinari, Mem- 
bra Correspondant de ITnstitut. i2mo, pp. 365. 
Librairie Hachette et Cie. Paris, 1876. 
For sale by J. W. Christern, Foreign Books- 
seller and Importer, 77 U niversity Place, New 

An admirable sketch of the United States and 
Canada as they appeared to this distinguished 
writer and journalist in a rapid tour over the east- 
ern section of the continent from June 29 to Oc- 
tober Ti, 1S76. Written in a lucid and admir- 
able style, these charming letters give an impar- 
tial view of the political, social and moral condi- 
tion of the United States and British Dominion, 
and are full of instructive observation. A more 
unprejudiced account of American manners and 
customs could not be found, and if such be the 
picture we present to the best foreign intelligence, 
we need not be ashamed " to see ourselves as oth- 
ers see us." The deductions which M. de Mo- 
linari draws from his observations do not strike 
us with equal force. His analytic powers are not 
of the first order. On the other hand, his tr^m- 
per is of the best, and his occasional satirical cuts 
will be felt quite as keenly on the other side of 
the water as on this. His examination of the 
condition of the French colonization, and his 
warm sympathy with all who have a strain of 
French blood in their veins, are interesting and 
touching. His observations on the social state 
of the South are worthy the perusal of every 
American statesman. 


1775-1783- Les Francais en Amerique 
AVEC une Preface par M. Edouard La- 
boulaye; par Leon Chotteau. i2mo, pp. 435. 
Charpentier et Cie. Pan's, 1876. For sale 
by F. \V. Christern, Foreign-books seller 
and Importer, 77 University Place, New York. 
This volume must not be confounded with the 
valuable work under a similar title, " Les 
Francais en Amerique pendant la Guerre de ITn- 

dependance des Etats-Unis, 1777-1783," pub- 
lished by Thomas Balch of Philadelphia at Paris 
in 1872. 

The work of Mr. Chotteau, in the words of his 
distinguished friend, Laboulaye, who introduces 
him in his short preface, is intended to describe 
the part taken by'France and Louis'XVI for the 
American " insurgents," who not only declared 
their independence, 'but at the same time the 
sovereignty of the people, the eternal rights of 
the individual and the Republic. Mr. Laboulaye 
especially commended it to every Frenchman who 
proposed to visit the Philadelphia Exposition. 
Mr. Chotteau's work, though hardly more than a 
rapid narrative of the services of the French 
fleet and the army in aid of the Colonies, while 
throwing no new light upon the well-known inci- 
dents, brings into bold relief the heroic figures of 
Lafayette and Rochambeau, De Grasseand d'Es- 
taing. The author is an ardent Republican, and 
has full faith in the progressive grandeur of the 
United States. Scattered through the volume, in 
odd juxtaposition with grave historical facts, are 
occasional recitals of personal experience in 
American travel, and of visits to the homes of Har- 
riet Beecher Stowe, and Theodore Tilton, which 
are not without flavor. In a reference to the 
well-known Pierre Chouteau of St. Louis, the 
founder of that semi-French city, the author ap- 
pears to assert the identity of his own with the 
family of the famous pioneer, but we doubt 
whether the citizens of St. Louis will accept the 
interpolation of the additional letter in the name. 

westen Nordamerikas ( Pueblos-und 
Apache-Mundarten ; Tonto, Tonkawa, 
Digger, Utah) ; wortverzeichnisse, her- 
ausgegeben, erlaeutert und mit einer ein- 


locale gruppirung der Amerikanischen 


SCHET. Royal 8vo, pp. 150. Hermann 
Behllau. Weimar, 1876. For sale hy 
Westermann & Co., G. E. Stechert, B. Schmidt, 
Booksellers and Importers. New York. 
Twelve Idioms spoken in the Southwest of 
North America (Pueblo and Apache dialects ; 
Tonto, Tonkawa, Digger, Utah -Vocabularies) 
published and commented upon by Albert S. 

In this volume a number of the vocabularies 
collected by members of the expedition, under 
command of Lieut. George M. Wheeler, to sur- 
vey our western Territories, and other linguistic 
material, are subjected to a close comparative 
investigation by Mr. Gatschet, who is already 
well known to the scientific world by various 



treatises on Indian languages, as well as upon 
some European dialects spoken on the Alpine 
ridge. The bulk of the linguistic material here 
brought under analysis was collected by Mr. 
Oscar Loew, chemist and naturalist of one of 
Lieut. Wheeler's parties, who judiciously availed 
himself of the scientific alphabetic notation 
recommended by the Smithsonian Institution. To 
solve the mooted question as to the ancient home 
of the Aztecs who make a part of the Nahua 
stock of the aborigines, the author brings to- 
gether all the information at present accessible 
from the Pueblo languages, and his work also 
illustrates profusely the radical affinities of other 
language-stocks which form the subject of the 
publication. In addition, the book contains one 
of the most complete synoptical enumerations of 
all the important North, Central and South 
American languages, and a lucid sketch of the 
plan of thought and the morphological peculi- 
arities prevailing in the American languages. 

In a separate chapter, the contents of which 
are novel and of the most fascinating psycholog- 
ical interest, we learn the kinds of mental pro- 
cess Indian ingenuity employs in framing simple 
and compound words from the radicals of their 
misinformed idioms. 

In a short appendix numerous terms of the 
Indian word table are compared and commented 
upon, numerals are classified according to the 
various systems of numeration prevailing over 
the world (binary, ternary, quaternary, decimal 
and vigesimal), and at tlie close two most curious 
Indian rock-inscriptions ai-e reproduced and their 
explanation attempted. We hope the next work 
of this pains-taking and philosophic investigator 
may find an American publisher who will do the 
subject the justice done at Weimar. 

Government of the United States during 
ITS FIRST Century, from Original and Of- 
ficial Sources, by Charles Lanman. Royal 
8vo., pp. 676. James Anglim, Publisher. 
Washington, 1876. 

This volume, by the well-known author of the 
Dictionary of Congress, is a welcome accession to 
the library shelves of the student of American 
history and biography, and of general value as a 
book of reference, which no American editor 
should be without. It contains in a convenient 
space about seven thousand biographical sketches 
of persons who have been in a prominent man- 
ner identified with the National and State Gov- 
ernments of the Republic. Besides, there is a 
carefully arranged series of Tabular Records and 
historical papers containing mention of about 
eight thousand additional names. The biogra- 
phies are clear, concise and impartial. The tab- 
ular records include the Declaration of Inde- 

pendence, Articles of Confederation, Constitution 
of the United States, Proceedings of the Conven- 
tion which formed the Constitution, Lists of Cab- 
inet Officers under the successive Administrations, 
and other matter not hitherto collected in a form 
so convenient as the present volume offers. 

and his wife Abigail Adams during the 
Revolution, with a Memoir of Mrs. Ad- 
ams, by Charles Francis Adams. Small 
i6mo, pp. 424. Riverside Press, Cambridge. 
HuRD & Houghton. New York, 1876. 
These familiar letters need no comment. As a 
narrative of the period of the American Revolu- 
tion and the events which immediately preceded 
and followed it, and an intimate commentary 
upon both the stirring scenes and the chief actors 
in them, they are not only delightful reading as 
expressions of warm feeling and strong personal 
opinions, but invaluable to the student who looks 
through mens' actions to their motives, and be- 
yond events to their causes and consequences. 
Originally published thirty-five years ago, these 
letters are now rearranged in the order of their 
dates, and published as a contribution to Cente- 
nary literature. They are prefaced by an inter- 
esting memoir of Mrs Adams, and illustrated 
with her portrait. It is needless to add that the 
printing and press work is in the admirable style 
for which the Riverside press is famous. A careful 
index increases its usefulness. 

UEL Johnson, LL. D., first Senator it? 
Congress from Connecticut and PresN 
dent of Columbia College, New York, b^' 
E. Edwards Beardsley, D.D., LL. D., Ref^- 
tor of St. Thomas' Church, New Haven. 8v<^-. 
pp. 218. The Riverside Press, Cambridg**. 
HuRD & Houghton. New York, 1876. 
The life of this well-known and honored gen- 
tlemen embraced the most interesting period of 
American history. Born in 1727, he was in suc- 
cession a delegate from the Connecticut Col- 
ony to the Stamp Act Congress held in New 
York in 1765, and afterward its agent in Eng- 
land, where he formed strong personal friendship 
with his great namesake. Dr. Samuel Johnson ; 
delegate to the Congress of 1785, and in 1787 a 
member of the Convention which formed the 
Constitution of the United States. He was 
United States Senator from 1789 to 1791, and 
later President of Columbia College in New York. 
It is rarely the biographer has a field so abun- 
dant in material as this full life supplies. With- 
out diffuseness the reverend author has been 
faithful to his labor, and the closing commenda- 



tion of his subject as " one controlled by the 
sternest rules of political integrity and by Christ- 
ian principles as well," attests the loving earn- 
estness he brought to the task. The volume is 
prefaced by an engraving from a portrait by Gil- 
bert Stuart, made expressly for the work. It has 
a copious and accurate index. 


OF American Independence, by George 

Washington Greene, LL. D. i6mo, pp. 211. 

The Riverside Press, Cambridge. HuRD & 

Houghton. New York, 1876. 

In the preface to this volume the author dis- 
craims all pretension to original research. It is 
composed of sketches of the services in America 
of Baron von Steuben and General John Kalb, 
and of the German mercenaries in the employ 
of the British Government. These sketches are 
founded on the admirable monographs of Fred- 
erick Kapp, the well-known liberal exile from 
Prussia after the Berlin troubles of 1848, for many 
years an honored and distinguished member of 
the New York Bar, and now, returned to Ger- 
many, a member of the Imperial Assembly. 
With an author so competent as Mr. Kapp, and a 
reproducer so well fitted for historical research as 
Mr. Greene ' to the manner born,' the result in a 
pleasing and instructive volume is a matter of 
course. It is beautifully printed on the best of 
paper, but we regret to say without an index. 

Old State House of Pennsysvania, now 
known as the Hall of Independence, by 
Frank M. Etting, with numerous illustra- 
tions. 4to, pp. 204. James R. Osgood & Co., 
Boston, 1876. 

This story of the old State House of Pennsyl- 
vania has afforded the author of this interesting 
and curious volume an opportunity to gather to- 
gether a mass of interesting material, which he 
has profusely illustrated by "engravings of build- 
ings and portraits, and various textual illustrations, 
fac similes of handbills, documents and signa- 
tures. Some of the artistic work is extremely 
well done. The history of the restoration of 
this time-honored building is recited with care 
and an evident affection for all its details, even to 
the recovery and replacement of the chairs 
of the signers and the inkstand which they used, 
a picture of which is given. , The student will 
not look in a work of this local nature for broad 
treatment of historic questions. It is the homage 
of a Philadelphian to the tabernacle of Penn- 
sylvania. ' 



Hundredth Anniversary of the Intro- 
duction AND Adoption of the " Resolu- 
tions Respecting Independence," held at 
Philadelphia, on the morning of June 7, 1S76, 
at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts ; 
and on July i, 1876, at the Hall of Independ- 
ence. Printed for the Committee. 8vo., pp. 
89. Philadelphia, 1876. 

An account of the ceremonies precedent to, 
and upon the 1st July, 1876, in commemora- 
tion of the anniversary of July 2d, 1776 ; the day 
of the adoption of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. This commemoration is better known 
as the Congress of authors assembled (in the 
words of Mr Etting, the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee,) " to build up a Cenotaph of letters to the 
memory of those men, the like of which is not 
afforded in the history of the world. No rain, 
no sun can ever reach it, and it must endure as 
long as Liberty and the English language sur- 
vive." Perhaps this is expecting too much of a 
series of biographical sketches, limited, by order 
of the committee, to two pages foolscap each. 
The present account contains the addresses of 
Messrs. McKean and Brewster, of Pennsylvania ; 
Saltonstall, of Massachusetts ; Lippitt, of Rhode 
Island ; de Peyster, of New York ; and Stevens, 
of Maryland. The volume is tastefully printed. 

cut AND New Haven, and the False Blue 
Laws invented by Rev. Samuel Peters, to 
which are added specimens of the Laws and 
Judicial proceedings of other Colonies, and 
some Blue Laws of England in the Reign of 
James I. Edited by J. Hammond Trumbull. 
Hartford, Conn. i2mo., pp., 360. American 
Publishing Company. 1876. 
One of the most interesting and valuable of re- 
cent American historical publications. Mr 
Trumbull does everything well, and in this field 
nobody can compete with him. It is fitting that 
the execution of justice upon the great Connecti- 
cut Munchausen should come only from the hand 
of a Connecticut man, and the editor of this vol- 
ume has finished his " erring brother " in true ar- 
tistic manner. If as Mr Trumbull intimates, 
the epithet ''Blue Lazus" originated in New 
York, it was a happy hit, and the author should 
be sought out and receive the honor due to him. 
It strikes us that in the references to New 
York, scattered through Mr Trumbull's book, 
there is a tingeof asperity bordering upon injust- 
ice ; but it is so cleverly put that a New Yorker 
must laugh with the rest. 



In his reference to the law against Popish 
Priests (pp. 363 note, and 319-20), the editor 
should have noted that it was simply a reproduc- 
tion of the Massachusetts Act, brought to New 
York by Bellomont, and passed by his influence, 
under provocation of special intrigues by French 
Jesuits, among the New York Indians. 

Town of Sheffield, Berkshire Co., Mass., 
June 18 and 19, 1876, by the Secretaries of 
the Committee appointed by the Town. 
An account of the proceedings held in com- 
memoration of the town meeting held on the 
iSth June, 1776, when the inhabitants engaged 
their lives and fortunes in support of the ex- 
pected measures of independence. The features 
of the day were a sermon by the Rev. Dr Orville 
Dewey, "clarum et venerabile nomen," and an 
Historical Address by Gen. John G. Barnard, U. 
S. A. The reader will find with curious interest 
another proof of the old saying, " there is noth- 
ing new " in the recital of the Sheffield resolu- 
tions of June 12, 1773: "That mankind, in a 
state of nature, are equal, free, and independent 
of each other, and have a right to the undis- 
turbed enjoyment of their lives, liberty and 
property." The famous initial sentence of the 
Declaration of Independence was but an echo 
from the rock-ribbed Berkshire hills. There were 
other addresses which repay perusal. 

missioners OF THE City of Boston, 1S76. 
8vo, pp. 183. Rockwell & Churchill, City 
Printers. Boston, 1876. 

This first report, entitled City Document No. 
92, made in compliance with a municipal ordi- 
nance passed July, 1875, is a beginning of a se- 
ries of publications " to complete as far as prac- 
ticable the record of births, deaths and marriages 
in the town and city of Boston prior to A. D. 
1849." Although the Commissioners complain 
of defects in the registers. New England is bet- 
ter off than any of the other sections of the 
country ; the rigid theocrats of her first govern- 
ment having carefully noted the incomings and 
outgoings of her generations. New documents 
have been discovered of great genealogical value. 
The present volume, carefully indexed, comprises 
records to the year 1695, inclusive. 

Anniversary of the Evacuation of Bos- 
ton BY the British Army, March 17, 1776. 
Reception of the Washington Medal. Ora- 
tion and a Chronicle of the Siege of Boston, 
by George E. Ellis. 8vo, pp. 199. A. 
Williams & Co. Boston, 1876. 

The official account of this interesting celebra- 
tion, published by order of the municipal author, 
ities of Boston, handsomely illustrated with 
maps, engravings a.nd /ac similes. Among them 
is a reproduction of a "Plan of Boston in New 
England with its environs, including Milton, Dor- 
chester, Roxbury, Brooklin, Cambridge, Med- 
ford, Charlestown, parts of Maiden and Chelsea, 
with the Military forts constructed in those 
places in the years 1775 and 1776," published in 
London June 2, 1777, by Henry Pelham ; a view 
of part of the town of Boston in New England, 
and Brittish ships of war landing their troops 
1768 (Fryday, Sept. 30), " engraved, printed and 
sold " by the famous liberty boy Paul Revere ; and 
reproductions from engravings of views of Faneuil 
Hall and the seat of John Hancock, from the 
Massachusetts Magazine of March and April, 
1 789. The "golden text " of the scholarly and elo- 
quent orator, whose words are golden also, was 
the recent acquisition by the city of Boston, 
through the liberality of fifty of its citizens, of 
the large gold medal presented to Washington by 
Congress for his services in repelling the British 
forces from Boston on the 17th March, 1776, 
which for a century has remained in the Wash- 
ington family. To the address is appended an 
exhaustive chronicle of the Seige. Historical 
monographs prepared in this manner are inval- 

Gorham Palfrey. Vol. IV. 8vo. Little, 
Brown & Co. Boston, 1875. 
This is a sequel to three volumes previously 
written by the same author, who is accepted as 
the standard authority on matters of New Eng- 
land history. The three volumes contain a 
history of the period of the Stuart dynasty. The 
volume under notice contains an account of New 
England progress in the I'eigns of King William 
and Queen Anne, and the Hanoverian Kings. A 
fifth volume, bringing the work to the War of 
Independence, will complete the series. 

dier-General Joseph G. Swift, Chief En- 
gineer OF THE United States Army, July 
31, 1812, TO November 12, 1818, by George 
W. CuLLUxM, Brevet Major-General U. S. 
Army. 8vo,, pp. 26. New York, 1877. (Pri- 
vately printed.) 

In our January number brief mention was 
made of the sketch of Major-General Richard 
Montgomery, by General Cullum. The present 
is another welcome contribution to military biog- 
raphy. The subject of the present memoir was 
the first graduate of the Military Academy at 
West Point. It will greatly interest the thou- 
sands of our good citizens, who received their 



education and training at this admirable school, 
from the many details of its first beginnings, in 
the earlier part of the century. It is written in 
an easy and graceful style, with occasional dashes 
of humorous satire, upon the crass ignorance of 
the War department, and the partisan spirit di3- 
played by Congress in its dealings with military 
affairs. We cannot follow the author in his 
sketch of the many valuable services of General 
Swift, in the direction of the West Point Acad- 
emy, and the fortification of the country from the 
Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. The citizens of New 
York will find an account of his defence of the 
City, in 18 14, for which he was voted " a Bene- 
factor of the City, " and of his arrest of the fire of 
1835, by the blowing up of buildings. Full jus- 
tice is done to the versatile talent, and high 
moral qualities of this patriot soldier. 

THE Second Dragoons. (Second United 
States Cavalry.) An authentic account of 
service in Florida, Mexico, Virginia and the 
Indian Country, including personal recollec- 
tions of prominent officers. With an appendix 
containing orders, &c. 1836-1873. Compiled 
by Theo. F. Rodenbough, Colonel and 
Brevet Brigadier-General, U. S. A. Illus- 
trated. Svo., pp. 561. D. Van Nostrand. 
New York, 1875. 

A comprehensive Me'moire de Service, as the 
author, who was a captain in the Second Cavalry, 
terms in his preface this extended account of his 
long connection with the army. It includes 
personal recollections chronologically arranged ; 
Indian and frontier reminiscences, contributed by 
General Cook, Colonel Lee, Majors Thompson 
and Davis; an account of operations of the Cav- 
alry of the Army of the Potomac, in 1863, the 
experience of Colonels Leoser and Harrison, and 
Major Smith under Sheridan in the famous cam- 
paign of 1864, and a description by Lieutenant 
Doane of the exploration of the great Yellow- 
stone National Park, by his regiment. To these 
are added, " Letters of a vSubaltern by a young 
officer of the> Second Cavalry," " A Trumpeter s 
Notes," by no means the least interesting of the 
series ; and a " Roll of Honor," in which the ex- 
traordinary " faits d'armes " of enlisted men are 
recorded. In the preparation of this volume the 
archives of the war department have been freely- 
opened to the writer, and if our opinion be worth 
anything, we should say that technical accuracy 
of statement, purely military, and amusing details 
of general interest are happily blended. 

ENCE Scrap Book, being the Monthly 
Record of Important Events Worth 

Preserting, together with a selection of the 
choicest current miscellany. Edited by Frank 
Moore. Volume I., Svo., pp. 668. G. W. 
Carleton & Co. New York. 1876. 
We need not remind students of the value of 
works of this character, of which "Almons Re- 
membrancer," " Niles' Register," and in our day 
the "Rebellion Record" are examples. The 
incidents of the year are here carefully selected 
by a discriminating hand. 


Exercises at the Celebration of the 
One Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary 
of the Independence of the Town of 
Kingston, Mass, June 22, 1876. Svo, pp. 
152. E. B. Stillings & Co., Boston, 1876. 
Another spark from the patriotic blaze which 
the memories of 1776 have rekindled in the 
American heart. Kingston was an off-shoot 
from old Plymouth, and with such antece- 
dents could not remain silent. The pamphlet 
contains an oration by Rev. Joseph P. Lovering, 
an historical sketch by Dr T. B. Drew, and sun- 
dry after dinner speeches which show no evi- 
dence of post-prandial excitement. When our 
Puritan neighbors do indulge in festivities it is 
after that grave fashion which Irving described 
as in vogue in the Catskills. 

the City of Kingston by William Louns- 
berry at the Centennial Anniversary of 
American Independence, July 4, 1876. 
8vo, pp. 31. W. H. & J. C. RoMEYN. Kings- 
ton, N. Y., 1876. 

This, as the orator intimates by the familiar quo- 
tation on his title page, is the sound of Centen- 
nial rejoicing from among " the murmuring pines 
and the hemlocks." It recites the history of 
the origin of Ulster county, which embraced the 
New Paltz and its Huguenot settlers, kin of the 
Acadians who dwelt farther north in the forest 
primeval, and the many sacrifices of its sons to 
the cause of Independence. 

West, Florida, by Walter C. Malonev. 
An Address delivered at the Dedication of the 
new City Hall, July 4, 1876, at the request of 
the Common Council of the City. Svo, pp. 
85. The Advertising Printing House, 
Newark, N. J., 1876. 

Though not yet a Centennial city, the earliest 
settler having taken up his residence near Char- 
lotte Harbor in 1785, this salubrious island has 



a history all its own for variety of incident, and 
it is clear that its inhabitants intend to have an 
even start with their continental neighbors in the 
century now opened. The tract includes views 
from sketches by Mr William A. Whitehead and 
valuable meteorological tables. 

to 1789, the period of the Confederation. By 
the present little tract we notice that one of the 
N. Y, Batteries in Lamb's 2d Regiment of Con- 
tinental Artillery is still in existence on the Pa- 
cific Coast, commanded by Capt. J. B. Campbell, 
4th U. S. Artillery. 

CONSIN. Twenty-third Annual Report. Jan- 
uary 2, 1877. Pamphlet circular, pp. 18. 

A most satisfactory statement of the progi-ess 
of this society, showing an increasing interest in 
the West in Historical subjects. The additions 
to the library in 1876 reached the large number 
of 2,826 volumes, and 2,336 pamphlets. The li- 
brary has now 35,139 volumes, and 35,017 pamph- 
lets. We notice with pleasure the practical 
methods of management adopted in the library — 
that of establishing a Binding Fund, the interest 
of which to be devoted to this purpose, is admira- 

CAL AND Philosophical Society of Ohio, 

FOR THE YEARS 1874-5, AND 1875-6. Togethei 

with Lists of Officers and Members. Svo., pp. 
19. Robert Clarke & Co. Cincinnati, 

These reports show a satisfactory and encour- 
aging progress in this society. The increase 
of the past year has been of 246 volumes, 
and 3,962 pamphlets ; of the latter about two 
thousand from the well known and liberal pub- 
lishers who print the reports. 


(Monthly.) Managing Editor, Melvil Dewey, 
13 Tremont Place, Boston. Vol. I., Numbers 
I, 2, 3 — to 30th Sept. 1876. Publisher, F. 
Leypoldt. New York. 

The list of associate editors announced in- 
cludes the best known of American Librarians ; 
and the purpose of the periodical is to promote 
an interchange of thought among librarians so 
that, from the common experience, some im- 
provement and harmony in the systems of manage- 
ment of books and their readers may be evolved. 

The last two numbers are devoted to a report 
of the Conference of Librarians at Philadelphia, 
which will hardly interest the general public. 
Indeed, the enterprise must rely on the " profes- 
sion " for its support. 

Biographical Record, devoted to the in- 
terests OF American Genealogy and Biog- 
raphy. Issued quarterly. January, 1877. 
(Vol. VIII, No. I.) PublishedVor the Society. 
64 Madison Avenue, New York City. 

This number contains the sketch of Rev. Dr 
William Buell Sprague, by Charles B. Moore, 
which we elsewhere notice ; Records of ancient 
families of New York, by Edwin N. Purple ; of 
Long Island, by George Cope ; and Record of 
the Presbyterian and Reformed Dutch Churches 
of New York and Harlem. The gentlemen who 
direct this periodical are of our most respected 
and conscientious citizens, and are doing yeo- 
man's work in rescuing from oblivion the rapidly 
passing records of old New York. 


United States, as recognized and adopted 
by the First Congress under the Consti- 
tution, 29 September, 1784; from original 
Muster rolls, and other official sources, by Asa 
Bird Gardner, LL. D., Professor of Law, 
U. S. Military Academy. (Printed at the Mil- 
itary Academy Press, by Bvt. Lieut. Col. R. 
II. PI ALL, U. S. A., Adjutant Military Acad- 
emy. i2mo., pp. II. 1876. 
The credit of printing this Register belongs to 
Col. Hall, who, we are glad to learn, is also 
supervising the printing of an Army Register, 
from the Peace Establishment, i January, 1784, 

ICS, Bulletin of American Numismatics, 
AND Arch^ological Societies. (Vol. XL, 
No, 3.) January, 1877. Published by the 
Boston Numismatic Society. Boston. 

The leading article is devoted to the " Gloriam 
Regni," (or Silver Louis of 15 Sous and of 5 Sous 
struck for Circulation in America) by Charles 
E. Anthon,LL. D., and is a correction and modi- 
fication of a paper read before the American 
Philosophical Society, in July, 1876. There are 
other articles of interest on Canadian Medals, 
Masonic Medals, and a timely account of the 
dies prepared for the medals awarded to the ex- 
hibitors at Philadelphia. 


Vol 1 MARCH 1877 No. 3 


A FEW decenniums of research in our newly acquired Western 
dominions have acquainted us with the singular fact that clusters 
of very numerous, and for the larger part narrowly circumscribed 
areas of languages exist in these vast and remote regions. In Califor- 
nia, and north of it, one stock of language is generally represented by 
several, sometimes by a large number of dialects and sub-dialects ; but 
there are instances, as in Shasta and in Klamath, where a stock is repre- 
sented by one idiom only, which never had diverged into dialects, or the 
sub-dialects of which have become extinct in the course of time. Although 
certain resemblances between them may be traced in their pho- 
nological and morphological character, they are totally distinct in 
their radicals, and by this criterion we are enabled to attempt their 
classification by stocks or families. Any other than a genealogical classi- 
fication is at present impossible, for we do not possess even the most 
necessary grammatical data for the majority of the languages spoken 
along the Pacific coast. 

For the Western languages, and those of the great Interior Basin, our 
main sources of information are (and will be for many years to come) 
vocabularies of one hundred to two hundred terms each. Those 
obtained and published frequently bear the stamp of dilettantism, some- 
times that of profound ignorance of linguistic science on the part of 
word-collectors, who wholly underrated the great difficulty of taking 
down a set of disconnected words in a totally unknown and pho- 
netically unwieldy idiom. These word-gatherers would have fared 
much better, and collected more reliable material, if they had taken short 
sentences of popular import or texts containing no abstract ideas. For 
an Indian is not accustomed to think of terms incoherent, or words 
disconnected from others, or of abstract ideas, but uses his words merely 
as integral parts of a whole sentence, or in connection with others. This 


is the true cause of the large incorporative power of the American 
tongues, which in many of them culminates in an extended polys3mthet- 
ism, and embodies whole sentences in one single verbal form. 

At a time when the principal languages and dialects of Asia, Africa 
and Australasia, the living as well as the extinct, are being investigated 
with uncommon ardor ; myths, popular songs, dirges and speeches col- 
lected, published and commented upon with erudition and corresponding 
success, very few of the American languages. North and South, have 
been the object of thorough research. There is no scarcity of thorough 
linguists among us, but the reason for their want of activity in this direction 
simply lies in the want of proper encouragement from the authorities, 
the publishers, the press and the public. This is very discouraging, we 
confess ; but it shall not hinder us from examining somewhat closer this 
topic, and from trying to get at the true facts. 

The general public is very ignorant of languages and linguistics, and 
as a rule confounds linguistics with philology. Many people have a 
horror of philology because the Latin and Greek paradigms which they 
had to study in college classes, recall to them the dreariest days of 
*' compulsory education," juvenile misery and birch-rod executions. 
From these two languages they infer, superficially enough, that the study 
of all other foreign tongues must involve similar mental torments. Others 
believe that the Indian languages are not real tongues, deserving to be 
termed so ; but only thwarted productions of the diseased heathen mind, 
because they do not agree with classical models, nor with the grammar of 
the primeval language of the world, the Hebrew, '' which was spoken in 

The majority, however, suppose that any Indian language is simply 
"a gibberish not worth bothering about; " they ought to remember that 
every language, even the most harmonious and perfect, is a gibberish to 
those Avho do not understand it, sounding unpleasantly to their ears, 
because they are unaccustomed to its cadences and phonetic laws. The 
mastering of a language is the only remedy against a certain repugnance 
to it on the side of the listener. 

A further objection which is sometimes raised against studying the 
tongues of the Red Man, consists in the erroneous assertion that they 
have no literature of their own. This statement is founded on a profound 
ignorance of existing facts, and moreover, is only the expression of the 
old-fashioned, mistaken idea that languages should be studied only on 
account of their literatures, thus confounding philology with linguis- 
tics. Indians never did and do not write down their mental produc- 


tions, simply because they do not trace their immediate origin from the 
Eastern races, from whom we have received the priceless gift of alpha- 
betical writing ; but that they really possess such productions, as well as 
the Malays, Polynesians and South Africans, no one can doubt who has 
read of Indian prophets, orators and story-tellers, with their fluency and 
oratorical powers, who has listened to their multiform, sometimes scur- 
rilous mythological tales or yarns, heard their war-shouts, the word sac- 
company ing their dancing tunes, or in the darkness of the night overheard 
some of their lugubrious, heart-moving dirges sung by wailing women, 
as they slowly marched in file around the corpse of some relative, 
the whole scene lit up by the flickering flames of the lurid camp- 
fires. A volume of Schoolcraft's '' Indians" contains a large number of 
Odjibway songs, and the author of this article has himself obtained over 
seventy most interesting and popular songs from the Cayuses, Warm 
Springs, Klamaths, Taos, Iroquois and Abnakis, in their original 
form. So the white race alone is to blame for its imperfect knowledge 
of the unwritten, often highly poetical productions of an illiterate race. 

The science of linguistics is of so recent a date, that few men have 
yet grasped its real position among the other sciences. We must 
henceforth consider it as a science of nature^ and reject the old conception 
of it as a science of the human mind. Stylistics and rhetorics of a lan- 
guage may be called the province of the human mind, but language 
itself is a product of nature, produced through human instrumentality. 
Man does not invent his language, any more than a bird does its twitter- 
ing, or a tree its leaves. It requires a whole nation to produce a lan- 
guage, and even then such nation must start from phonetic elements 
already understood. 

The innumerable agencies which give to a country its climate will 
also, by length of time, shape man and his language. Nothing is fortui- 
tous or arbitrary in human speech and its historical developments ; the 
most insignificant word or sound has its history, and the linguist's task 
is to investigate its record. Thus every language on this globe is perfect, 
but perfect only for the purpose it is intended to fulfill ; Indian thought 
runs in another, more concrete direction than ours, and therefore Indian 
speech is shaped very differently from indogermanic models, which we, 
in our inherited and unjustified pride, are prone to regard as the only 
models of linguistic perfection. The Indian neglects to express with 
accuracy some relations which seem of paramount importance to us, as 
tense and sex, but his language is largely superior to ours in the variety 
of its personal pronouns, in many forms expressing the mode of action, or 


the idea ot property and possession, and the relations of the person or 
persons addressed to the subject of the sentence. 

Another prejudice against the Indian tongues is derived from the 
filthy or uninviting appearance of the red-skinned man himself. It is 
true that most Indians seem very miserable, disgusting, poor, silly, 
even grotesque and comical ; yet this is partly due to the state 
of degradation to which he has been reduced by the land-grabbing Anglo- 
American settler, who has deprived him of his former, natural ways of sub- 
sistence ; but it is also a characteristic of his cinnamon-complexioned 
race, and has been so for times immemorial. In the numerous settle- 
ments, where the condition of the Indian has undoubtedly undergone a 
great change for the better, through the advent of the white population, 
he seems just as miserable, shy, sad and filthy as before. To draw 
conclusions from the exterior appearance of a people on their language, 
and to suppose that a man not worth looking at cannot speak a language 
worth studying, would be the acme of superficiality, and worthy only 
of those who in their folly trust to appearances alone. 

Pursuant to these intimations, I judge that the only means of bring- 
ing about a favorable change in public sentiment concerning the tongues 
of our aborigines, is a better understanding of the real object and purpose 
of linguistic science. Languages are living organisms, natural growths, 
genuine productions of race and country, and scientifically speaking, 
it is as important to investigate them as to describe minutely a curious 
tree, a rare plant, a strange insect or aquatic animal. But to gather 
information on them with success, a much more accurate method of 
transcription or transliteration than those generally used by word-col- 
lectors must be adopted. The old nonsensical method of using the English 
orthography, so utterly unscientific and unbearable to the sight of every 
instructed man, has at last been discarded almost universally. Only scien- 
tific alphabets must be here employed, and an alphabet can be considered 
as such only when one sound is constantly expressed by one and the 
same letter only. Such alphabets have been proposed by G. Gibbs, Pro- 
fessors Richard Lepsius, Haldeman, Alex. Ellis, and many others, and it 
would be a fitting subject for a congress of linguists to decide which 
system is the most appropriate for transcribing Indian tongues. Cursive 
Latin characters must be used, and in some cases altered by diacritical 
marks, to convey peculiar meanings ; the invention of new alphabetic sys- 
tems or syllabaries like those of Sequoyah, and the hooks and crooks 
recently used for transcribing Cree and other Northern tongues are not a 
help to science, because they are not readily \Qg\h\Q or reducible to the ac- 
cepted old-world systems of transcribing languages. A debate may also 



be started by a linguistic congress, what term should be employed 
instead of ''Indian," which is unsatisfactory in many respects; a 
thorough remodelling of the terminology used in Indian grammars would 
form another fruitful theme of discussion. Our indogermanic ideas of 
grammar must be entirely disregarded if we would write a correct 
grammatical sketch of some Indian language. 

The vocabularies,' in the shape as we possess them now, are useful 
in many respects. They do not give us much information about the 
structure of the languages, but serve at least for classifying purposes, 
and the small number of them which bear the stamp of accuracy in their 
notation of the accent and the use of a scientific alphabet, at least give 
a foothold for Indian phonology. 

But men of science need a great deal more than this. Language 
is a living organism, and to study it, we must not only have the loose 
bones of its body, but the life-blood which is throbbing in its veins and 
forms the real essence of human speech. Not the stems or words alone, 
but the inflectional forms, the syntactical shaping of the spoken word 
and the sentence itself are desideratums mostly craved for. Linguists 
must therefore, as reliable grammars and full dictionaries (all the words 
properly accentuated !) cannot be expected at once, place their hopes in 
collections of texts illustrating the native customs and manners, the 
religious beliefs, superstitions, scraps of Indian history, speeches, 
dialogues, songs and dirges, descriptions of manufactured articles, and of 
the houses, tools, implements and dress of each nation and tribe visited. 

These texts should be given in the Indian language, and accompanied by 
a very accurate, and if possible, an interlinear and verbal translation 
of the items. All the commentaries and remarks needed for a full under- 
standing of the texts should be added to it. The more material is fur- 
nished in this way, the better our linguists will be enabled to disclose the 
hidden scientific treasures stored up in these curious, but now almost un- 
known, forms of human speech, and to present them to the Avorld, in the 
shape of grammars, dictionaries and anthologies of aboriginal prose and 
poetry. To the ethnologist such texts will be just as valuable as to the 
historian and the linguist. 


A most singular fact disclosed by the topography of language-stocks 
all over the world is the enormous difference of the areas occupied by 
the various families. In the Eastern hemisphere, we see the Uralo-Altaic, 

^ In 1875, the 29th year from its foundation, the vSmithsonian Institution, in Washington, had 
collected texts, phraseology, and 771 vocabularies of about 200 words each, but for unknown rea- 
sons had published only a small portion of this enormous linguistic material. 


the Chinese, the Indogermanic, Semitic and Dravidian, the PuUo and 
the Congo-Kafrian or Ba'-ntu family of languages, extending over areas 
much wider or as wide as the Tinne, Shoshoni, Algonkin, Dakota, Chahta- 
Maskoki and Guarani stock, while small areas are, perhaps, as numerous 
in the Eastern hemisphere as in the Western. Their size evidently de- 
pends on the configuration and surface-quality of the lands, which again 
determine the mode of the subsistence of their inhabitants. 

The natives of a country, when not influenced by the civilization of 
the white race, will in barren plains, steppes, prairies and woodland, 
generally become hunters ; on the shores of the sea and on the banks of 
the larger rivers, they will resort to fishing, and sometimes, when settled 
on the coast, turn pirates or form smaller maritime powers, while the 
inhabitants of table-lands will till the fields, plant fructiferous trees, or 
collect esculent roots for their sustenance. Of these three modes of 
sustenance we see frequently two combined in one tribe. The fishers 
live peacefully and in small hordes, because large settlements, on one spot 
of a river bank at least, could not be supplied at all seasons of the year 
with a sufficient supply of fish from the river. Hunters become, from 
their nomadic habits, accustomed to a restless, adventurous life, and in 
their thus acquired warlike disposition will constantly threaten their 
weaker neighbors ; if opportunity offers itself will declare war, over- 
whelm and enslave or destroy them, and thereby extend the dominion 
of their own language over a wider area. Agricultural pursuits 
bear in themselves the germs of steadiness, of order and progress ; 
countries settled and improved by agriculturists will gradually, when 
the population becomes more dense, consolidate into oligarchies or 
monarchies, generally of a despotic character. Such political bodies 
have frequently absorbed neighboring communities engaged in similar 
pursuits, and turned with them into powerful empires, as in the 
case of the Aztecs, Mayas, Chibchas and Quichhuas, in the Western 
hemisphere. For obvious reasons pastoral pursuits were almost entirely 
unknown in America, but were powerful agents of culture in Asia and 
Europe, since they facilitated. the transition from the hunter or nomadic 
state to the state of agriculturists. 

. California and portions of the Columbia river basin, with their nu- 
merous rivers and the enormous quantity of salmon, trout and lamprey 
eel ascending annually their limpid waters, were essentially countries 
occupied by fisher-tribes, and before the advent of the white 'man, are 
supposed to have harbored a dense native population. Among these 
fisher-tribes we also find the smallest areas of languages ; six of them are 


crowded on the two banks of the Klamath river and many more around the 
Sacramento, although these streams do not exceed in length, respec- 
tively, 250 and 400 miles. To produce or preserve so many small lan- 
guage families, totally distinct from each other in their radicals, these 
tribes must have lived during very long periods in a state of comparative 
isolation, and have remained almost untouched by foreign invaders, pro- 
tected as they were by the sea coast, and by the high-towering .wall of 
the snow-capped Sierra Nevada. 

In the wide basin of the Upper Columbia river several tribes hunting 
the bear, buffalo, elk, deer and antelope, roam over the thinly populated 
prairies, and occupy enormous tracts of barren and sage-brush plains. 
Hunting tribes need a wide extent of territory, and when it is refused to 
them they will fight for it. Thus originate the constant wars of exter- 
mination among many of these tribes, and their encroachments over 
others in regard to territory. Of this we find the most conspicuous in- 
stances among the nomadic tribes roving between the Rocky Mountains 
and the Mississippi river. 

In their morphological character the languages of America do not 
differ materially from the Asiatic tongues of agglutinative structure, ex- 
cept by their more developed power of polysynthetism. But in many 
of their number this faculty remains only in an embryonic state, and by 
dint of a far-going analysis, some of them approach the structure of our 
modern European analytic languages. Still, in a number of others, the 
incorporative tendency prevails in a high degree ; they are synthetic as 
much as the Latin, Greek, or Gothic — many of them superlatively so. They 
use not only prefixes and affixes, as we do, but also infixes, viz : particles, 
or particle-fragments, inserted into the stem. As a general thing, iVmeri- 
can languages are not sex-denoting, though we find a distinction of sex 
in the dual of the Iroquois verb, and in some Central American verb-in- 
flections, where Jlc is distinguished from sJic in the personal pro- 
noun. A true substantive verb to be is not not found in any American 
language,' and the word-stems have not undergone that process of thor- 
ough differentation between noun and verb Avhich we observe in Ger- 
man, English, and French. These three languages we call accentuating, 
since the quantity of their syllables is of relative importance only, the 
influence of the accentuation being paramount. In many American lan- 
guages we observe, on the contrary, that accent shifts from syllable to 

' Full and detailed information concerning the structure prevailing in American languages, will 
be found in Prof. J. H. Trumbull's article on " Indian Languages," in Johnson's New Cyclo- 
paedia, vol. ii. New York, 1S75. 


syllable, though only in a restricted number of words, and that instead 
of the accent length and brevity of the syllables receive closer at- 
tention. Such idioms we may call quantitating languages, for their sys- 
tem of prosody does not seem to differ much from those of the classical 

No plausible cause can as yet be assigned for the frequent, perhaps 
universal, interchangeability of b with /, d with t and n, g with k, x, and 
the lingual k, in with b and v (w), hJi with k, % ; but as' there is nothing 
fortuitous in nature or in language, a latent cause must exist for this 
peculiarity. No preceding or following sound seems to have any in- 
fluence on this alternating process, and the vowels alternate in a quite 
similar manner. 

From these general characteristics, to which many others could be 
added, we pass over to those peculiarities which are more or less spe- 
cific to the languages of the Pacific Slope. It is not possible to state 
any absolute, but only some relative and gradual differences between these 
Western tongues and those of the East, of which we give the following : 

The generic difference of animate, inanimate, and neuter nouns, is 
of little influence on the grammatical forms of the Pacific languages. 
A so-called plural form of the transitive and intransitive verb exists in 
Selish dialects, in Klamath, Mutsun, San Antonio (probably also 
in Santa Barbara), and in the Shoshoni dialects of Kauvuya and 
Gaitchin. Duplication of the entire root, or of a portion of it, is exten- 
sively observed in the formation of frequentative and other derivative 
verbs, of augmentative and diminutive nouns, of adjectives (especially 
when designating colors), etc., in the Selish and Sahaptin dialects, in 
Cayuse, Yakon, Klamath, Pit River, Chokoyem, Cop-eh, Cushna, Santa 
Barbara, Pima, and is very frequent in the native idioms of the Mexican 
States. The root or, in its stead, the initial syllable, is redoubled regu- 
larly, or frequently, for the purpose of forming a (distributive) plural of 
nouns and verbs in Selish dialects, in Klamath, Kizh, Santa Barbara, 
and in the Mexican languages of the Pimas, Opatas (including Heve), 
Tarahumaras, Tepeguanas, and Aztecs. 

A definite article '' the,'' or a particle corresponding to it in many 
respects, is appended to the noun, and imparts the idea of actuality to 
the verb in Sahaptin, Klamath, Kizh, Gaitchin, Kauvuya, Mohave. In 
San Antonio this article is placed before the noun. The practice of ap- 
pending various *' classifiers " or determinatives to the cardinal numerals, 
to point out the different qualities of the objects counted, seems to be 
general in the Pacific tongues, for it can be traced in the Selish proper, 


in the Nisqualli (a western Selish dialect), in Yakima, in Klamath, in 
Noce or Noze, and in Aztec. In De la Cuestas' Mutsun grammar, how- 
ever, no mention is made of this synthetic feature. 

The phonological facts, most generally observed throughout the coast 
lands, from Puget Sound to San Diego, are as follows: Absence of the 
labial sound F and of our rolling R (the guttural kh or x is often errone- 
ously rendered by r) ; comparative scarcity of the medial or soft mutes 
as initial and final consonants of words ; frequency of the «;, or croaking, 
lingual k, identical with the c castahiielas of the South ; sudden stops of 
the voice in the midst of a word or sentence ; preponderance of clear 
and surd vowels over nasalized vowels. From all the information ob- 
tainable at present, we can properly infer that all the above mentioned 
peculiarities will by future investigato: s be discovered to exist also in 
many otJicr tongues of our Pacific States. In the northern sections 
the consonantic elements predominate to an enormous degree, some- 
times stifling the utterance of the vowels ; many southern tongues, on 
the contrary, show a tendency towards vocalism, though the consonantic 
frame of the words is not in any instance disrupted or obliterated by 
the vocalic element, as we observe it in Polynesia. Languages, with a 
sonorous, sweet, soft, and vocalic utterance, and elementary vocalism, are 
the Mohave, Hualapai, Meewoc, Tuolumne and Wintoon (and Kalapuya 
further north), while the dialects of the Santa Barbara stock seem to 
occupy an intermediate position between the above and the Northern 

Unnumbered tongues have in the course of centuries disappeared 
from the surface of these Western lands, and no monuments speak to us 
of their extent, or give a glimpse at the tribes which used them. Many 
others are on the verge of extinction ; they are doomed to expire under 
the overpowering influx of the white race. Other languages labor un- 
der the continued influence of linguistic corruption and intermixture 
with other stocks, and the Chinook jargon seems to make havoc among 
the tongues of the Columbia river. To transmit these languages to 
posterity in their unadulterated state, is not yet altogether impossible in 
the decennium in which we live, and would be a highly meritorious un- 
dertaking. It would be equivalent almost to rescuing these remarkable 
linguistic organisms from undeserved oblivion. 

In the subsequent pages I attempt to give a synoptical survey of 
our Pacific language-stocks west of the Rocky Mountains (excluding 
the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona), based on the writings of such 
predecessors as George Gibbs, Latham, H. H. Bancroft, Stephen Powers, 


and I have taken pains to carefully compare their data with the lin- 
guistic material available. For obvious reasons, I have found myself fre- 
quently constrained to dissent from them, and I claim the decision of 
men of undoubted competency concerning the correctness of my classi- 

Shoshoni. — The Shoshoni family borders and encircles all the other 
stocks of the Pacific Slope of the United States, on the eastern side, and my 
enumeration, therefore, commences with the dialects of this populous and 
widely-scattered inland nation. The natives belonging to this race occupy 
almost the whole surface of the great American Inland Basin, extending 
from the Rocky Mountains to the Sierra Nevada. To the northeast, and all 
along the western border, they have crossed these towering land-marks, 
constructed by nature itself, but do not appear to have interfered consider- 
ably with the original distribution of the tribes in the Californian valleys 
and mountain recesses. The dispositions evinced by them are more of 
a passive and indolent than of an aggressive, offending or implacable 
nature, though they are savages in the truest sense of the word ; some 
bands of Utahs, for instance, really seem too low-gifted ever to become 
a cause for dread to peaceful neighbors. We do not yet under- 
stand any of their numerous dialects thoroughly, but as far as the 
southern dialects are concerned, a preponderance of surd and nasalized 
a, o and it vowels over others is undoubted. They all possess a form for 
the plural of the noun ; the Comanche, even one for the dual. Their 
dialects are, sketched in the rough, as follows : 

Snake. — This dialect received its name from the Shoshoni, Lewis or 
Snake river, on whose shores one of the principal bands of Snake In- 
dians was first seen. Granville Stuart, in his " Montana as it is " (New 
York, 1865), gives the following ethnological division: IVaskakeeks, or 
Green River Snakes, in Wyoming ; Took-arikkah, or Salmon River 
Snakes (literally, " Mountain-sheep Eaters "), in Idaho. These two 
bands he calls genuine Snakes. Smaller bands are those of the Salt Lake 
Diggers in Utah, the Saknon Eaters on Snake river, the root-digging 
Bannocks or Pa-nasJit, on Boise, Malheur and Owyhee rivers, and a few 
others, all of whom differ somewhat in their mode of speech. Snakes of 
the Yahooshkin and WalpaJipe bands were settled recently on Klamath 
reserve in Oregon, together with a few Piutes. 

UtaJi ( YtitaJi, Entaiu, Ute; Spanish, Ayote,) is spoken in various dia- 
lects in parts of Utah, Wyoming and Arizona Territories, and in the 
western desert regions of Colorado, where a reservation of '* Confeder- 
ated Utes " has been established, with an area of twelve millions of acres. 


To draw an accurate limit between the numerous bands of the Utahs, and 
those of the Snakes and Payutes seems to be impossible at present, since 
all of them show the same national characteristics. I give the names of 
some of the more important bands of Utah Indians, which no doubt dif- 
fer to a certain degree in their sub-dialects : Elk Mountain Utahs in 
Southeastern Utah ; Pah- Vants on Sevier Lake, southeast of Salt Lake ; 
SampitcJics, on Sevier Lake and in Sampitch Valley ; Tash-Utah in North- 
ern Arizona ; Uinta-Utahs in Uintah Valley Reserve ; Wcbcr-Utahs, north- 
east of Salt Lake; Yampa-Utahs, south of the Uinta-Utahs. 

Payiitc — (Pah-Utah, Pi-Utc — literally, "River-Utah; Utah, as spoken 
on Colorado river"), a sonorous, vocalic dialect spoken throughout 
Nevada, in parts of Arizona and California. The dialect of the South- 
ern Payutes on Colorado river closely resembles that of the neigh- 
boring CJicnicJinevis, but differs materially from that spoken in North- 
ern Nevada, and from the dialect of Mono and Inyo counties, California. 
Other Payute tribes are the V/ashoes and Gosh-Utes. 

Kanvnya — (Cazvio; Spanish, CaJiuillo) This branch of the Shoshoni 
stock prevails from the Cabezon Mountains and San Bernardino Valley, 
California, dowm to the Pacific coast, and is at present known to us in 
four dialects : Serrano, or mountain dialect, spoken by Indians, who call 
themselves Takhtam, which means " men, people." Kainmya, in and 
around San Bernardino Valley. GaitcJiin or KccJii, a coast dialect in use 
near the Missions of San Juan Capistrano and San Luis Rey de Francia. 
Nctela is another name for it. KizJi, spoken in the vicinity of the Mission 
of San Gabriel by a tribe calling itself Tobikhar, or '' settlers," and of 
San Fernando Mission, almost extinct. The two last mentioned dialects 
considerably differ among themselves, and from the mountain dialects of 
the Takhtam and Kauvuyas. 

Comanche, formerly called Hietan, Jetan, Na-iini, in Northern Texas, 
in New Mexico and in the Indian Territory. They are divided into 
three principal sections, and their language resembles in a remarkable 
degree that of the Snakes. 

Various Shoshoni dialects have largely influenced the stock of words 
of a few idioms, which otherwise are foreign to this family. We mean 
the Pueblo idioms of New Mexico, the Moqui of Arizona, and the Ki- 
owa, spoken on Red River and its tributaries. There exists a deep-seated 
connection between the Shoshoni stock and several languages of 
Northern Mexico in the radicals, as well as in the grammatical inflections, 
which has been pointed out and proved in many erudite treatises by 
Professor T. C. E. Buschmann, once the collaborator of the two brothers 
Alexander and William von Humboldt. 


Yuma. — The Indians of the Yuma stock are scattered along the bor- 
ders of the Lower Colorado and its affluents, the Gila river and the Bill 
Williams Fork. Their name is derived from one of the tribes — the 
Yumas — whom their neighbors frequently call Cuchans or Ko-u- 
tchans. Some dialects, as the Mohave, possess a large number pf sounds 
or phonetic elements, the English th amongst them, and are almost en- 
tirely built up of syllables, which contain but one consonant followed by 
a vowel. The verb possesses a plural form. At present we know of 
about seven dialects : — Mohave (Spanish Mojave), on Mohave river and 
on Colorado River Reservation ; Hualapai, on Colorado River Agency ; 
Maricopa, formerly Cocomaricopa, on Pima Reservation, Middle Gila 
river ; To7ito, Tonto-Apaches or Gohun, on Gila river and north of it ; 
Cocopa, near Fort Yuma and south of it ; CucJian or Yuma, on Colorado 
river ; their former seats were around Fort Yuma ; Diegcfw and Comoyei, 
around San Diego, along the Coast, on New river, etc. 

Scattered tribes are the Cosinos or Casninos, and the Yavipais or 
Yampais, east of the Colorado river. The term opa, composing several 
of these tribal names, is taken from the Yuma, and means man ; the defi- 
nite article -tch joined to it forms the Avord epach or Apache, '' man, men, 

Pima. — Dialects of this stock are spoken on the middle course of the 
Gila river, and south of it on the elevated plains of Southern Arizona 
and Northern Sonora, (Pimeria alta, Pimeria baja). The Pima does not ex- 
tend into California, unless the extinct, historical CajuencJies, mentioned in 
Mexican annals, spoke one of the Pima (or Pijmo, Pimo) dialects. Pima, 
on Pima Reserve, Gila river, a sonorous, root-duplicating idiom ; 
Ncvome, a dialect probably spoken in Sonora, of which we possess a 
reliable Spanish grammar, published in Shea's Linguistics ; Pdpago, on 
Papago Reserve in south-western Arizona. 

Santa Barbara. — We are not cognizant of any national name given 
to the race of Indians who spoke the intricate dialects of this language- 
family. Its northern dialects differ as much from the southern as Mini- 
taree does from Santee-Dakota, or Scandinavian from the dialects of 
southern Germany. 

The southern dialects are : — Santa Inez, near Santa Inez Mission ; 
liturgic specimens, translations of parts of catechisms, etc., of this dia- 
lect, and of that of Santa Barbara Mission, were forwarded to the Smith- 
sonian Institution by Mr. Alex. S. Taylor of Santa Barbara City ; Santa 
Barbara, around Santa Barbara Mission, closely related to Kasnci or 
Kashwdh, Spanish Cieneguita, three miles from Santa Barbara Mission ; 


Santa Cruz Island \ this dialect reduplicated the root in forming the 
plural of nouns, and probably extended over the other Islands in its 
vicinity ; it is extinct now. 

The northern dialects are : — San Louis Obispo ; stock of words largely 
mixed with Mutsun terms. The Indian name of the locality was Tixi- 
lini. San Antojiio, spoken at or near San Antonio Mission, known to us 
through Padre Sitjar's dictionary. The plural of nouns is formed in 
more than twelve different ways, and the phonology is quite intricate. 

Mutsun. — This name, of unknown signification, has been adopted to 
designate a family of dialects extending from the environs of San Juan 
Bautista, Cal., in a north-western direction up to and beyond the Bay of 
San Francisco and the Straits of Karquines, in the East reaching proba- 
bly to San Joaquin river. It is identical with the language called 
Rnnsien or Rnmsen, and shows a great development of grammatical 
forms. Its alphabet lacks the sounds of b, ^,/and of our rolling r. We 
can distinguish the following dialects \—^San Juan Bautista ; Padre F. 
Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta has left us a grammar and an extensive 
phraseological collection in this idiom, which were published by John 
G. Shea, in two volumes of his " Linguistic Series." Mission of 
Carmelo, near the Port of Monterey ; the Eslenes inhabited its surround- 
ings. Santa Cruz, north of the Bay of Monterey ; vocabulary in New 
York Historical Magazine, 1864 (Feb.), page 68. La Soiedad Mission; if 
this dialect, of whose grammatical structure we know nothing, really 
belongs to the Mutsun stock, it is at least largely intermixed with San 
Antonio elements. The tribe living around the Mission was called 
Sakhones. Costafw, on the Bay of San Francisco, spoken by the five 
extinct tribes of the Ahwastes, Olhones, Altahmos, Romonans, Tulomos. 
See Schoolcraft's Indians, Vol. II, page 494. 

Under the heading of " Mutsun " I subjoin here a series of dialects 
spoken north of the Bay of San Francisco, Avhich judging from the large 
number of Mutsun words, probably belong to this stock, but show also 
a large amount of Chocuyem words, which dialect is perhaps not, 
according to our present information, a Mutsun dialect. This point can 
be decided only when its grammatical elements, as verbal inflection, etc., 
will be ascertained. 

The dialects, showing affinities with Mutsun, are as follows: 
Olamcntke, spoken on the former Russian colony about Bodega Bay, 
Marin Co.; vocabulary in Wrangell, Nachrichten, etc., St. Petersburg, 
1839, ^"d reprinted by Prof. Buschmann. San Rafael Mission, Marin Co. 
Vocabulary taken by Mr. Dana ; printed in Hale's Report of Exploring 


Expedition, and in Transactions of American Ethnolog. Society, II, page 
128 ; the words are almost identical with those of Chocuyem. Talatiii or 
Talantui, on Kassima River, an eastern tributary of the Sacramento, is 
clearly a dialect of Chocuyem ; vocabulary by Dana, Tr. Am. Ethn. 
Soc, Vol. II. Cliokuyeni or Tchokoyem was the name of a small tribe once 
inhabiting Marin County, north of the Golden Gate. Their language 
extended across San Antonio Creek into Sonoma valley, Sonoma Co. 
G. Gibbs' vocabulary, published in Schoolcraft, III, 428-sq, discloses 
the singular fact that almost all Chocuyem words are dissyllabic, and fre- 
quently begin and terminate in vowels. A Lord's prayer in Chocuyem 
was published in Duflot de Mofras' Explorations, II, 390, and repro- 
duced b}' Bancroft ; the name of the tribe living around the mission of 
San Rafael was Youkiousme, which does not sound very alike, nor very 
different from '' Chocuyem." Some of the more important terms agree- 
ing in the Chocuyem and in the Mutsun of San Bautista, are as follows : 








I, myself 





The supposition that the Chocuyem belongs to the Mutsun stock is 
greatly strengthened by the mutual correspondence of these terms, but 
cannot be stated yet as existing on this ground alone, for the terms for 
most numerals, parts of human body, and those for fire, water, earth, 
sun, moon and star disagree entirely. 

The Chocuyem stock probably included also the Petaluma or Yol- 
hios, as well as the Tomalo and other dialects spoken beyond the northern 
limit of Marin County. From a notice published by Alex. S. Taylor, Esq., 
we learn that Padre Quijas, in charge of Sonoma Mission from 1835 to 
1842, composed an extensive dictionary of the idiom spoken in the vicin- 
ity of this religious establishment. 

YocUT. — This tribe lives in the Kern and Tulare basins, and on the 
middle course of the San Joaquin river. Consolidated in i860 into one 






sit, si-it 




kuka, ruca 














an an 



coherent body by their chief, Pascuai, the Vocuts show more national 
soHdarity than any other CaHfornia nation. In the Overland MontJdy, Mn 
Stephen Powers gave a sketch of this remarkable tribe, and described at 
length one of their terrific nocturnal weeping dances, called Kotewachil. 
The following tribes and settlements may be mentioned here : TacJics 
(Tatches), around Kingston; CJiczvcncc, in Squaw valley; Watooga^ o\\ 
King's river ; CJiookcJiancics, in several villages ; a Kings river tribe, 
whose vocabulary is mentioned in Schoolcraft's Indians, Vol. IV, 413- 
414; Coeonoons, on Merced river; their vocabulary in Schoolcraft, IV, 
413; a tribe formerly living at Dent's Ferry, on Stanislaus river, in 
the Sierra Nevada of Calaveras County, vocabulary given by Alex. S. 
Taylor in his "California Farmer." In former years many individuals 
of the Yocut nation were carried as captives to San Luis Obispo, on the 
coast, and were put to work in the service of the mission. 

Meewoc. — Stephen Powers [Overland Monthly, April, 1873) calls the 
Meewoc tribe the largest in California in population, and in extent. 
** Their ancient dominion reached from the snow-line of the Sierra Ne- 
vada to the San Joaquin river, and from the Cosumnes to the Fresno ; 
mountains, valleys and plains were thickly peopled." Bands of this 
tribe lived in a perfectly naked state in the Yosemite Valley, when this 
spot first came into notice. The language is very homogeneous for a 
stretch of one hundred and fifty miles, and the radicals and words are 
remarkably vocalic. Meewoc, mi-ua, mivie, is the word for '' Indian," 
and osoamit, whence " Yosemite," means the grizzly bear; *' wakalumi" 
is a "river," hence Mokelumne was formed by corruption ; "kossumi " a 
salmon, hence Cosumnes river. Some of the Meewoc bands were 
called by the following names, which probably represent as many dia- 
lects or sub-dialects : Chooniteyas, on middle Merced river ; Cawnees, on 
Cosumne river ; Yulonees, on Sutter Creek ; Aivdnees in Yosemite Valley; 
Chowehillas, on middle Chowxhilla river ; Tndlumjie,, on Tuolumne river. 
Their vocabulary was taken by Adam Johnson, and published in School- 
craft's Indians, IV., 413. Fonr Creek Indians ; vocabulary published in the 
San Francisco Wide West in July, 1856, under the name of Kahweyah, 
but differing considerably in the words given by Mr. Powers. Some 
further Meewoc bands are called after the cardinal points of the compass. 

Meidoo. — The Meidoo nation formerly extended from Sacramento 
river to the snow-line,' and from Big Chico Creek to Bear river, the 
cognate Neeshenams from Bear river to the Cosumnes, where the lan- 
guage changed abruptly. The Meidoos are a joyful, merry and dance- 
loving race. Their language is largely made up of vocalic elements; 


vowels and n's terminate more than one-half of their words. We pos- 
sess vocabularies of the following- bands : Yuba, opposite the mouth of 
Yuba river, a tributary of Feather river. A collection of some forty 
Avords was made by Lieut. Edward Ross, and published in Historical 
Magazine of New York, 1863, page 123. Cushna, on mountains of South 
Yuba river, Nevada county. Vocabulary by Adam Johnson, an Indian 
agent, published in Schoolcraft, II., page 494. Pujiini, or Bushumnes, on 
western bank of Sacramento river ; Secuimtes, also west of Sacramento 
river. Short vocabularies of both dialects were collected by Mr. Dana, 
and reprinted in Tr. Am. Ethnol. Soc, Vol. II. NeesJienam, south of 
Bear river; Powers separates them as a distinct nation from the Mei- 
doos ; but from the words given, it appears that both speak dialects of the 
same language. Their bands are partly called after the points of the 
compass. Of other Meidoo tribes or bands, Ave mention the Otdkiunne 
in the Otakey settlement ; the Ollas, opposite mouth of Bear river, and 
the Concows or Cancows, in Concow Valley. Mr. Powers gives the 
names of about a dozen more. Perhaps the little tribe of the undersized 
Noces, or Nozes, in Round Mountain, Oak Run and vicinity, has to be 
classified here, because a few of their numerals, which almost all end in 
uiona, agree with those of the Cushnas. Mr. Powers supposes these and 
the ferocious Mill Creek Indians to be of foreign origin. 

WiNTOON. — The timid, superstitious and grossly sensual race of the 
Wintoons is settled on both sides of upper Sacramento and upper Trinity 
rivers, and is found also on the lower course of Pit River. Stephen 
Powers calls their language rich in forms and synonyms ; the dialect 
studied by Oscar Loew forms the plurals of its nouns by means of a final 
4 preceded by a reduplicated vowel of the root. Loew's vocabulary, 
published with one of the Uinta-Utah and thirteen others by the author 
of this article in his recent publication. " Zzvolf Sprachen aiis dcin Sild- 
ivesten Nord-Amerikas ; JVeimar iSy6'' (150 pages), offers a few words of 
very difficult guttural pronunciation ; but in general the language (called 
*' Digger" in that vocabulary) is of a soft and sonorous character. 

Some of the more noteworthy Wintoon tribes are as follows: — 
Dowpiini Wintoons, on Cottonwood creek, the nucleus of this race ; Noc- 
niocs or '' southern people ;" Pooemocs or " eastern people ;" Nome Lakees or 
*' western talkers ;" Wikainmoes, on extreme upper Trinity river and Scott 
Mountain ; Norniocs, on Hay Fork ; Tehduias, near Tehama Town ; Mag 
Reading Wintoons : vocabulary taken about 1852, by Adam Johnson, and 
published in Schoolcraft, IV, p, 414. Cop-c^h. A tribe of this name was 
found at the head of Putos creek, the words of which are mostly dissyl- 
labic, and partake of the vocalic nature of southern languages. 


Stephen Powers calls by the name Patzvccn a race inhabiting the 
west side of the middle and lower Sacramento, Cache and Piitos creek, 
and Napa Valley. Physically, the Patweens do not differ from the Win- 
toons. Their complexion varies from brassy bronze to almost jet-black, 
they walk pigeon-toed, and have ver}^ small and depressed heads, the arch 
over their eyes forming sometimes a sharp ridge. They are socially 
disconnected and have no common name ; but their language does not 
differ much in its dialects, and belongs, as far as we are acquainted with 
it, to the Wintoon stock. Powers {^Overland MontJily, December, 1874, 
p. 542, sqq.) classes under this heading a number ol clans or bands, of 
which we mention : — Snistins, in Suisun Valley, Solano Co. ; Uhilatos, in 
Ulatus Creek, near Vacaville ; Leivytos Txwd. Piitos, in Putos Creek ; Napas 
in Napa Valley ; Lolsch, east of Clear Lake ; Commies, near Colusa, on 
Sacramento river ; CJienposch, on Cache Creek ; Noyukics, inter-married 
with Wintoons, on Stony Creek. Giiihilos or Giiillilas, in Sonora Valley. 
A Lord's Prayer given in their dialect, b}^ Duflot de Mofras, ii, p. 391, 
differs entireh^ from the Chocuyem, hence the Guilulo may belong to the 
Patween stock. The words of the Napa root-diggers, collected by Major 
Bartlett, and another vocabular}^ of the Napa have not yet been pub- 
lished by the Smithsonian Institution. 

YuKA. — The Yuka or Uka language extends over a long and narrow 
strip of territory parallel for a hundred miles to the Pomo dialects and the 
coast, in and along the coast range. The area of the Pomo language, 
however, breaks across that of the Yuka from the West at Ukiah and sur- 
rounds Clear Lake. The revengeful race of the Yukas, who are conspicu- 
ous by very large heads placed on smallish bodies, originally dwelt in 
Round valley, east of Upper Eel river. Nome Cult, meaning " western 
tribe," is the Wintoon name for this solitary and fertile valley, which has 
become the seat of an Indian Reservation. Of the Yuka we have a 
short vocabulary b}^ Lieut. Edward Ross in N. Y. Historical Magazine 
for April, 1863. Surd vowels, perhaps nasalized, are frequent; also the 
ending -um, -un, which is probably the plural termination of nouns. No 
connection with the Chokuyem is perceptible, but a faint resemblance with 
the Cushna can be traced in a few words. Other tribes speaking Yuka are 
the AsJiochcniics or Wappos, formerly inhabiting the mountain tract from 
the Geysers down to Calistoga Hot Springs ; the S/nuneias, at the head 
of Eel river ; and the Tahtoos, on the middle and south forks of Eel river, 
and at the head of Potter Valley. 

Pomo. — The populous, unoffending Pomo race is settled along the 
eoast, on Clear Lake and on the heads of Eel and Russian rivers ; a portion 


of them now inhabits the Reservation of Round valley, together with 
their former tormentors, the Yukas. Those of the interior show more 
inteUigence and a stronger physical constitution than the coast Pomos. 
The Cahto Pomos and the Ki Pomos, on Eel river, have adopted the 
Tinne dialect of the Wi Lakee, which is closely allied to Hoopa. 
Powers considers as the nucleus of the numerous Pomo tribes the Pome 
Pomos, living in Potter Valley, a short distance northwest of Clear Lake. 
The language rapidly changes from valley to valley ; but the majority of 
the dialects are sonorous, and the vocalic element preponderates. 

We enumerate the following bands : — Pome Pomos, "earth people," 
in Potter Valley. Ballo Ki Pomos, " Wild Oat Valley people," in Potter 
Valley. Choan Chadela Pomos, " Pine-pitch people," in Redwood Valley. 
Matomey Ki Pomos, " Wooded Valley people," around Little Lake. Usa/s 
or Camalel Pomos^ on Usal Creek. Shebalnc Pomos, "neighbor people," in 
Sherwood V^alley. Gallinomcros, below Healdsburg ; a few grammatical 
informations given in H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. iii, part second. 
Yuka-i or Ukiah, on Russian river, (not to be confounded with Yuka in 
Round valley); vocabulary by G. Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Vol. Ill, (1853.) 
Choweshak, dX the head of Eel river ; Gibbs' vocabulary in Schoolcraft, III, 
pp. 434, sqq. Batemdikaie, at the head of Eel river, called after the 
valley in which they live; vocabulary in Schoolcraft, III, 434, sqq. 
Kilanapo, on southwest shore of Clear Lake ; vocabulary in Schoolcraft, 
III, 428-. Bancroft has called attention to the fact that many words of 
this and other dialects, spoken south of it, correspond to Polynesian and 
Malay terms, but on account of the uncertain nature of Oceanic conso- 
nantism, he is unwilling to draw any ethnological deductions from this 
coincidence. Kulanapo agrees pretty closely with Choweshak and Ba- 
temdikaie, but differs somewhat from Chwachamaju. CJiivacJiamaju, to 
the north of Bodega bay. The words in Wrangell's vocabulary (see 
Olamentke, Mutstm) appear to agree more closely with Yuka-i than with 
any other Pomo dialect. 

WiSHOSK. — Spoken on a very small area around the mouth of the 
Eel river, on the seacoast, and called so from the Indian name for Eel 
river. We know of two sub-dialects almost entirely identical, and show- 
ing a rather consonantic word-structure. Vocabularies were collected 
with care by George Gibbs, and published in Schoolcraft III, p. 422. 
Wecyot, or Veeard, on mouth of Eel river ; WisJiosk, on northern part of 
Humboldt Bay, near mouth of Mad river ; Patawat, identical with G. 
Gibbs' Kowilth, or Koquilth ; and about a dozen other settlements speak- 
ing dialects of the same language. — Proceeding through the basin of the 


Klamath river, we meet with a number of small, socially incoherent, bands 
of natives engaged in salmon or trout fishing on the shores of this stream 
and of its tributaries. Some do not possess any tribal name, or name 
for their common language, and were in a bulk called Klamath River 
Indians, in contradistinction to the Klamath Lake Indians, E-ukshikni, on 
the head of Klamath river. These latter I call here " Klamaths." 

EUROK. — The Euroc tribe inhabits both banks of the Klamath river, 
from its mouth up to the Great Bend at the influx of the Trinity river. 
The name simply means '' down " (down the river), and another name 
given them by their neighbors, Pohlik, means nearly the same. Their 
settlements frequently have three or four names. Requa is the village 
at the mouth of the Klamath river, from which they set out when fishing 
at sea. The language sounds rough and guttural ; the vowels are surd, 
and often lost between the consonants, as in mrpr, /iosc\- chlh, chlec, cartJi; 
wrh-yenex, cJiild. In conversation, the Eurocs terminate many words by 
catching sound (-h'-) with a grunt ; with other Indians we observe this 
less frequently. They are of darker complexion than the Cahroks, and 
in 1870 numbered 2,700 individuals in the short stretch of forty miles 
along the river. 

Weits-pek. — In Schoolcraft we find a vocabulary named after the 
Indian encampment at Weits-pek, a few miles above the great bend of 
Klamath river, on the north shore, whose words totally disagree from 
Eurok, Cahrok, Shasta, or any other neighboring tongue. Palegawonap 
is another name for the tribe or its language. 

Cahrok. — Cahrok, or Carrook, is not a tribal, but simply a conven- 
tional name, meaning "■ above, upwards " (up the Klamath river, as Eu- 
rok means "down," and Modoc — probably ^ — at the head of the river"). 
The Cahrok tribe extends along Klamath river from Bluff Creek, near 
Weits-pek, to Indian Creek, a distance of eighty miles. Pehtsik is a 
local name for a part of the Cahroks ; another section of them, liv- 
ing at the junction of Klamath and Salmon (or Quoratem) rivers, go by 
the name of Ehnek. Stephen Powers thinks that the Cahroks are prob- 
ably the finest tribe in California ; that their language much resembles 
the Spanish in utterance, and is not so guttural as the Euroc. In School- 
craft we find vocabularies from both tribes. 

Tolewa. — The few words of the Tolewa, or Tahlewah language on 
Smith river, between Klamath and Rogue rivers, which were given to 
G. Gibbs by an unreliable Indian from another tribe, show a rough and 
guttural character, and differ entirely in their radicals from anv other 
language spoken in the neighborhood. 


Shasta. — At the time of the Rogue River War the Shastas, or Shas- 
teecas, became involved in the rebeUion of their neighbors, and after their 
defeat the warriors of both tribes were removed, with their famiUes, to the 
Grand Ronde and Siletz Reserves in Oregon. Hence, they ahnost entirely 
disappeared from their old homes in the Shasta and Scott Valley's, which 
are drained by affluents of the Klamath river, and also from their homes 
on Klamath river, from Clear Creek upwards. Nouns form their plurals 
by adding oggara, ukara, " many,'' and the language does not sound 
disagreeably to our ears. We know this vocalic tongue only through a 
few words, collected by Dana ; the Smithsonian Institution owns three 
vocabularies. The Scotts' Valley band was called Watsahewa ; the 
names of other bands were T-ka, Iddoa, Hotedr.}^, We-ohow. 

Pit River. — The Pit River Indians, a poor and very abject-looking 
lot of natives, live on upper Pit river and its side creeks. In former years 
they suffered exceedingly from the raids of the Modocs and Klamath 
Lakes, who kidnapped and kept them as slaves, or sold them at the slave- 
market at Yanex in southern Oregon. Like the Pomos and most other 
Calif ornians, they regard and worship the coyote- wolf as the creator 
and benefactor of mankind. Powers calls their language '' hopelessly 
consonantal, harsh and sesquipedalian, very unlike the sweet and simple 
tongues of the Sacramento river." Redoubling of the root seems to 
prevail here to a large extent. A few words from a sub-dialect are 
given by Mr. Bancroft, which do not differ materially from the '' Palaik" 
(or Mountaineer) vocabulary printed in Transactions of Am. Ethnol. 
Soc.,Vol. ll, p. 98. After a military expedition to their country. General 
Crook ordered a removal of many individuals of this tribe to the Round 
Vallev reserve, where they are now settled. Pi'i-su, Pii-isu is the Win- 
toon name of the Pit River Indians, meaning " eastern people." Ac- 
cording to Mr. Powers' statements {Overland Mo)itJily, 1874, pp. 412, sgg.) 
the Pit River Indians are sub-divided in: — AcJionidivcs, in the Fall river 
basin; from <?f//^;;/'<7 "river," meaning Pit river. Haincfnittelics, in Big 
\allev. Astakayzcas or Astakywich, in Hot Spring valley ; from astakay^ 
hot spring. I/Iniazas, opposite Fort Crook, south side of Pit river. 
Pdcaniallics, on Hat Creek. 

Klamath. — The watershed between the Sacramento and Columbia 
river Basin consists of a broad and mountainous table-land rising to an 
average height of four to five thousand feet, and embellished by beautiful 
sheets of fresh water. The central part of this plateau is occupied by the 
Klamath Re,servation, which includes lakes, prairies, volcanic ledges, and 
is the home of the Klamath stock qi Indians, who inhabit it together with 


the two Shoshoni tribes mentioned above. The nation calls itseK (and 
other Indians) Mdklaks, " the encamped, the settlers," a term which has 
been transcribed into English '' Muckalucks," and ought to include all 
the four divisions given below. About 145 Modocs were, after the Modoc 
war of 1873, removed to Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory. The lan- 
guage is rich in words and synonyms, only slightly polysynthetic, and lacks 
the sounds / and r. They divide themselves into : — Klauiaths or Klamath 
Lakes, E-uksJiikni, from e-ush '* lake ;" on Big Klamath Lake. Modocs 
originally inhabiting the shores of Little Klamath Lake, now at Yanex. 
The Pit Rivers call them Lutuam ; and they call the Pit Rivers, M6- 
atuash or ** southern dwellers." KombatnasJi, "grotto or cave dwellers," 
from their abode in the Lava Bed Caves — a medley of different races. 
Some Molcle or Molale, renegades of the Cayuse tribe, have recently 
become mixed with Rogue Rivers and Klamaths, and have adopted the 
Klamath language in consequence. No Klamath sub-dialects exist, the 
idioms of all these tribes being almost identical. Klamaths and other 
southern Oregonians communicate with other tribes by means of the 
Chinook jargon. 

The tinne family. — The Tinne family of languages, which extends 
from the inhospitable shores of the Yukon and Mackenzie rivers to Fraser 
river, and almost to Hudson's Bay, sent in by-gone centuries a powerful 
offshoot to the Rio Grande del Norte and the Gila rivers, now represented 
by the Apache, Lipan and Navajo. Other fragments of the Tinne stock, 
represented by less populous tribes, wandered south of the Columbia 
river, and settled on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; they were the 
Kwalhioqua, Tlatskanai, Umpqua, Rogue Rivers (or Rascal Indians) and 
the Hoopa. Following them up in the direction from south to north, 
we begin with the Hoopa. 

Hoopa. — The populous and compact Hoopa (or better, Hoopaw) 
tribe has its habitation on the Trinity, near its influx into Klamath rner, 
California, and for long years kept in awe and submission the weaker 
part of the surrounding tribes and clans, exacting tributes, and even 
forcing their language upon some of them, as upon the Chimalaquays on 
New river, the Kailtas on Redwood Creek, and upon the two Porno bands 
above mentioned. Powers holds their language to be copious in words, 
robust, strong in utterance, and of martial simplicity and rudeness. 
The Wylakies.ox, VVi Lakees, near the western base of Shasta Butte, speak 
a Hoopa dialect. No information is at hand to decide whether the 
Lassies on Mad river, the TaJiaJitecns on Smith river, and a few other 
tribes, speak, as the assumption is, Tinne dialects or not. 


Rogue River.— T\\Q Tototen, Tootooten, or Tutiitainys tribe, living on 
Rogue river and its numerous side creeks, Oregon, speaks a language 
which is, like the majority of Oregonian and Northern tongues, replete 
of guttural and croaking sounds. According to Dr. Hubbard, whose 
vocabulary is published in Taylor's California Farmer, this nation com- 
prised in 1856 thirteen bands, consisting in all of 1,205 individuals. (See 
article '' Shasta.") The appearance of the numerals, the terms for the 
parts of the human frame, many other nouns and the pronoun, '' mine,'' 
'' my " (ho, hAvo, hu), induced me to compare them with the Tinne lan- 
guages. They differ considerably from Hoopa and Taculli, but singu- 
larly agree with Apache and Navajo, and Tototen has, therefore, to be 
introduced as a new offshoot of the coast branch into the great Tinne or 
Athapascan family of languages. The Smithsonian Institution owns 
two vocabularies, inscribed '' Rogue River," two '' Tootooten," and one 
'* Toutouten." 

Umpqua. — The Umpquas live in and around Alsea sub-agency, on 
the sea coast, together with the Alsea, Sinselaw and Coos Indians. Their 
idiom is softer than the other branches of the Tinne stock. ' Further 
north we find two other small tribes of the same origin, whose languages 
Avere studied only by Horatio Hale, of Wilkes' Exploring Expedition. 
One of them was the Tlatskanai, south of Columbia river ; the other, the 
Kivalhioqiia, at the outlet of this stream, both extremely guttural. On 
account of the smallness of the tribes speaking them, these idioms have 
probably become extinct ; their owners merged into other tribes, and were 
identified Avith them beyond recognition. They roved in the mountains 
at some distance from the coast and the Columbia, living on game, ber- 
ries and esculent roots. 

Yakon. — Before 1848, the Yakon tribe was settled on the Oregon 
coast, south of the Tillamuks, numbering then about seven hundred in- 
dividuals. In the collection of fifty Yakon Avords, given in Transac- 
tions of Am. Ethn. Soc. II., part 2d, pp. 99 sqq, Ave discover very fcAV 
monosyllables, but many clusters of consonants, not easily pronounced 
by English speaking people, as \i\NO\jx\, fingers ; pusunt:]^!;^^, tJiree. 

Cayuse. — The national appellation of the Cayuses, Avhose home is in 
the valley of Des Chutes river, Oregon, is Wayiletpu, the plural form of 
Wa-ilet, " one Cayuse man." The Wayiletpu formerly Avere divided 
into Cayuses and Moleles, but the latter separated, Avent south and joined 
other tribes (see Klamath), or were removed to the Grande Ronde Re- 
serve. The Cayuses are rapidly assimilating, or identifying themselves, 
with the WalaAvalas on and around Umatilla Agency, about seventy 


miles east of Des Chutes river outlet, and a majority of them has for- 
gotten already their paternal idiom. Judging from the Cayuse words 
printed in the Transactions of Am. Ethn. Society II, p. 97, this language 
prefers consonantic to vocalic endings, and possesses the aspirates th 
and/. The occurrence of both sounds, especially of/ is not uncom- 
mon in Oregonian languages. 

Kalapuya. — The original seats of this tribe were in the upper Wil- 
lamette Valley. The laws of euphony are numerous in this language, 
whose utterance is soft and harmonious ; thus it forms a remarkable con- 
trast with all the surrounding languages, the sounds of which are 
uttered with considerable pectoral exertion. The personal pronoun is 
used also as a possessive ; no special termination exists for the dual or 
plural of nouns. Yamkally, on head of Willamette river, has many words 
in common with Kalapuya, and is supposed to belong to the same stock. 

Chinook. — The populous, Mongol-featured nation of the Chinooks 
once dwelt on both sides of the Lower Columbia ; but after the destruc- 
tion of four-fifths of their number in 1823 by a terrible fever-epidemy, a 
part of the survivors settled north, and now gradually disappear among 
the Chehalis. The pronounciation is very indistinct, the croakings in 
lower part of the throat frequent, the syntaxis is represented as 
being a model of intricacy. To confer with the Lower, the Upper Chi- 
nooks had to use interpreters, although the language of both is of the 
same lineage. The dialects and tribes were distributed as follows : 
Lower Chinook, from mouth of Columbia river up to Multnomah Is- 
land, Clatsop; Chinook proper; Wakiakum ; Katlamat. Middle Chi- 
nook — Multnomah, Skilloot. Upper Chinook — Watlala or Wat;\:kila, 
showing a dual and a plural form in the inflection of the noun ; Klakamat, 
south-east of Portland, a tribe once dispossessed of its homes by the 
Moleles ; the idiom of the Cascade Indians, and of the extinct Waccanes- 
sisi. Following the authority of George Gibbs, I mention also as an 
Upper Chinook dialect the Wasco or Cathlasco language. From their 
original homes east of the Dalles, the Wascoes were removed to the 
Warm Spring Agency. 

Chinook jargon. — The location of the Chinooks in the central region 
of western border commerce, and on the outlet of the international road- 
way of Columbia river, rendered the acquisition of the Chinook, or 
Tsinuk language very desirable for the surrounding tribes. But the na- 
ture of this language made this a rather difficult task, and so a trade lan- 
guage gradually formed itself out of Chinook, Chehali, Selish, Nootka 
and other terms, which, on the advent of the whites, were largely in- 


creased by French, and in a less degree by English words. The French 
words were derived from the Canadian and Missouri patois of the fur 
traders. Two-fifths of the jargon terms were taken from Chinook dia- 
lects, and as the inflectional forms, prefixes and affixes of these unwieldy 
idioms were dropped altogether, and replaced by particles or auxiliaries, 
the acquisition of the Jargon became easy. A comprehensive sketch of 
this idiom will be found in the preface to George Gibbs' " Dictionary of 
the Chinook Jargon," New York, 1863 (in Shea's Linguistics). 

We have similar instances of medley jargons from very disparate lan- 
guages in the Lingua Franca of the Mediterranean ports, in the Pidgin 
English of Canton, the Negro-English-Dutch of Surinam, the Slave on 
the Upper Yukon river, in a Sahaptin slave-jargon, and in the numerous 
"women-languages" of South America. 

Sahaptin. — This name belongs to a small affluent of the Kooskooskie 
or Clearwater river, and has been adopted to designate the stock of lan- 
guages spoken in an extensive territory on the middle and lower Colum- 
bia river, and on its tributaries, Yakima, Paluse, Clearwater and Snake 
rivers. The morphological part of the Sahaptin grammar is rich and 
well developed, and polysynthetism is carried up to a high degree. The 
exterior of the race recalls the bodily structure, not the complexion, of 
the Mongolian type of mankind. The eastern-most tribe is : 

Nez-Perce's, the most numerous and powerful Sahaptin tribe, settled 
on a reserve in Northern Idaho (about 2,800 Indians), or roaming in the 
neighborhood. A sketch of their grammar was published in Transac- 
tions of American Ethn. Society. The western and northern Sahaptin 
tribes are the following : Wdlawdla (" Rivermen"), on Umatilla Agency, 
in Northeastern Oregon ; Paliis or Paloose, on Palus River and Yakima 
Reservation ; Ydkama or Yakima, on Yakima Reserve, Washington Ter- 
ritory. Rev. Pandosy wrote a Grammar, Texts and Dictionary of this 
dialect, which were pubhshed in Mr. Shea's Linguistic Series. From 
their habitat they are called Pshuanwappum, '^dwellers in the stony coun- 
try." Klikitat, on Yakima Reserve and vicinity, formerly roaming 
through the woodlands around Mount St. Helens. Umatilla, on Oregon 
side of Columbia River and on Umatilla Agency. No vocabularies. 
Warm Spring Indians on west side of Middle Des Chutes River. They 
call themselves Tish:\;ani-hhlama, after a locality on that water-course, 
or Milli-hhlama, from the thermal sources surging on the territory of 
their reservation (milli, '' bubbling, or tepid," hhlama, '' belonging to, per- 
taining "). 

x\ slave jargon exists among the Nez-Perce Indians, which originated 


through their intercourse with prisoners of war, and contains expressions 
for eye, Iwrse, man, ivonian and other most common terms, which are en- 
tirely foreig-n to Sahaptin. 

Selism. — The SeUsh family extends from the Pacific Ocean and the 
Straits of Fuca, through American and partly through British territory 
to the Rocky Mountains and the 113. Meridian. This race is most 
densely settled around Puget Sound, and its main bulk resides north of 
Columbia River. By joining into one name their westernmost and east- 
ernmost dialect, their language has been called also Tsihaili-Selish, or 
Chehali-Selish. A large number of words of this truly northern and 
superlatively jaw-breaking language are quite unpronounceable to Anglo- 
Americans and Europeans — i. e., tsat^lsh, shoes \ skai;;^lent%l, woman in 
Tsihaili ; shit^^ltso, shoes in Atnah. This stock abounds in inflectional 
and syntactical forms, and redoubles the root or part of it extensively, 
but always in a distributive sense. It divides itself into a large number 
of dialects and subdialects, among which we point out the subsequent 
ones as probably the most important, going from West to North, and 
then to the East : Nsietshawiis or Tillamuk (Killamuk), on Pacific Coast, 
south of Columbia River; Tsihaili, Chehdli ; on or near Pacific Coast 
Washington Territory : has three subdialects ; TsiJiaili proper on Che- 
hali River and in Puyallup Agency ; Quiantl, Qiiaiantl or Kwantlen ; Qii^- 
niaiiitl. A few CJicJialis and Chinooks inhabit Shoahvater Bay. Cowlitz 
or Kd-iialitsk, spoken on Puyallup Agency. Their ancient home is the 
valley of the Cowlitz River, a northern tributary of the Lower Columbia 
River. Soaiatlpi, west of Olympia City. This tribe once included the 
Kettlefalls Indians. Nisqnalli, N'skzvdli ; east of Olympia, on Nisqualli 
River, settled there in company Avith the Squaxins, on Puyallup Agency. 
Clallam, (S' Clalhcm) on S'Kokomish Agency, northwest of Olympia City. 
Twana, on same locality. DzvamisJi, partly settled on Tulalip sub-agency. 
Lummi, on Nootsak or Lummi River, near the British boundary. This 
dialect is largely impregnated with Nootka and other foreign elements. 
The Shushwap, Sinvapamuck or SoiitJiern Atnah belongs to the Selish stock, 
but does not extend from middle course of Eraser River and its affluents 
so far south as to reach American territory. It closely resembles Selish 
proper. The Eastern Selish dialects are : O' Kinakane {Okanagan), with 
the subdialect Sflakam, on Okanagan River, a northern tributary of 
Upper Columbia River and on Colville Reserve, which is located in the 
northeastern angle of Washington Territory. Kidlcspclm, Kallispclm, or 
Pend d'Oreille of Washington Territory, on Pend d'Oreille River and 
Lake CaUispelm. The Upper Pend d'Oreille are settled on Flathead or 


Jocko Reservation, Montana. Spokane, on Colville Reserve and vicinity; 
three subdialects ; Sngomenei, Snpoilschi, Syk'eszilni. Skitsuish or 
Coeur d'Alene ; on a reservation in northern Idaho. Selish proper or 
Flathead. The tribe speaking- it resides on Flathead Reservation, 
and is called so without any apparent deformity of the head. The dialect 
lacks the sounds b, d, f, r ; it has been studied by a missionary. Rev. Gre- 
gory Mengarini, who at present is writing a second edition of his ^' Gram- 
matical linguae Selicae ; " the first edition was published in New York, 
1861 (in Shea's Linguistics). Piskivaiis or Piskivas, on Middle Columbia 
River and on Yakima Reservation, Washington Territory. 

NoOTKA. — The only dialect of this stock spoken within the limits of 
the United States is that of the Makah, Classet or Klaizzaht tribe in Neah 
Bay, near Cape Flattery. The Smithsonian Institution published in 1869 
a very elaborate ethnological sketch of this fisher-tribe, written by James 
G. Swan. Nootka dialects are mamly in use on Vancouver's Island, 
which is divided in four areas of totally different families of languages. 

Kootenai. — The Kootenai, Kitunaha, or Flatbow language spoken is 
on Kootenay river, an important tributary of Upper Columbia river, 
draining some remote portions of Idaho, Montana and the British pos- 
sessions. A Lord's prayer in Kootenai is given in Bancroft's Native 
Races, vol. Ill, p. 620. 

In bestowing the greatest care and accuracy on the composition of this 
topographical survey of Pacific languages, my principal purpose was to 
give a correct division of the idioms into stocks, and their dialects and 
subdialects, and I shall be very grateful for suggestions correcting my 
statements, if any should be found erroneous. To have given another 
location for a tribe than the one it presently occupies, cannot be consid- 
ered as a grave error, for many American tribes are nomadic, and shift 
constantly from one prairie, pasture or fishing place to another, or are 
removed to distant reservations by Government agents. For want of 
information, I was unable to classify the Hhana in Sacramento Valley, 
the Hagnaggi on Smith river, California, the Chitwout or Similkameen 
on the British-American border, and a few other tongues ; but, in spite 
of this, I presume that the survey will be useful for orientation on this 
linguistic field, where confusion has reigned supreme for so many gen- 

For the better guidance of students in ethnology and linguistics, I 
propose to classify all the Indian dialects in a very simple and clear 
manner, by adding to their dialect name that of the stock or family, as 


it is done in zoology and botany with the genera and species. In the 
same manner as the Mescaieros and Lipans are called Mescalero-Apaches 
and Lipan-Apaches, we can form compound names, as: — Warm-Spring 
Sahaptin Fiskwaus Selish, Wat-^^lala Chinook, Kwalhioqua Tinne, Hoo- 
p? Tinne, Dowpiim Wintoon, Gallinomero Pomo, Coconoon Yociit, 
Kizh Shosboni (or Kizh Kauvuya), Comoyei Yuma, Ottare Cherokee, 
Seneca Iroquois, Abnaki Algonkin, Delaware Algonkin, and so forth. 
The help afforded to linguistic topography by this method would be as 
important as the mtroduction of Linnean terminology was to descrip- 
tive natural science, for genera and species exist in human speech as 
well as among animals and plants. 

The tJiorougJi study of one Indian tongue is the most powerful incen- 
tive to instructed and capable travelers for collecting as much linguistic 
material as possible, and as accurately as possible, chiefly in the shape 
of texts and their translations. It is better to collect little information 
accurately, than much information of an unreliable nature. The signs 
used for emphasizing syllables, for nasal and softened vowels, for explo- 
sive, lingual, croaking, and other consonantic sounds must be noted and 
explained carefully ; and the whole has to be committed to such publish- 
ers or scientific societies as are not in the habit of procrastinating publi- 
cations. Stocks and dialects become rapidly extinct in the West, or get 
hopelessly mixed, through increased inter-tribal commerce, so that the 
original shape, pronunciation and inflection can no longer be recognized 
with certainty. The Avork must be undertaken in no distant time by 
zealous men, for after '' the last of the Mohicans " will have departed 
this life, there will be no means left for us to study the most important 
feature of a tribe — its language — if it has not been secured in time by 
alphabetical notation. 



John Criig-er was born in the City of New York, on the i8th of 
July, 1 710. His father, John Cruger, was a merchant engaged in an 
extensive and prosperous business ; was Alderman of the Dock, now the 
First ward of the Cit)^ from 1712 to 1733; was elected Mayor in 1739, 
and remained in office until his death in 1744. 

John Cruger, the son and the subject of this memoir, was also a 
prominent and successful merchant. He was Alderman of the Dock 
ward in 1754 and 1755, and in 1756 was elected Mayor of the City, and 
continued in office until 1765. The first year of his service in the last 
named office was signalized by a vigorous protest on the part of the City 
Authorities, under his direction, agamst the order of Lord Loudon, Com- 
mander of the King's forces in America, quartering troops on the 

In 1759 he was elected a member of the Assembly of the Colony of 
New York, and in 1761 he became a member of the same body, known as 
the Long Assembly, which continued in existence until 1769, and was 
one of the most earnest, determined and influential protestants against 
the arbitrary measures of the home government. Its resistance to 
encroachments upon the liberties of the American Colonies commenced 
in 1764 through memorials to the King, Lords and Commons, so bold 
and so determined in their assertions of right, and in their opposition to 
the measures of the Ministry and Parliament, that it is said no one 
could be found to present some of them to the latter. Mr. Bancroft, in 
his history in alluding to this period says," that no where was opposition 
so strong as in New York. A committee was appointed to correspond 
with other Colonial Assemblies, to resist taxation by the mother country. 
On this committee, and in these movements, which may be justly 
regarded as the germ of the American Revolution, John Cruger was one 
of the leading spirits. 

The Stamp Act of 1765 intensified the indignation which existed 
throughout the Colonies, and aroused the opposition which led to its 
repeal in the following year. In October, 1765, the Stamp Act Congress 
as it was called, met in the City of New York. Nine States were repre- 
sented by delegates, and the other four concurred by correspondence in 
the proceedings. On the 19th of the same month the Congress put forth 


a ''Declaration of the rights and grievances of the Colonies in America." 
They claimed that they were entitled to all the inherent rights and privi- 
leges of natural born subjects ; that no taxes should be imposed on them 
without their consent given personally or by their representatives ; and 
thcv asked for a repeal of the Stamp Act and other enactments infring- 
ing the rights of the Colonies. This Declaration was written by John 
Cruger, and it is a fair specimen of the clearness and force of his style. 
One of the acts in which he was most conspicuous for that combination 
of prudence and firmness for which he was distinguished, was his appear- 
ance as Mayor of the City of New York, accompanied by the Aldermen 
of the wards before the Lieutenant Governor of the Province, when the 
excited inhabitants were assembled in great numbers with imminent dan- 
ger of violence, to induce him to give up the stamps, which had just 
arrived from England, to the City authorities. This mission was suc- 
cessful ; the stamps were surrendered ; the enforcement of the odious 
act was abandoned, and the public tranquility was restored. But for 
his tact and the forbearance of General Gage, there is little doubt that 
the prevailing exasperation would have led to scenes of violence and 

There is a letter extant, dated tne 5th of May, 1775, sixteen days 
after the battle of Lexington, which is highly creditable to the patriot- 
ism and firmness of the writer. It is addressed by Mr. Cruger to Gen- 
eral Gage, advising him of a '' fixed and confirmed resolution to withold 
all supplies and succor from the troops " under his command ; calls on 
him to order a cessation of hostilities, and asks that no military force 
may, land or be stationed in New York. The tone of the letter is con- 
ciliatory, like all other papers from the same source ; but there is no 
attempt to conceal the unalterable determination in which it is written. 

In 1768 he headed an association of the most prominent merchants 
of New York in organizing the Chamber of Commerce, of which he 
was the first President, and which has been in existence to this day, ex- 
ercising throughout this long period, as it still continues to do, an im- 
portant and salutary influence upon the commercial and financial opin- 
ions and policy of the country. In 1769, on the organization of the 
new Assembly, he was unanimously elected Speaker, and held the oflice 
until 1775, when it adjourned for the last time, and his legislative service 
of sixteen years was brought to a close. 

When the city of New York was occupied by the British forces, and 
General Washington withdrew into Westchester county, Mr. Cruger, 
who was then approaching seventy years of age, retired to Kinderhook, 


and remained there to the close of the revolutionary war, when he re- 
turned to the city, and died a bachelor in the eighty-second year of his 

It is impossible, in this brief memoir, to do justice to the subject. Mr. 
Cruger was undeniably one of the most patriotic, intelligent and efficient 
supporters in New York of the measures adopted by the American Col- 
onies for the maintenance of their rights. Of a manly and dignified 
presence, with a firmness which never quailed, a prudence which rejected 
all rash councils, a style of writing remarkable for its purity and 
strength, and manners distinguished for their courtesy and grace, he 
exercised, as a writer and an actor, over those with whom he was asso- 
ciated, the influence such a combination of personal and mental endow- 
ments was calculated to command. 

The family of Mr. Cruger is one of no ordinary distinction. It has 
furnished a member of Assembly, and of the King's Council of New 
York, a Chamberlain of the City of New York, a colleague of Edmund 
Burke in the British Parliament, a Mayor of the City of Bristol in Eng- 
land, and is still represented by several worthy and respected decendants. 


Note — A sketch prepared for the Congress of Authors, which met at Independence Hall, 
Philadelphia, Saturday, July 2, 1876. 




MAY 15, 1786, TO JUNE 5, 1787. 

From the original MS. in New York 
Historical Society. 

[In original the first two pages missing.] 

Encamped N W Shore at the Mouth 
of the Sciota sundown. This is a 
very pretty river and nearly as big as 
Muskingham ; overflows its lower point 
from distance where we are encamped, 
but the upper point appears high and 
finely timbered. The shores here appear 
a little broken but the hills not very high; 
in this manner — [/lere follows a blank 
intended apparently for a drawing^ 

May 15 — Rained, thundered and 
lightned a good deal ; about day light 
set off \ past 6 o'clk passed Hutchins 
creek 15 yds wide S E Shore and a high 
land patch under N W Shore 20 min be- 
fore 10 o'clk; passed a creek 12 yds wide 
S E Shore not mentioned by Hutchings 
10 o'clk ; stopped S E Shore 2 o'clk and 
staid 15 min; passed Hutchins creek 15 
yds wide N W Shore and a small Island or 
rather high land patch opposite its mouth 
\ after 4 o'clk — Encamped a little before 
sundown on a small Island near S E 
Shore, another much larger toward N W 
Shore and joined by a low bar at the top 
— they go by the name of the three 
Islands — 12 or 15 miles above Limestone, 
counted dangerous from the Indians fre- 
quently crossing and lying here — Stormy 
to day — high head winds all the afternoon. 
The country appears prettily dispersed 
with small hills to-day but very muddy 

May 16 — Rained till 8 o'clk; this 
morning set off a little before 9 ; passed 
a creek 12 yds wide S E Shore \ past 10 
o'clk not mentioned by Hutchins — pass- 
ed Hutchins creek 15 yds wide S E Shore 
a little after 11 o'clock — arrived at Lime- 
stone S E Shore 1 o'clk; halted the 
troops one hour and we much longer. 
This is a little village of about 12 houses 
close on the bank of the river, the upper 
part of Kentucke, a number of families 
stop here and settle in the interior part 
of the country, go to Lexington &c 
which is (iTy miles from here; middling 
good waggon road and settled chief part 
of the way. Land not much improved 
here, as the farmer will find much better 
land a distance from Ohio and be more 
secure than he will be on the river banks. 
This is the case thro' all the Kentucke 
Country. Was introduced to Col Boon 
the first discoverer of the Kentucke 
Country who seems to be a very honest 
kind of a Dutchman, also to a Mr Piatt 
from New York who treated us politely; 
high squall of wind and rain about 3 
o'clk; set off about 4; passed a pretty 
little river called Elk N W Shore \ be- 
fore 6 o'clock ; overtook our boats and 
encamped about dark S. E Shore 12 or 
14 miles below Limestone. 

May 17 — Rained last night as usual; 
set off at 6 o'clk, did not pay much at- 
tention to the river but saw no Islands 
in it. Land as usual, some small hills 
near the shore but not to hinder cultiva- 
tion — encamped about sundown S E 
Shore — 6 or 8 miles above little Miami. 

May 18 — Set off 6 o'clk, met a canoe 
\ past 7 o'clk coming up with several 
men and peltry to Pittsburg ; delivered 
us letters from Maj Finney — past little 



Miami N W Shore J past 8 o'clk; a 
pretty little river but large bars at its 
mouth and about i mile below. Stopped 
opposite the mouth of Great Salt-Spring 
river J an hour. This river is very nar- 
row at its mouth but understand it is 
much wider and deeper higher up, and 
navigable some distance thro a good 
country. About 4 o'clk saw Maj Finney 
and Mr. Denny who had come up the 
river about 4 miles to meet us ; stopped 
a little M^iile and came on to Fort Fin- 
ney 5 o'clock. Disembarked and en- 
camped the troops to the westward of the 
Fort which I find situated i mile and a 
quarter from the mouth of Miami about 
150 yds from the banks of Ohio which 
runs here E & W. The four corners are 
four strong Block-houses ; Store houses 
in the centre of the E & W flank built 
as Block houses and a Magazine in the 
centre of the N flank. The big gate in 
the centre of the S flank and sally-ports 
in the E & W flank; the intermediate 
spaces filled in with pickets, a small 
Block house close on the bank of the 
river, opposite the large gate, to cover 
the landing place and Boats. A ravine 
or gut runs close by the E flank. The 
situation rather low and some ponds of 
water in the rear of the Fort. The river 
beginning to rise with the rains. About 
3 days after we arrived moved into 
the fort and pitched our tents on each 
side of the big gate close to the pickets 
— took a Avalk to the Miami which is a 
fine large river and understand the best 
water communication to the Lakes, but 
even this way is difficult, for when it is 
low, you have a carrying-place of 20 or 
30 miles — the Shawness generally live 
on the head waters of this river about 

120 miles from its mouth. This river, as 
well as all the others running into Ohio 
from Pittsburg here on the N W side, is 
very clear and makes a great distinction 
when it joins the Ohio. The banks of Mia- 
mi are low at its mouth ; the lower point 
overflows a great distance. The hills, or 
rather the high ground begin about J 
of a mile to the Northward of the Fort. 
The river here is not much wider than at 
Fort Mcintosh and a large hill bounding 
it on the other side from us, but under- 
stand the soil is good on the top. The 
timber round the Fort is Sugar tree, 
Beach, Oak, Hickory, Black Walnut, Ash, 
Elm and the Cotton tree which grows 
close on the banks of the river and very 
tall and the bean a pod which when ripe 
opens and a soft fuzzy stuff comes out 
and flies about like cotton ; the tree is 
very soft like-wise. We have a great 
number of Deer about us and some Elk, 
Turkies in abundance. Bears Buffaloes 
&c middling plenty. We catch a great 
number of fish in the river, such as the 
Cat-fish, some of which I saw weigh 60 
odd pounds; the Buffalo fish which is very 
strong; the Bass and Perch which gen- 
erally weigh from 4 to 10 lbs, also others. 
The water-turtle we also get here, weigh- 
ing 8 or 10 lbs which is green and nearly 
equal to the West India Green Turtle — 
a perfect Luxury in soup and the shell 

May 23 — Mr Denny and a small i)ar- 
ty of men went to the falls in a boat on 
business. Great numbers of Kentucke 
and keel boats passing every day ; some 
to the Falls, others to Post Vincent — 
Illinois Country &:c. Some Kentucke 
boats comes down empty which people put 
adrift when they settle above. We take 



a number up which supply us with boards 
for the Garrison. I learn that about 5 
& 6 miles below us on the S E shore was 
a station of 5 or 6 families which had 
made considerable improvement but a 
little time before we came down the 
Indians killed 2 or 3 of the Inhabitants, 
stole their cattle &:c, and the remainder 
moved off immediately. 

May 27 — Last night four men of 
Capt Ziegler's company started and took 
Avith them a Kentucke boat which lay 
below the landing a little way. 

June 3 — Mr. Denny returned from 
the falls very much fatigued, owing to 
the river being so very high and not dar- 
ing to go ashore all night, but either an- 
choring in the middle of the river or 
making fast to some tree when the bot- 
tom was considerably overflowed be- 
yond him. Brought with him from the 
falls a light brass three pounder with 
amunition, well calculated for this coun- 
try; — being his business down. He tells 
us that the day he left the falls 2 Ken- 
tucke boats came there, which had been 
fired at by a large party of Indians op- 
posite the mouth of Kentucke river; — 
happily no person was killed only one 
horse, but a number of bullets had lodged 
in the sides of the boats. The boats re- 
turned but dont know whether they did 
any execution — A i)arty of horse and 
foot assembled at the falls to go in pur- 
suit of the savages, but the foot soon 
getting tired returned, the horse, going 
a little farther, thought they were not 
strong enough and returned likewise. 
The settlement of Kentucke appears to 
be in a perfect state of war. The Indi- 
ans constantly stealing horses and fre- 
quently killing individuals ; — supposed 

to be done by the Wabash Indians. 
The people are now forming a expedi- 
tion against them as also to defend the 
Americans at Post Vincent where they 
have had one or two skirmishes with the 
Indians and got rather worsted. It is 
doubtful whether the expedition will go 
or not as General Clark who is a very 
popular character there will not give his 
advice about it though asked frequently. 
A number of Delaware Indians round us 
hunting and some few Shawness who 
come in frequently, with skins to sell to 
the store kept in the Garrison by the 
Contractor. Have enlarged the fort this 
few days past — by building a small 
Block house in the front and center of 
the S side, and extending two line of 
pickets from the other Block house 
to it ; — which forms an angle and better 
secures the landing and boats ; also 
gives more room for Capt Ziegler's 
company to encamp — The fort as it now 
is, is nearly in this form. The last 
Block house being for a Guard house — 
(Here a blank in Ms) 

June 4 — Last night a Corpl and 
one man of Capt Ziegler's company de- 
serted from the Guard at the landing 
and carried off a canoe with them ; a few 
days ago one Col Perrie from Monongo- 
hela river passed here with a Kentucke 
boat 60 foot keel and deeply laden going 
to the Natchez and New Orleans, he hav- 
ing permission from the Spanish Com- 
manders in these places. This must be 
a very profitable trade as no person can 
carry it on but those who have permis- 
sion from the Spaniards. 

June 7 — The river, higher than has 
been seen by any of our Troops since 
we occupied this post, which has been 


from Novr 1785, at least 25 feet perpen- 
dicular higher than it was when we came 
here and about 10 feet lower than the 
garrison, now begins to fall ; have no- 
ticed that it has rained more or less every- 
day from the 15th of ]May to the 5th of 
June which has kept the Garrison wet 
and dirty owing to the nature of the soil, 
getting soon muddy and soon dry. 

June i2>^h. — This evening a Mr. Sov- 
eraign came in from the Shawness towns, 
with a speech from King Melunty of 
that nation expressing his friendship, &c. 
This Soveraign is a white man who has 
lived among the Shawness many years, 
got a family and property among them, 
frequently has passed with messages to 
and from the Garrison and bears a very 
good character He informs me that 
there has arose two parties in the Shaw- 
ness Nation ; from some different interest 
and it is with difficulty the King can 
keep the Chiefs and Warriors from fight- 
ing, which he believes is the reason our 
prisoners are not sent in, agreeable to 
the treaty ; that Sir John Johnston has 
sent a message to the Nation to meet him 
in a treaty at Niagara, but they had re- 
fused going ; He saw a number of the 
different nations on the Wabash and 
lawaa rivers going to said treaty ; That 
the Chippiwas over the lakes were at 
war with the Miamis and another na- 
tion of Indians on Lake Michigan ; 
they have lately had a battle in which 
the Miamis were defeated and lost 100 
men — Just before he left the Shawness 
town he saw a party of Chippewas, re- 
turning from war, and says they are very 
numerous — a number of them not armed — 
fight with Bows and Arrows, Spears 
tomahawks knives &C: — and suppose 

they will beat the two nations they are 
engaged against. Also says that about 4 
weeks ago, some of the Mingos (a set 
of vagrants living on the headwaters of 
the Miami) had killed two or three of our 
traders and robbed [them] of their goods 
horses &c — this we heard a few days 
ago from the Delawares — Last night one 
man of Capt. Zeiglers and of Capt Fin- 
neys deserted and took their arms and 
amunition with them besides what car- 
tridges they stole from their messmates 
— Also the former took their arms and 
amunition with them — Suppose they are 
all gone down the river. 

/u7te 14 — Mr Soveraign returned 
to Shawness towns with a spirit of 
friendship and request to send in our pris- 
oners to King Melunty from Maj Wyllys. 
The Shawness have only sent in of our 
prisoners since the treaty, one woman 
and two children, which they did last 
spring. A few days ago went with Maj 
Finney about 7 mile up the Miami in a 
barge ; about J mile up commences a 
very pretty high bank ; on the W side 
appears to be an old Indian town ; it 
then takes a circular course of about 6 
miles and comes within about ij miles 
of the garrison in a N W direction it then 
runs northward again and at this point 
is a very pretty Island ; one mile higher 
up a large fork comes in from the W side 
— beautiful situation for a settlement and 
fine land — The river runs some how so — 
{^Here a blank in Ms.) 

June 15 — Major Wyllys in a barge 
set off for Muskingham ; the officers 
accompanied 5 or 6 miles up the river 
and regretted parting with so good an 
officer and agreeable companion. 

Jufie 17 — In the evening came up 



the river four barge Canoes, rowed with 
oars and loaded with fur from Post Vin- 
cent ; some distance below this they 
caught our two deserters who went off 
last, floating down on a raft made of two 
troughs and brought them safe to the 
garrison ; they say that they made a lit- 
tle bark canoe, which one crossed the 
river in and carried the arms, while the 
other swam it, and endeavored to go 
across the country to Lexington but got 
lost and after rambling some days in the 
woods found themselves at the station 6 
miles below and got the two troughs 
there which they made the raft of and 
were intending to go to the falls. 

Ju7ie 23 — This morning about 2 
o'clock one of Capt Ziegler's men who 
was on sentry at the landing deserted 
and took a canoe with him and another 
man of the same Compy from the gar- 
rison. They had not been gone above 
\ an hour before they were missed and 
as soon as possible Sargt Bains with a 
party in a barge was sent down the river 
in pursuit of them. A number of Del- 
aware Indians, being yesterday after noon 
in the garrison and having got liquor, 
kept an amazing noise and firing of arms 
all night, which was about 1 mile from 
us. Most innumerable quantity of Mus- 
quitos, here since the long rain, plague 
us very much in the mornings and even- 
ings. Discovered the remains of an old 
fort close to the mouth of Miami and on 
the banks of Ohio; — it is small and we 
can trace the ditch and one or two of 
the bastions; suppose it was built by 
Capt Bird of the British when he carried 
on an expedition from Detroit to the 
stations on Licking river this last war. 
About J of a mile from the fort is an 

old Indian grave of a large mount of 
earth thrown up with very large trees 
upon it. We have by digging discov- 
ered a great many human bones covered 
with large flat stones which must have 
been brought from the river as there is 
none near the grave. 

Jii7ie 29 — This morning Capt Doyle 
arrived here from Muskingham in four 
days, brought letters from Col Harmar 
and others and orders for myself and 
McDowell to go immediately up. In the 
evening Sergt Barns returned who had 
been as low as the falls, could hear noth- 
ing of the two deserters he went after, 
they having left the canoe and taken to 
the woods at the Big Bone Lick — Heard 
of some others of our deserters who was 
distributed thro the Kentucke settle- 
ment ; came up the river, with Sergt 
Barns a Mr. Parker in a boat from Kas- 
kaskias, loaded with fur for Pittsburgh ; 
Mr Parker went off next morning. 

July 4 — Being the anniversary of In- 
dependence the troops fired three rounds 
as well as the cannon ; afterwards the 
officers dined together and drank thir- 
teen toasts with a discharge of cannon 
to each ; the day was spent in a great 
deal of mirth and harmony. 

July 5 — Mr. McDowell and myself, 
with 7 men in a barge set off for Pitts- 
burgh ; 6 o'clk, water midling low and 
falling; had a wind for about an hour 
which carried us past the Bars and 
strong water at the mouth of little Mi- 
ami and below. Lay all night 6 or 8 
miles above little Miami. 

July 6— Set off at day light; midling 
good water all day, but no wind to sig- 
nify ; lay within 15 or 18 miles of Lime- 
stone all night. 





(Copyright Reserved.) 

Preliminary Note. — In writing the 
"Les Francais en Amerique pendant la 
Guerre de I'lndependance, Paris, 1872," 
I made use of numerous manuscripts, 
amongst which I mentioned this, of which 
a translation is here given. 

Claude Victor de Broglie, author of 
the following narrative, was of a Pied- 
montain family. One of the descend- 
ents of Suison de Broglio followed Maz- 
arin to France, 1634, and and on enter- 
ing the French service changed the 
spelling of his name, but its Italian 
origin is indicated by the pronunciation, 
de B?^oille, given to it by members of 
the family. This Francois Marie., 
Comte de Broglie, became a Lieutenant- 
General, and was killed at Valentia, 
July 2, 1656. His eldest son, Victor 
Marie, was made Marechal de France^ 
1724, The third son of this Marechal, 
Francois Marie., was also a Marechal de 
France^ and was created Duke de Broglie, 
1742. His son, Victor Francois., the sec- 
ond duke, also a Marechal de France 
(1759), died at Munster, 1804, and his 
son, Claude Victor., our author, born in 
1757, entered the service in 1771, and 
was made Colonel-en- Second., June 3, 1779. 

The regiment of Saintonge was in the 
expeditionary corps, commanded by Ro- 
chambeau, and this, probably, is why 
some authors have said that the Prince 
de Broglie participated in the campaign 
of 1781. (See Drake's excellent Diet. 

of American Biography.) But this is an 
error, as appears from the Prince's own 
narrative. The regiment was command- 
ed in 1 781 as follows : {Etats Militaires.) 

Colofiel : the Comte de Custine, who 
was succeeded in 1782 by the Vicomte 
de Rochambeau : 

Colonel-en- Second : The Comte de 
Charlus, who was succeeded in 1782 by 
the Prince de Broglie. 

Lieutenant-Colonel : The Chevalier de 
la Valette. 

Major : The Marquis de Fleury. 

The greater part of the regiment re- 
turned in Le Conquerant. On board of 
Le Conquerant were the Baron de Vio- 
menil, de Custine, de Menonville, Blan- 
chard and others. 

It was quite natural that the heir of so 
many illustrious soldiers should follow 
the career of arms. The Baron de Vio- 
menil was returning from France with 
the grade of Lieutenant-General as a 
recognition of his services in America, 
and de Broglie and some other ambitious 
young men sought for and obtained 
orders to accompany him. His adven- 
tures from the time he quitted Paris are 
told in this Narrative., the original of 
which is in the posession of his grand- 
son, the present Duke de Broglie. The 
manners, the habitations, the towns, the 
scenery, the fashionable society of the 
day ; in a word, whatever attracted the 
notice of a keen, observant young 
man, bred partly in the camp, partly in 
the court of the wittiest and gayest peo- 
ple in the world, are sketched with light 
but clear touches. The air of truth 
which pervades the relation makes it 
more attractive. A very lively account 
of the visit which he, de Lauzun, and 



some others paid to the Convent at 
Angra, has been omitted in the transla- 
tion, and also the longer part of the 
narrative which describes his sojourn in 
South America; as not being within 
the range of subjects entertained by 
this Magazine. 

"The career of my grandfather," 
writes the present Duke to me, " was 
very short." On his return from Amer- 
ica, he joined the party of nobles who 
maintained liberal ideas, and was sent 
to the Constitutional Assembly as depu- 
ty for the district of Colmar, where the 
estates of his wife were situated. He 
acted with the ' minority of the nobles ' 
in the Assembly, and when that body 
was dissolved, he served as Chief-of- 
Staff in the Army of the Rhine, com- 
manded by Marechal Luckner. After 
the loth of August and the fall of the 
monarchy, he resigned from the service 
and retired to his country seat in Franche- 
Comte. There he was arrested Dec. 28, 
1793, and was taken to Paris, where he 
was guillotined June 27, 1794, just a few 
days before the 9th of Thermidor." 

Like many others of the young 
Frenchmen who fought for American 
Independence, the Prince de Broglie per- 
ished on a scaffold erected in the name 
of Liberty. He left one son by his wife, 
Sophie de Rauzun, who was only nine 
years old at the time of his father's death. 
As might be expected from the observa- 
tions which he makes about the Ameri- 
can women, the Prince had chosen well, 
and his son, Victor Charles, the late Duke 
de Broglie, received a wise and judicious 
education. He added to the honor of 
the name by eminent public services, 
amongst which not the least was his 

energetic opposition to the execution of 
Marechal Ney. 

I propose to print in some future 
number of the Magazine a biographical 
notice of de Fleury, taken from the as 
yet unpublished part of Les Fran^ais en 
Amerique. A part of my materials were 
kindly copied for me from the archives 
of the French War Department by M. 
Maurice La Chesnais. 

Thomas Balch. 

Philadelphia^ February^ 1877, 

Narrative. — I left Paris for America 
the 1 2th of April, 1782. The Chevalier 
de Lameth was my traveling companion. 
Our hearts were in that condition that 
one might expect in two young fellows 
who quit their relatives, their friends, 
their wives, their sweethearts and Paris ; 
so we passed almost the whole of the first 
day without exchanging a word. We 
reached Brest with much difficulty on 
account of the wretched roads, where we 
were detained for six weeks, partly by 
adverse winds, partly by a vigilant block- 
ade which the English maintained before 
the harbour. At last, on the 19th of May, 
La Gloire^ a frigate of thirty-six twelve 
pounder cannons, and with two million 
livres on board, hoisted sail to carry her 
precious succors to the army of Rocliam- 

The Due de Lauzun, the Comte de 
Segur, de Scheldon, de Lomenie, the 
Chevalier de Lameth, the Baron de Mon- 
tesquieu, de Poleresky, (the Ms. of Du- 
petit-Thouars gives this name Solerski) 
the Vicomte de Vaudreuil, and an aid- 
de-camp to the King of Sweden, Mr. 

1 82 


de Lijliorn by name, and myself were the 
passengers confided to the luck of La 
Gloire, and to the care of the Chevalier 
de Valonge, who commanded her. Mr. 
de la Touche, commandant of frigate, 
{L'Aigle, and the officer commanding the 
expedition,) decided to stop at the 
Azores. He intended to go to the 
port of Fayal, but the wind was contrary 
and he directed us to Terceira, where 
the port is so dangerous that we were 
compelled to cruise before it till the tide 
permitted us to enter. 

Angra is the capital of this island, and 
the principal city of the archipelago of 
the Azores, composed of seven or eight 
islands. There the Portuguese governor 
resides as well as the consuls of the dif- 
ferent nations, who make together a sort 
of little court. We landed in heavy 
weather and in a wretched boat. We 
called upon the governor who received 
us with unexpected pomp, with the most 
scrupulous etiquette, and with a parsi- 
mony more remarkable than either, for 
he did not give even a glass of cold 
water to any body. We dined with the 
French consul, Mr. Perez. He made an 
extraordinary effort to receive us hand- 
somely. Besides a most capital sirloin 
of beef, some very nice fish, capital wine 
and limpid water, he introduced us after 
dinner to his wife, a poor little creature 
about thirty-five years old, with a face 
rather less unclouded than the water, and 
who never in her life had before dined 
with a foreigner. Her delight was really 
touching and she expressed everything 
that came into her head in portuguese so 
that our host was much put to it, and it 
required both on her part and ours a very 
active use of our eyes. After dinner we 

went to a sort of bottle-washing establish- 
ment belonging to the consul, a fresh look- . 
ing little house, but which was pompously 
designated a chateau. A little avenue 
of lemon trees, about fifty steps in length 
represented the park, and five or six acres 
composed the whole of the domain which 
was bought for about fifteen hundred 
francs and some day might bring thrice 
that amount according to the activity, the 
intelligence and the resources of its owner. 
There we were served with very fresh 
milk and fruits, after which we returned 
to the town by a road almost entirely 
dug out of the mountain. On entering 
the village we met the English consul who 
by chance was also charge d'affaires of 
Spain, and who, taking no notice what- 
ever of the war, treated all parties with 
an impartiality truly philosophic. We 
owned up to him, that, although we were 
bent on doing as much mischief as we 
could to his fellow-subjects, yet we par- 
ticipated in the noble impartiality of 
his sentiments. He took us to dine 
with him, where porter, tea and capital 
liquors were witnesses of how we in- 
voked our mutual confidence and friend- 
ship. The English consul proposed for 
the morrow an excursion which at first 
appeared extraordinary but which we 

We supped in the evening at the house 
of the English consul and there we saw 
the fandango danced by a young sub dea- 
con who was soon to be appointed bishop 
of the country. The ignorance, the super- 
stition, the arrogance of the Portuguese 
keep Terceira and the other islands 
of this archipelago from having any use- 
ful and active commerce with other 
nations. They go no further than to 



exchange some flour for wine at Madeira 
and for a few articles of merchandise 
which they get from the mother country 
to furnish them with clothing. 

The highest court is presided over in 
matters of consequence by the governor, 
but the parties have the right to appeal 
from any judgment to the tribunals at 
Lisbon. There is at Angra a detachment 
of the Inquisition and the commisary who 
resides there gives from time to time ex- 
amples of its severity. He is not allowed 
to ge,t up an Auto-da-fe^ but imprison- 
ment, banishment, exile followed by con- 
fiscation of property are among his ordin- 
ary diversions. In consequence of which 
stupidity, ignorance, despotism, jeal- 
ousy, the most unbridled licentiousness, 
are maintained and prosper at Angra 
more than at any other place in the world. 

We quitted Terceira the 5 th of August. 
but were much retarded by calms. With 
patience however we at last approached 
our destination, and we were not more 
than about two hundred leagues from the 
shores of North America, when just 
about mid-night, we found ourselves 
alongside of an English line-of-battle 
ship of 74. We since have learned that 
it was the Hector^ captured in the battle 
where the Comte de Grasse commanded. 
The Gloire alone fought the Hector for 
more than three quarters of an hour, 
when the Aigle )Q\Vi^A her. The combat 
lasted until daylight, when the enemy's 
vessel was discovered to be so much crip- 
pled that she could no longer manoeuver 
and we were getting ready to board her, 
when we discovered a number of sails to 
the windward; and Mr. de la Touche was 

reminded of his destination and forced 
to continue his route. Our two frigates 
were pretty badly treated in their sails 
and rigging and lost twelve or fifteen 
killed and about twenty wounded. We 
were afterwards informed, that the Hector 
was so thoroughly battered that she foun- 
dered whilst under sail, at about three 
hundred leagues from the shore and all 
on board perished. 

Our frigates had not suffered so much 
as to seriously affect their sailing but the 
winds continued unfavorable for some 
time. At last early in the morning of the 
1 2th we recognized the entrance to the 
Delaware, and we prepared to cast anchor 
opposite to Cape May and Cape James, 
when a contrary sharp breeze sprang up. 
The manning of a little English brig, 
which through its own carelessness had 
fallen into our hands, consumed the rest 
of the day in rather tedious work. 

Mr. de la Touche found himself com- 
pelled to anchor off the coast. He sent 
a boat ashore to look for pilots so that 
we could enter the Delaware, but the 
wind dashed the boat against the bluff. 
Most of the sailors were drowned and it 
was with great difficulty that the officer 

Early next morning, at break of day, 
an English squadron composed of a line- 
of-battle ship of 64, of another of 50, of 
two frigates and two other swift sailing 
vessels, appeared about two cannon shot 
off and to the windward. It was com- 
manded by Commodore Elphinstone. 
Prince William Henry was on board of 
the Commodore's vessel. 

The appearance of such a considerable 
force compelled Mr. de la Touche to 
weis^h anchor with La Gloire as quickly 

1 84 


as possible, and to hasten inside of the 
Delaware although he had no pilot. 
The navigation of that river is very dan- 
gerous. We took the worst channel. 
The Aigle touched twice. The tack 
which we held appeared so dangerous, 
even to our enemies that they decided to 
anchor at two cannon shot from us. Mr. 
de la Touche anchored likewise. At last 
the pilots came aboard. A council of 
war was held on board the Aigle in which 
considering the extreme danger of our 
position, the Baron de Viomenil decided 
to order all the officers who were passen- 
gers on board of the two frigates to em- 
bark at once in boats and to follow him 
on shore. He also ordered at the same 
time, that the longboats should be used to 
send ashore the two millions five hundred 
thousand livres with which the frigates 
were freighted. The first of these orders 
was executed without delay and we landed 
on the American shore the 13th August, 
about six o'clock in the evening without 
valets, without shirts and with the least 
possible luggage in the world. 

We stopped first of all at the house of 
agehtleman named Mandlot (.?) who gave 
us something to eat, after which General 
Viomenil, who determined to pass the 
night in this place, sent all of us young 
men throughout the neighborhood, some 
to call out the militia, others to find wag- 
gons so that the next morning we could 
transport the money which the launches 
were to bring ashore during the night. 

Segur, Lameth and myself left at once 
to execute these orders and during the 
night we walked about twelve miles to 
reach a sort of tavern, badly enough kept, 
and named Orth's tavern. I succeeded 
in getting three waggons each with four 

horses and early in the morning, at four 
o'clock, I mounted a horse, which they 
let me have, and started to conduct my 
convoy to the general. I was within a 
league of the sea-beach when I met de 
Lauzun who told me the money was 
landed at three in the morning, and that 
about one half of it was already piled 
upon the beach when two other wel 
a^med boats, and which were supposed 
to be full of tories, made their appearance 
and boldly approached the spot where 
the launches freighted with our riches 
were anchored. Thereupon General 
Viomenil having with him but three or 
four musketeers and seeing that he had 
no means of defense, had ordered about 
one hundred thousand livres to be flung 
into the ocean, as he had not time to 
land them, whilst the General with the 
rest of the money, which at first he placed 
on the backs of some horses, and" then in 
a waggon, was making his way towards 
Dover, to which place Lauzun was pre- 
ceeding him. 

This information caused me to change 
my route. 

I resolved to return to my companions 
and give them notice of what was pass- 
ing. So I paid the waggon-driver and 
commenced to gallop by the side of the 
inlet, when I heard cries in the woods on 
the other side which attracted my atten- 
tion. I stopped and saw some sailors 
and two or three of our valets, who fan- 
cying they were chased by the enemy, 
were running away as fast as they could. 
They thought themselves cut off when 
they heard me gallop up before them. 
I reassured them, and learned from them 
that the Marquis de Laval, de Lange- 
ron, Bozon and some others were wan- 



dering about the woods, lost and anxious. 
I quitted these frightened creatures, be- 
lieving that I saw a waggon which I im- 
agined to be that of the Baron de Vio- 
menil. I had so often heard that the 
American horses were excellent and 
jumped wonderfully that I trusted myself 
absolutely to the one I had who, in what 
was probably a fit of absent-mindedness, 
pitched me over his head. I scratched 
my nose a little. I was a little more be- 
wildered than usual, but nevertheless as 
it was necessary to decide upon what I 
would do, 1 remounted my horse and re- 
joined my companions to whom I gave 
an account of our adventure ; where- 
upon they decided to reach Dover as 
soon as possible, and we agreed to make 
that our point of meeting. 

We left at once for that town, which 
was about seventeen miles distant. All 
my baggage consisted of a portfolio, big 
enough however to incommode me and 
I gave a right jolly curse on account of 
its size. I met with a sailor from La 
Gloire who, being as much frightened as 
his comrades, was also in flight. He was 
dying of hunger, and as necessity tames 
all animals, he threw himself before my 
knees, or rather the knees of my horse, 
and begged me to have compassion on 
him. I lifted him up in true princely 
style. I began by giving him something 
to eat and then, reflecting that I was 
altogether without servants, I thought 
proper to make of this forlorn creature, 
though all covered with tar, the intimate 
associate of my misfortunes. There- 
upon I hired a horse for my squire, upon 
which he anchored himself as best he 
could. I gave him my portfolio to car- 
ry, and began already to plume my- 

self towards my comrades in the supe- 
riority which my new man Friday gave 
me over them. So natural is self-con- 
ceit to man ! 

We had got about half-way to Dover 
when we met an aide-de-camp of Mr. 
de Viomenil, who told us that the Gen- 
eral had just received word that our en- 
emies had sailed off, and the tide had 
gone down. It was now possible to at- 
tempt the recovery of the chests of sil- 
ver that he had ordered to be thrown 
into the sea, and the General was return- 
ing to the place of landing to oversee 
this work. This aide-de-camp added, 
that General de Viomenil ordered us to 
conduct to Dover the first load or con- 
voy of silver, and that he left it entirely 
to our care. The convoy arrived a few 
minutes after. It was about 1500 thou- 
sand francs. We divided it among three 
waggons which the Due de Lauzun had 
sent forward, and we reached Dover 
slowly but safely, where the General re- 
joined us at eleven o'clock at night. 
He had succeeded in saving the rest of 
our millions. 

We passed the day at Dover which is 
a little town, quite pretty, with about fif- 
teen hundred inhabitants. I made my 
entrance into Anglo-American society 
under the auspices of the Duke de Lau- 
zun, for as yet I could only speak a few 
English words, but I knew how to relish 
excellent tea with the very best of cream. 
I knew enough to say to a young lady 
that she was/r^//y and to a gentleman 
that he was sejisible — that is to say, that 
she and he were in a word good, honest, 
amiable, and so on. In these two words 
I had the elements for success. 

I had not yet heard what had become 

1 86 


of our frigates. Their fate disquieted 
us so much, that I resolved to go on a re- 
connoitring expedition to the beach with 
my telescope. On arriving at the sea- 
side I perched myself on a bluff and 
there I had the grief of seeing the decks of 
the Aigle as bare as a scow, wrecked on 
upon a spit and still surrounded by Eng- 
lish boats, which had come to break her 
up and to pillage. La GloiremoxQ lucky, 
of lighter draft, had escaped and three 
days after I saw her at Philadelphia 
where Mr de Viomenil had despatched 
me as bearer of letters to Mr. de la Lu- 
zerne, and to notify the commanders of 
the militia along the route to furnish es- 
corts, so as to ensure the safety of the 
convoy of silver. 

During the next two days I marched 
in quite a lively way so as reach Phil- 
adelphia. It was very warm, but the 
beauty of the woods, the charms of the 
country through which I passed, the sol- 
emn majesty of the forests which I 
crossed, the appearance of plenty ex- 
hibited everywhere, the hospitality of the 
inhabitants, the pretty complexions and 
the good breeding of almost all the wo- 
men, all contributed to repay me by 
delicious sensations for the fatigues 
which I encountered, especially that of 
being mounted on a vile animal. 

At last (i8 August) I reached Phila- 
delphia, that celebrated capital of the 
New World. 



Loose notes of the proceedings 

and sufferings of henry hamilton 

esq., governor of le detroit with 

the party that accompanied him 


From the Royal Gazette July 15, 1780. 
On the 7th October 1778 Lieut Gov- 
ernor Hamilton took his departure from 
Detroit, with a detachment of the King's 
Vlllth regiment, the Detroit Volunteers, 
a detachment of Artillery, two companies 
of militia, and a number of savages 
under his command, to retake the posts 
the Rebels had taken possession of in the 
Illinois ; that, after suffering the greatest 
hardships, cutting the ice to make for 
their boats, transporting their stores, pro- 
visions &c, on the soldiers backs, at 
different places where thebatteaux could 
not get over ; they reached. St Vin- 
cennes on the Ouebauch in December, 
when Fort Sackville, called by the 
Rebels Fort Patrick Henry, surrendered 
at the first summons, to the, British 
arms ; a Captain Helman, with a few 
soldiers, were made prisoners. The 
inhabitants of the town of St Vincennes 
who had taken the oath of allegiance to 
the Rebels, did, of their own free will, 
take a solemn oath of allegiance to his 
Majesty acknowledging that they had 
offended God and man by having devi- 
ated from their first engagement, that 
they returned to their duty and would 
shew themselves good subjects in future, 
praying the clemency of his Majesty 
and the protection of Governor Ham- 

February 22d 1779 — Accounts were 
brought in to the garrison, that a number 
of fires were seen nine miles below the 
town, a detachment of the Vlllth and 
Detroit Volunteers were immediately 



dispatched to reconnoitre ; they had got 
some miles from the garrison, when they 
were prevented pursuing their rout, by 
the great floods of water, which, at that 
time, had drowned several cattle, and 
filled the inhabitants houses, the party 
sent out agreed to return, finding it im- 
practicable, when they reached the Com- 
mons behind the town, they heard to 
their great surprise a discharge of mus- 
quetry, they did not know what could be 
the occasion ; after finding several men 
in the town, they were assured the 
Rebels had laid close seige to the fort 5 
that a Mr Legras, a Major of Militia 
had joined the Rebels with other inhab- 
itants ; that they had met, the Rebels 
some distance from the town, furnishing 
them with ammunition, provisions &c — 
the Rebels having damaged all theirs by 
the long rout through the floods of water 
from the Kuskaskies to the town ; the 
detatchment from the garrison made 
their way into the town, and remained 
all night concealed in a barn, a contin- 
ual firing from the garrison and the 

On the 23d at daybreak they deter- 
mined to get into the fort, which they 
effected in a few minutes by climbing 
the pickets without the loss of a man. 
The same day at XII o clock A M a flag 
was sent in by the Rebel officer demand- 
ing the surrender of the Fort, that if a 
refusal should be made it should stand 
a storm and no mercy shown ; our 
answer was sent by Governor Hamilton on 
a card, that he could not think of giving 
up his Majesty's flag by threats only 
&c. Hostilities again commenced and 
continued until evening, when a flag was 
sent out with terms of capitulation for 

reasons obvious : The capitulation was 
agreed to and signed when hostilities 
ceased. The inhabitants of St Vincen- 
nes not paying any regard to their 
solemn engagement made a few days 
before, but immediately joined the Reb- 
els ; Sixty armed and assembled the day 
they came, and fired on us in concert 
with the Rebels ; no way was left us to 
get off, the provisions exhausted, these 
obliged us to agree to a capitulation and 
surrender to a set of uncivilized Vir- 
ginian wood-men, armed with rifles ; they 
consisted of 160, with the Creoles of the 
Illinois under Colonel Clark ; ours 60 
men with officers. 

In the morning, the 24th at 10 A M 
the garrison marched out with colours 
flying &c when the Rebels marched in 
and took possession. The Rebel officers 
plundered the British of their baggage 
&c contrary to the faith pledged by 
them by virtue of which they yielded 
their arms. Elated at their success they 
threatened to put several of the Indian 
officers in irons, and others to death. 
The Rebel Major with some Captains 
shewing their dexterity in firing cannon 
as a salute for the day were blown up 
by the explosion of a keg of cannon 
cartridges in entering the quick fire. At 
dark the British officers were in the Gov- 
ernors house in the garrison, where Col- 
onel Clark used most harsh and insolent 
expresions, wishing he could have swam 
in their bloods ; that as he wished to 
fight, would give Governor Hamilton 
his garrison, and he with an equal 
number of men would meet them ; that 
he had young fellows that liked the 
smell of gunpowder. Governor Hamil- 
ton was cautioned to remain on his 

1 88 


guard, that two Americans were agreed 
to shoot him, and after application made 
to the Colonel, nothing was done to pre- 
vent so base and bloody design. In the 
morning they were admitted into town 
on parole. In March several boats 
from Detroit for this garrison were in- 
tercepted by the Rebels and the inhab- 
itants of St Vincennes commanded by 
J. M. Legras, and a Captain Boderon, 
merchants of that place ; at the same 
time they took the pacquet from Cana- 
da, private letters were returned to those 
directed to. 

Maj'c/i ^th — They were embarked, viz 
Governor Hamilton, Major Hay, Cap- 
tain Lamoth, Lieutenant Schieffelin, 
other officers, with i6 privates, under 
guard of two boats armed ; they kept 
the privates with them, as we suppose, 
with a design to enlist them after their 
officers were gone. Ten days provisions 
were given them to transport them to the 
Falls fort on- the Ohio (400 miles), to 
row against a strong current. A French 
gentleman in the Kings service (Batteau 
Master) was made prisoner by the Reb- 
els, threatened to be hanged if he re- 
fused to give information of the party 
that was concealed before the surrender ; 
he was pinioned, halter on his neck, and 
tied to a gallows, when he was cut down 
by the people of the town ; they had 
the inhumanity to scalp him, after the 
repeated orders for so doing from Colonel 
Clarke; this gentleman is now in the dun- 
g.^on with Governor Hamilton, of the 
name of Maifonaville, was discharged 
after numberless solicitations by the 
Illinois Volunteers in the Rebel service. 

From the 4th March to the 31st on 
the Ohio, when they were landed, and 

marched to the Falls fort, commanded 
by Captain Herrod ; little or no refresh- 
ment was to be had ; here we were to 
march to Virginia. In the morning 
were marched under a heavy guard for 
Henry Town (100 miles) through woods 
&c on foot with their necessaries and 
provisions ; the 8th day they reached the 
fort, commanded by a Colonel Bowman, 
who treated them as well as his abilities 
would admit ; they remained about ten 
days, when they were marched for the 
frontiers of Virginia, depending on 
providence for provisions ; insulted by 
every dirty fellow as they passed through 
the country. In May they got to Ches- 
terfield Court House, where they were 
kept to its limits under a strong guard ; 
here they were in want of every neces- 
sary, bare-footed did they march, and 
very often without any food. 

June i^t/i — An American officer came 
to them from Williamsburg with orders 
to lay Governor Hamilton in irons, with 
Capt Lemoth, which piece of cruelty 
was performed before his officers, who 
shed tears of indignation that their wor- 
thy Chief should be so treated ; they 
were marched on foot hand-cuff'd 
through rain, their wrists much hurt 
from the chaffing of the irons, they 
would not allow him his waiting 
boy ; they were marched in great 
pomp thro Williamsburg city, and 
committed to the dungeon with felons, 
murderers, and condemed criminals, 
not so much as a blanket allowed 
them, their hand-cuffs were knocked off 
and heavy chains put on their legs be- 
fore great numbers of people. Mr. De- 
jean Justice of Peace for Detroit was 
also put in irons for reasons of State- 



Retaliation, and to prevent their act- 
ing with Indians, 75, days they were 
loaded with irons in a dungeon 9 x 10 
feet, no one admitted to have access to 
them, except the jailors. (Cerberus) 
Major Hay, Lieutenant Schieffelin &c, 
remained at Chesterfield under a guard 
until the 28th of August, when an officer 
with a party arrived with orders to march 
them immediately to Williamsburg, to 
keep them close confined at nights, and 
In every instance to let them know they 
were prisoners, if they behaved unbe- 
coming to punish them. 

August T,\st — We were marched on 
foot, passed through Williamsburg to the 
common jail, where they kept us at the 
door for 3 or 4 hours, when the jailor shew- 
ed them his orders to commit them in close 
confinement, searching them before hand, 
he desired them to follow him to his 
cell, when the dungeon where the worthy 
Governor was in was opened and locked 
therein ; they were now 8 in number, 
hardly room to stretch themselves, no 
one permitted to confer with them, here 
we continued for the long space of 8 or 
10 days without ever having the door 
once opened, the criminals were let out 
to get the air of the Court, but we were 
not ; 8th day some of them fell ill at 12 
at night and would have expired had not 
blood been immediately let, the jailor 
representing tlie dreadful situation they 
were in, as also their privates who were 
confined in another apartment, when after 
some deliberating the infamous Execu- 
tive Council, indulged them by sepera- 
ting the officers, viz Capt Lemoth, Lieut 
Schieffelin Mr Dejean, and Surgeon Mc 
Beath in a Debtors Room an upper apart- 
ment, the others in the dungeon the doors 
to be left open until evening and to be 

shut at the same time with the criminals. 
In October, a Col Mathews a rebel 
prisoner, who was on parole from New 
York, arrived in the city, some days 
after, a parole was sent to each of them 
to accept, on which they were I0 remain 
at Hanover Court House until exchang- 
ed, the parole not being with honor &c., 
was rejected unanimously by them, pre- 
fering confinement to an enlargement on 
terms they could not adhere to. Mr. 
Mathews with the rebel Commandant 
came to the dungeon to confer with 
Governor Hamilton, on the subject of 
our confinement &c. 

October 11th — Mr. Dejean and Cap- 
tain Lamoth wrote a memorial, when 
they wished to have their paroles ten- 
dered to them, that they would be en- 
larged, and remain no longer in confine- 
ment although they had before been unan- 
imous in rejecting it; they were accord- 
ingly discharged. Lieut. Schieffelin be- 
ing indisposed was told he could be 
admitted upon parole, sent the following — 

" Gentlemen. — having been informed 
that it has been a general practice to per- 
mit prisoners of war on parole, to pro- 
cure themselves an exchange, or where- 
with to defray necessaries of life during 
their captivity. My present unhappy 
situation prompts me to take this mode, 
to request that the indulgence be granted 
me to proceed to New York for the same 
purpose. I shall sign the usual parole, 
and a strict adherence shall be paid there- 
to, relying that my request will be 
taken into consideration, I am with re- 
spect, gentlemen, your humble servant, 
Jacob Schieffelin, 
ist Lieut Detroit Volunteers.'' 
Williamsburg Prison, Oct 11 i779- 

The Gov. and Council of Va. 



The jailor returned with answer that 
they were resolved to keep them con- 
fined until they had signed the paroles 
first tendered to them. The whole win- 
ter did they pass without a stick of wood 
allowed them, blankets were demanded 
for them by the Keeper, who got for 
answer that no blankets could be given 
for them, that their friends who were at 
New York were ill treated by our people, 
some starved for want of provisions and 
blankets. This is the consolation they 
received from their cruel masters. Gen- 
eral Philips was so obliging as to order 
a supply of clothing from Albemarle, 
when it came to our hands one third of 
them were only delivered to us, the blame 
laid on the waggoner, poor restitution ! — 
The Executive restricted them from hav- 
ing their meals as usual from the tavern 
at their own expense, but ordered them 
to be put on prison allowance, salt beef 
damaged, and Indian Meal. 

In January, a Mr William B. St Clair, 
Volunteer of the 44th Regiment, with 
ten troopers of 17th Dragoons, were 
committed in close confinement, and 
kept four days without an ounce of pro- 
visions issued for them. Governor Ham- 
ilton sent out of the mess a supply, or 
else they would have starved. The Exe- 
cutive power of the Rebels in Virginia 
were pleased to accuse (Governor Ham- 
ilton &c.) for having raised the Indian 
Tribes to murder women, children and 
defenceless men, most infamous false- 
hoods, propagated by them to inveterate 
the commonalty against the British, on 
the frontiers they say it is cruel in them 
to act with Indians. Here follows the 
resolve of the Rebel Committee May 21st 
1776, Verbatim. 

Resolved. That such Indian War- 
riors of the neighboring Tribes, as are 
willing, be engaged in the service of this 
country, provided the number so to be 
engaged in the service of this country 
doth not exceed two hundred, to be 
marched down to the assistance of the 
regular troops in the eastern quarters. 

Resolved. That John Gibson Esq; 
be desired to negotiate with the Ohio or 
Western Indians, and inform them of the 
friendly sentiments of this country to- 
wards them, and of the purport of the 
foregoing resolution for calling in their 
assistance and that the same is warranted 
and directed by the resolution of the 
General Congress of the ist day of July 

Resolved. That the neighboring 
friendly Indians on the Ohio be assured, 
that if any encroachments have been 
made by the people of this country on 
their lands, beyond the boundary, estab- 
lished by the treaty held at Fort Stanwix, 
they have been without our concurence, 
and shall be removed. 

Lieut Schieffelin on the 19th April 
at 7 P M made his escape from the 
prison where he was confined for 
some time, marched in company with 
M, Rocheblare, late Commandant of 
Illinois to Little York, and embarked on 
board a schooner Mr Schieffelin engag- 
ed, and proceeded for the Eastern Shore, 
where they remained concealed for 9 
weeks, waiting with impatience and the 
greatest anxiety the return of N. N. who 
was to transport them to New York. The 
27th June they pmbarked on board the 
Peggy, and made sail, they were 12 days 
at sea, when they were taken up by the 
Roebuck, Capt Douglas, who was sent to 



give them chase, the night after they ap- 
peared in sight, they made signals of dis- 
tress without knowing who they were, 
they were taken up by a Capt Steel 
X.ittle in the Delaware Bay, on Cape May 
the 2nd of July, having mistaken it for 
New York; he let them go, giving them 
directions for Lewistown, cautioning 
them from being taken by the British ; 
(Lieutenant Schieffelin pretending to be 
a Frenchman, speaking the language with 
M. Rocheblare. 

Messrs Rocheblare and Schieffelin 
return their thanks to Capt. Gayton, for 
the civilities they received from him, on 
board his ship the Romulus. 

J. Schieffelin, 
I st Lie lite naiit Detroit Volunteers. 

P. S. In Oct. 1779 an Indian party 
from Detroit fell in with three rebel 
■boats from New Orleans, loaded with 40 
bales of dry goods, rum, fusees, a chest of 
hard specie, a French Gentleman of the 
name of Perault, from St Louis, on the 
Spanish side, with all the Continental 
bills in that country. The savages sent 
8 or 10 of their warriors to attack 
them, in order to draw them on shore, 
which had its effect. Colonel Camp- 
.bell of Fort Pitt had the command 
of them, he ran his boats on shore^ 
landed his men, pursued the Indians 
when to his great surprize, he found 
a number exceeding his expectations, he 
was made prisoner himself, and sixty of 
his men were carried to Detroit, and a Col 
David Rogers with others killed : — The 
booty valued at 2,000,000 livres, what was 
most extraordinary was, that several of 
Governor Hamilton's Men who were left 
at St. Vincennes prisoners, were on 
board one of these large boats, rowed by 

20 to 30 oars, hand cuffed to be sent to 
Williamsburg Prison, were so fortunate 
to get clear. A Jacob Bougart, our bat- 
teau carpenter attempting his escape 
from the Rebels at St. Vincennes was 
taken, and punished corporally 2 or 300 
lashes ; 

At the time our flag was sent out from 
Fort Sackville, an Indian party who had 
been on a scout returned, the rebels with 
the inhabitants of the town ran to meet 
them. The Indians not being apprized 
of the town having joined the Rebels 
imagined they came to salute them, when 
to their great misfortune, after they had 
discharged their pieces in the air, as a 
salute to them, were fired at by the Rebels, 
and citizens, several killed on the do- 
maine in sight of our Fort, others 
brought in, kicked by them, they marched 
through the streets, with two Indian par- 
tizans. Frenchmen in his Majesty's ser- 
vice, were seated in a circle, when Colonel 
Clarke the Commandant of the Rebels, 
took a tomahawk, and in cool blood 
knocked their brains out, dipping his 
hands in their blood, rubbing it several 
times on his cheeks, yelping as a Savage, 
the two Frenchmen who were to share 
the same unhappy fate were Serjeants in 
the Detroit Volunteers, and were saved 
from this bloody massacre, one by his 
father, who was an officer with the rebels, 
did not know his son until they informed 
him that he was in the circle in Indian 
dress, and to undergo this cruelty exer- 
cised by Americans, the other was taken 
by force by his sister, whose husband 
was a merchant in the town, this is also 
a treatment unprecedented even between 
Savages, to commit hostilities at the time 
a flag sent them. 



The dead carcasses of these unhappy- 
fellows, were dragged to the river by the 
soldiery, some who had been struggling 
for life, after being thrown into the river. 
An Indian Chief of the name of Muckey- 
demonge, of the Ottawa nation, after 
Colonel Clarke had struck the hatchet 
in his head, with his own hands drew the 
tomahawk presenting it again to the in- 
human butcher, who repeated the stroke. 
After the Governor and his officers were 
out on parole in the town, they had seen 
the blood on the ground, of these un- 
happy men for a considerable time ; the 
dead bodies who were on the domaine 
of those they fired at, were stripped 
naked and left for the wild prey — Lieut. 
Schieffelin was an eye witness. 

The Indians who have taken the hat- 
chet at Detroit, Ottowas, Chippoweys, 
Wyandatts, Pouttaawatomies, Shawa- 
nese, Qu-iquapous, Oiwattannongs, and 
other nations too tedious to mention, have 
always acted with the greatest humanity 
towards their prisoners ; the number of 
prisoners brought in by them exceeded 
a hundred, who were allowed the set- 
tlement for their limits, furnished with 
good provisions and clothed, the grate- 
ful Americans have amply repaid these 
marks of generosity, in laying Governor 
Hamilton and his officers in irons, and 
hanging several Indian partizans, who 
would have expired had not the Creoles 
in their service cut them down ; several 
prisoners who had been taken and brought 
to Detroit, which we had seen in Vir- 
ginia expressed their indignation at our 
being treated so inadequate to that they 
received from us, a Major Daniel Boone, 
who commanded Boonesbury, was taken 
with 26 men some distance from his 

fort by the Indians, who carried them 
to Detroit, without killing a man, this 
Gentleman expressed his gratitude for 
the good treatment received, with his 
men while with us. One John Dodge a 
blacksmith, who resided at Detroit, but 
now with the rebels at Fort Pitt, had the 
assurance to propagate the most in- 
famous falsehood against Governor 
Hamilton and his officers, 'that they had 
excited Indians to kill prisoners when 
brought to Detroit, with a narrative of 
his treatment which was as false as him- 
self was infamous. Mr Jefferson with 
his Council, was pleased to issue an 
order, which appeared the the Public 
Gazette in Virginia, accusing them with 
charges of the above nature, and resolved, 
that they should be laid in irons, without 
ever giving them a hearing, and added, 
"that they were fit objects for retalia- 
tion &c." this Dodge having obtained 
a pass from the Commandant of Detroit, 
to trade with the Indians, after having 
taken the oath as usual on the occasion, 
perjured himself by furnishing the reb- 
els with merchandize, ammunition, &c, 
at Fort Pitt, and wrote a threatening let- 
ter to the Commandant of Detroit. A 
party of Indians were sent after him, 
and brought him to town, he was com- 
mitted to a guard house where he re- 
mained some time, when after his 
discharge, not warned by the first breach 
of duty, he commits a second, by har- 
bouring and concealing American pris- 
oners, encouraging them to escape, he 
was taken up a second time, and sent to 
Canada, from whence he made his es- 
cape to the Rebels at Fort Pitt. 

Copy of a parole which I gave to 
Colonel Clarke, at Fort Sackville- Also 



a copy of a parole presented to sign by- 
Colonel Batt which we refused : 

J Schieffelin 

Chesterfield Court ^d yuly 1779. 

St Viiicennes March i, 1779. 
This Certifies, that I have given my 
parole of honor to Col George Rogers 
Clarke, commanding the American forces 
at this place, that I will not attempt to 
make my escape from this place, nor will 
I by word or action, behave in a manner 
unbecoming a prisoner at large, neither 
will I in any manner convey intelligence 
to the subjects of his Britannic Majesty 
in arms against the States of America. 
In Witness whereof, I hereunto sign my 
name without compulsion. J. Schieffelin 
First Lieutenant Detroit Volunteers. 

The 7th October 1779, a parole much 
similar to the within was tendered to us 
in goal by Colonel Porterfield, who was 
ordered by Governor Jefferson and his 
Council — It was rejected unanimously 
for reasons obvious. 

Chesterfield July 3^1779. 
We, whose names are hereunto sub- 
scribed, officers in the service of the 
King of Great Britain, made captive at 
the reduction of Fort St Vincennes be- 
ing admitted to our Paroles, do respec- 
tively promise, upon our sacred honor, 
as soldiers and gentlemen not to trans- 
cend the limits assigned us to remain in, 
which are two miles around Chesterfield 
Court, which distance we respectively 
undertake not to exceed during the time 
we are on parole at the said Court House ; 
and we, with like solemnity, upon our 
true faith, respectively promise not to 
say or do anything detrimental to Amer- 

ica intentionally nor to hold any inter- 
course or correspondence with the enemy 
during the continuance of our indulg- 
ence above mentioned, nor to converse 
or correspond with any British subjects 
other than those who are prisoners \iith 
us at said Court House, without permis- 
sion from the County Lieutenant of 
Chesterfield or such other officers as 
they shall be put under the direction of. 
To the honorable and pointed observ- 
ance of all which several articles we 
have respectively set our hands, the day 

Done in the presence of John Batt, 
Esq ; Lieutenant of the County of Ches- 
terfield, and with the assent and direc- 
tion of the executive power of the State 
of Virginia. 


The christening of America. — 
This important event occasioned in its 
day a ridiculous disturbance. The 
French, out of spite to the Spaniards, 
and with their usual officiousness and 
vanity, christened it Francia A7itarctica^ 
pretending that they were the first dis- 
coverers, under some Lord of Villagag- 
non. [" Sub Villagagnonis Domino," 
says Poreaech. Imsulus. III. 162.] This 
attempt perished in the bud; but others 
arose, who christened it the Land of the 
Holy Cross ; by mistaking the appella- 
tion of Brazil^ given to it by Cabral, 
upon the discovery, for the whole conti- 
nent. John Barros, Decad. i. I. ^. c. 2. 
Fet. Damaziz. Dial. 5. de var. Hist. c. 
2.f. 338. Anton, de San. Roma?i. I. i. 
Hist. Lndic. Orient, c. it,/ 57, grevious- 



ly lament, that this term Brazil, (on 
account of the wood for dyeing,) super- 
seded the term ''Land of the Holy 
Cross y and observe, that it perhaps 
happened by the cunning of the devil. 
Borrellus {De Reg. Catholic.) contended 
that it ought to be styled Orbis Caro- 
/inus, i I omCh.Y. and this because Isidore, 
Pereira, Mantua, and a variety of authors 
were agreed upon this point, that to give 
names to nations and places was a pecu- 
liar privilege of kings and dukes. The 
majority, however, were for calling it the 
JVe7if World. This gave birth to a cal- 
umny upon mother Earth, that she had 
many sisters, /. e. that there were more 
worlds than one in the universe ; which 
was vehemently attacked, upon the au- 
thority of Aristotle, Jerom, Isidore, and 
many more. James Pontanus i^Progym- 
nasm p. 315) ventured to say, that his 
information was not sufficient to denom- 
inate it the other quarter of the world, 
for which he met with due punishment. 
After much dispute, the vulgar both 
would and did call it America, which the 
learned adopted upon the authority of 
Quinctilian, i. Instit. Orator. Utendum 
est verbo ut nummo cui publica forma sit, 
not, however, without precautionary 
quotations from Alliatus and Brechseus, 
in Rub. de Verbor. Significat. and others 
related by Gutierrez, lib. 3. Pract. 
Quest. 14 ^ num. 132 Meron. Cevall. 
Commufu Opin. v, i. 2. 409. and Mar. 
Bur guy de Laudimio, p. \. c. i. num 24, 
25, &c., all of whom had taked infinite 
pains to inform the public, that the vul- 
gar were not in the habit of taking much 
trouble about the exact interpretation 
and meaning of words. The Monthly 
Magazine XXVI L 49. W. K. 

Benedict Arnold a deserter. — In 
Weymans Neiv York Gazette of May 21, 
1759, among the "Deserters from the 
New York Regiment and Captain James 
H. Holmes's Company, advertised for 
by Thomas Willett in West Chester 
County," who offers the reward of forty 
shillings for the arrest of each or any of 
them, appears the name of ''' Benedict 
Ar7iald, by trade a weaver, 18 years of 
age, dark complexion, light eyes and 
black hair." 

In Drake's Dictionary of American 
Biography, Arnold's birth is given as at 
Norwich, Conn., January 3, 1741. Drake 
says of him that he was " apprenticed to 
an apothecary, ran away, enlisted as a 
soldier, but soon deserted." 

His age corresponds with that of the 
deserter advertised. The enlistment for 
bounty, and desertion of Connecticut men 
was a common source of annoyance to 
the New York officers. The use of the 
letter a for o is probably a misprint, and 
the change in trade is subject to more 
than one explanation. 

Men's lives are said to be homogene- 
ous. Arnold's subsequent career con- 
firms the suspicion that he was the man 
here described. A. U. S. 

Continental light infantry. — 
This corps was organized by order of 
General Washington, by taking the Light 
Infantry companies belonging to each of 
the Continental Regiments and forming 
them into Regiments and Brigades, the 
field officers being selected from the 
field officers of the army who had especi- 
ally distinguished themselves. As the 
Light Infantry companies were the elite 
of each regiment, the corps was a coips 



delite of the infantry. This was in ac- 
cordance with the British practice. 
When Hamilton left Washington's staff 
he was assigned by him to a command in 
the Light Infantry, and was under Lafay- 
ette's command at Yorktown. 

The Marquis de Chastellux, who vis- 
ited the American army in New Jersey, 
in the summer of 1780, gives an interest- 
ing account of the " camp of the Mar- 
quis," [as he says Lafayette's camp was 
termed] on the Totohaw (Passaic) river, 
He describes the troops as " making a 
good appearance and better clothed than 
the rest of the army. The uniforms 
both of the officers and soldiers smart 
and military, and each soldier wore a hel- 
met made of hard leather, with a crest 
of horse hair. The officers armed with 
espontoons, or rather with half pikes, and 
the subalterns with fusils; and both pro- 
vided with short and light sabres brought 
from France, and made a present of to 
them by M. de la Fayette." 

A. B. G. 

The first born. — In Iowa. — It is 
claimed that Margaret Stilweil, now Mrs. 
Ford, was the first white American 
child born in the territory embraced 
within the limits of Iowa. She was born 
where Keokuk now stands, in 1831. 
Record of the Year, II, 50. 

I71 the Western Reserve. — About six 
miles from Cleveland [Ohio], lives 
Mr. Williams. He was the first settler 
in the County of Trumbull, into which 
he removed in July, 1798, and fixed his 
residence upwards of ninety miles from 
the nearest white family. His wife was 
then pregnant; he himself was com- 
pelled to leave her and navigate the 

lake as far as Buffaloe Creek, in the 
State of New York, for fresh provisions. 
Returning late in November, he encoun- 
tered a severe storm, and was driven far 
from his intended port. His wife sup- 
posed that he had perished, and was de- 
livered early in December, in the midst 
of this distress, of a boy. She, however, 
got through her difficulties, and her hus- 
band, after some time, returned in the 
year 1800. When the Reserve was divid- 
ed, the proprietors settled 500 acres on 
the boy, as the first born of the Reserve; 
he, however, did not live to enjoy the 
benefit, nor do I think the gift was well 
appropriated ; it ought to have been 
given to the woman who so heroically 
endured so many evils. Monthly Mag- 
azhie XXVI, 218. 

In Ohio. — The first known birth of a 
white child, in the limits of Ohio, was 
that belonging to a white woman from 
Virginia, who had been taken prisoner 
by the Delawares, in April, 1764. This 
woman was, at the time of her capture, 
far advanced in pregnancy, and during 
the month of July, 1764, gave birth to a 
child near the present site of Dresden, 
Muskingum Co., Ohio. Wester?i Reserve 
Hist. Society Tracts, No. IV, 2. 

AV. K. 

Plagiare. — The following lines from 
Freneau were by Scott "conveyed." 
Then rushed to meet the insulting foe 
They took the spear, but left the shield. 

to the memory of the Americc.?is who 
fell at Eutaw. 

When Prussia hurried to the field, 

And snatched the spear, but left the shield. 

Scott's Marmion, Introduction to Can- 
to III. 

Cambridge. B. 



Our national flag. — The Union 
of Stars in the flag of the revolution 
represented in a circle by Preble in his 
History of the American Flag, (Plate 
VIII) is probably an error. 

A Plan of the Siege of York Town, 
by Major Bauman, engraved at Phila- 
delphia in 1782, has the stars arranged 
in parallel lines, in this manner : 

* * * 

* * * 

* * * 

This arrangement is similar to that on 
the standard of the Rhode Island troops, 
preserved at Providence, and described 
by Preble, page 208 and Plate VI, fig. 
75. It was no doubt the disposition of 
the stars on all the National colors from 
June 14, 1777, to the close of the war. 

W. K. 


Familiar quotations. — Where in 
Bronson's writings can be found his 
definition of a democrat — " one who has 
established his supremacy over his acci- 
dents." When and where did Calhoun 
make that bold utterance, " The Demo- 
cratic party was held together by the 
cohesive power of public plunder ; " and 
John Randolph, " The Democratic party 
has seven principles, — five loaves 
and two fishes ; and Fisher Ames (?) "A 
lie would travel from Maine to Georgia 
while truth was putting on his boots ; " 
and Horace Mann, "A Yankee would 
squeeze a half dollar till the eagle 
screamed ; " and Martin Van Buren, 
*' A northern man with southern princi- 
ples;" and J. Fennimore Cooper, "To 

face the music." Whence the quotation 
in speech of Daniel Webster, March, 1848, 
(referring to the Buffalo Platform,) ''What 
is valuable is not new, and what is new 
is not valuable: " and the oft quoted 
" Eternal Vigilance is the price of Lib- 
erty," generally attributed to Jefferson. 
Cambridge, B. 

Portrait of knyphausen. — Can any 
of your readers inform me whether there 
is any portrait of Genl. Knyphausen, 
the Hessian commander, in existence. 

X. Y. Z. 

Huguenots in the Bahamas. — (I. 
53,131) I would repeat the inquiry of 
C W. B. whether there is any reason to 
believe the colonists at Eleuthera were 
Huguenots, In Vol. 126 of Mass. Ar- 
chives are four documents relating to 
these colonists, one being printed in 
Mass. Hist. Soc'y Coll., 3rd S. VII. 158-9. 
Another document (Arch. 126, p. 200) 
from Jeremiah Dummer, dated January 
6, 1686, says that in July preceeding 
" many families " came thence, driven 
away by the Spaniards, and that nine 
familes went to Casco. 

Lastly (Vol. 126, p. 387) there is a 
document endorsed '' Petition of the 
Eleutheran People," printed by me in 
Andros Tracts, vol. Ill, p. 70, being the 
petition of Nicholas Davis, Nath. Sand- 
ers, John Alberry and Daniel Sanders in 
behalf of themselves and the rest of the 

Surely these are not French names. 
Again, in my Andros Tracts, III, 79-80, 
I printed Pierre Baudoin's petition 
for a grant of land. This was also at 
Casco, but apparently not on Dummer's 



land ; and Baudoin's petition does not 
allege any connection with Eleuthera. 

The document printed in Boston 
News-Letter, I, 198, does not give any 
warrant for the suggestion that the Eleu- 
therians were Huguenots. 

Bostofi. W. H. Whitmore. 

interest to know what has become of this 
relic of the revolution. R. E. M. 

Regimental histories u. s. army. — 
Can any of your military readers furnish 
a list of the printed histories of Regiments 
in the Regular Army of the United 
States ? Your February issue gave the 
title of a history of the Second Cavalry. 
I have also met with a reference to one 
of the Eighth Infantry. Cadet. 

Mrs. horsmanden. — The Rev. Wil- 
liam Vesey, Rector of Trinity Church, 
New York City, died 1746. His widow 
Mary married Daniel Horsmanden, Chief 
Justice of New York: she died 1760. 
What was her maiden name ? P. 

Senevoni. — In Rivingtons Royal Ga- 
zette of the 24th January, 1781, appears 
the following notice: " To be seen this 
Evening at the Golden Ball in the Fields 
a skeleton of a Senevoni the largest ever 
brought into this country. After the 
exhibition Madamoiselle Varole will 
dance a Rigadoon." What manner of 
beast or bird or fish was this? T. I. N. 

Burgoyne's sword. — At the Metro- 
politan Fair, held in New York in the 
spring of 1864, in aid of the " U. S. 
Sanitary Commission," a sword was ex- 
hibited said to have been that surren- 
dered by Burgoyne at Sargtoga. In view 
of the approach of the centennial anni- 
versary of this* event, it is a matter of 

Another interesting relic. — Not- 
icing in your February number a 
description of tlie Gold Box presented 
to Andrew Hamilton, I venture to in- 
quire if any information can be obtained 
concerning the Box presented to John 
Dickinson, "The Pennsylvania Farmer," 
some time before the revolutionary war. 


Baw and batt. — (I. 81.) the words 
Baw and Batt were almost synonymous. 
The following definition is from Holt's 
Military Dictionary. " Bat^ horses — Baw 
horses. Baggage horses belonging to 
the officers when in actual duty." 

J. W. de P. 

Early new york artists. — (I. 53.) 
In the records of old New York you 
will find Jacobus Strycker, who came to 
this country in 1640, and who was an 
Alderman in New Amsterdam in 1655, 
a gentleman of large fortune, of consid- 
erable taste and culture. He was an 
amateur artist, and painted his own por- 
trait, still extant in the Stryker mansion 
on 5 2d street, New York. An account 
thereof may be found in Appletons Jour- 
nal, Nov. 23, 1872, A. B. C. 

Amboy. — (I. 129.) This name was 
probably derived from the island of Am- 
boyna in the Malay Archipelago, an im- 
portant post of the Dutch East India 
Company, and familiar, no doubt, to the 
matroozen trading to New Amsterdam. 



EUeboog, not " Am Bog " is the Dutch 
word for elbow. Your querist might 
take into consideration the words " Om 
Boeg," as Raritan Point is named Om- 
poge in a document of 165 1. 


Amboy, — (I. 129.) " Een Boge " the 
Nether Dutch words for a bow, may ex- 
plain the mystery of "Amboy." It seems 
probable that it was derived from this 
savage weapon. Hobuck. 

Amboy.— (I. 129.) "Het Ambacht," 
The Hundred, or Territory belonging to 
a town, may be the origin of Amboy. 

A. E. 

Kill van kull, Arthur kill. — 
(I. 129.) The peculiar shape of Bergen 
Neck, resembling an important part of 
the human structure, attracted the at- 
tention of the early Dutch colonists, 
who were mainly boors ; from them it 
received the name of the " Kul." " Achter 
Kul " was applied to both the land and 
water behind or back of the Kul. " Kil 
van Kul," the channel from the Kul, 
and Arthur Kill, a corruption of Achter 
Kul were, in the course of time, improperly 
applied to the strait between Staten Is- 
land and New Jersey, now generally 
called the Kills. Stapleton. 

Kill van kull, Arthur kill, am- 
boy. — (I. 129.) The conjurations and 
ceremonies of the native Indians, con- 
vinced the settlers of New Amsterdam 
that they were in league with the evil 
one. Bergen Point being a favorite 
rendezvous of the natives for the above 
purposes, it received the name of " Kol," 
the Dutch appellation for witch, or sor- 

cerer. The water behind the Kol was 
called the "Achter Kol," and the river 
leading to it the " Kil van Kol." 

The derivation of Amboy can be found 
in Whitehead's Early History of Perth 
Amboy, pages 2, 415. A. S. Y. 

Kill van kull. — (I. 129.) The old pa- 
tents and deeds have constant reference 
to land on the Fresh Kills. Did not the 
neighborhood of Newark Bay receive its 
name of Col or Kul from the Low Dutch 
word '^ Koel, cool, or fresh." L. B. 

Kill van kull. — (I. 129.) J. B. B. 
inquires what is Kill van Kull ? It is 
simply Kill van Kull, and no more. If 
it is a corruption of Kil van Kul, let it 
remain as it is, lest the Philistines wag 
their heads. The harmless Dutch word 
kil is everywhere badly perverted to killy 
which suggests murder. The unlettered 
American does not give time to de taal 
die zalige ouders spraken, and ignorance 
is claimed to be bliss in some respects. 

Albany. Anon. 

Governor montgomerie. — (I. 130.) 
Gov. Montgomerie died at four o'clock 
on Thursday morning, July i, 1 731, in 
the Governor's House ; his remains 
were interred the next evening in the 
King's Chapel. Both these buildings 
were in Fort George facing the present 
Bowling Green, New York City. 

It is almost certain that the family of the 
Governor did not accompany him to 
America. He left no will, but letters of 
administration were issued July 10, 1731, 
to " Charles Hume of the city of New 
York Gentleman," to take charge of the 
estate of '* His Excellency John W. 
Montgomerie, Esq deceased." W. K. 



The stated Monthly Meeting was held 
in the Hall of the Society on the evening 
of Tuesday, February 2d, 1877, the Presi- 
dent, Frederic de Peyster, LL. D., in the 

Among the donations to the Library 
was the ms. report of the Women's Cen- 
tennial Union, of the City of New York, 
1876, with names of members and names 
of subscribers to the Centennial Banner? 
the gift of the women of New York to 
Independence Hall, Philadelphia; with 
this interesting volume a letter from Miss 
M. E. Hamilton, Secretary. 
, After the regular business was con- 
cluded, the Executive Committee report- 
ed the following recommendations : 

'* The Executive Committee takes oc- 
casion to remind the Society that Friday, 
the 20th April next, will occur the One 
Hundreth Anniversary of the adoption 
of the Constitution of the State of New 
York, and suggests the propriety of a 
recognition of this, the most important 
event in the annals of the State, under 
the auspices of this Society, an institu- 
tion especially created by its Legislature 
to preserve the history of this great po- 
litical community. 

"The Committee takes occasion further 
to remind the Society of the later com- 
ing, Wednesday, the 10th of October next, 
of the One Hundreth Anniversary of the 
battle of Saratoga, a victory in great 
measure due to the valor of the officers 
and troops of this State, and now 
recognized as the determining contest 
in the struggle for American Indepen- 

"The Committee respectfully recom- 

mend that each of these important events 
be celebrated by the Society." 

This recommendation was unanimous- 
ly adopted, and the Executive Committee 
charged to carry it out in a proper man- 
ner. The plans include an address in 
the City of New York on the progress of 
jurisprudence in this State during the 

We learn that Governor Horatio Sey- 
mour has consented to deliver the com- 
memorative oration on the field of Sara- 
toga in behalf of the Monument Commis- 
sion, and we presume the Historical 
Society will join in this celebration. 

The Paper of the Evening was en- 
titled "the Humorous Element in the 
American Revolution," wl\ich the orator, 
Moses Coit Tyler, Professor of History 
in the University of Michigan, an- 
nounced in his opening had been pre- 
pared in the Library of the Society, from 
its abundant and curious material. 

The point of the address, which was 
delivered with admirable and varied 
oratorical power was to illustrate a part 
of the colonial and revolutionary strug- 
gle which has never hitherto had special 

Beginning with the epigrams and squibs 
with which the rival factions assailed 
each other at the Stamp Act period, 
Professor Tyler followed the combat of 
wit through its various forms of prose 
aud verse, playful, satirical and malic- 
ious, with illustrations of each, which 
kept the audience in continuous merri- 
ment. To these he added descriptions 
of the tar and featherings, effigy burnings, 
and the huger practical jokes of the 
famous "tea parties." 

The thaaks of the Society were voted 
to '.he orator. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor with 
Copies, Box loo. Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

America by the Comte de Paris, Trans- 
lated, with the Approval of the Author, by 
Lewis F. Tasistro, edited by Henry Cop- 
pee, LL. D. Vol. I., pp. 640. Vol. II., pp. 
773, 8vo. Jos. H. Coates & Co. Philadel- 
phia, 1876. Superbly illustrated with Military 

This translation of the personal experience of 
the gallant young prince, who won his first spurs 
on the banks of the Potomac as an aide^rde- 
camp to General McClellan, and finished his 
campaigning at the close of the seven days' bat- 
tle before Richmond, will be read with rare sat- 
isfaction by both civilians and military men. 
There is no royal road to fame or literature, 
though examples are numerous of princes who 
Lave wielded the pen as skillfully as the 
sword since the day when Caesar, founder 
of the imperial line, described campaigns with 
a vigor only equalled by that with which they 
were won. As to the military correctness of this 
history, we shall pass no opinion; this is not the 
field for such discussion. In literary ability the 
Comte de Paris upholds the well-known credit of 
his name. The Orleans family have, in more 
than one valuable historic memoir, proved their 
right to consideration in the world of letters. 

The work has been variously appreciated, ac- 
cording to the temper, prejudices and nationality 
of the reviewers. In an able article in the Edhi- 
burg Review for July, 1876, the Comte is said to 
have perfectly succeeded in showing the bearing 
of each incident of the war on the struggle as 
a whole, while at the same time the author as- 
serts that " no one on either side of the Atlantic 
has yet been found to view the character of this 
war in its larger historical aspect as one impress- 
ed on it, not merely by the incidents of the day, 
but by the slowly strengthened force of prece- 
dent." The military opinions of the French 
prince by no means receive the cordial approba- 
tion of his English critic, who considers his judg- 
ment to be controlled by his feelings for his 
chief, whose personal magnetism is well known 
'to all who have been brought in contact with 

We must be pardoned for not entering upon 
any elaborate synopsis of a work, itself a synop- 
sis of years of incident and change ; but we 
will not dismiss the always interesting subject 
without a reference to a criticism on the book, 
which appeared in the Southern Historical wSo- 
ciety Papers for November, 1876, in which the 
impartiality, the fairness, and the accuracy of 

the Comte de Paris are sharply impugned. The 
people of the South are not yet reconciled to the 
result of the final arbitrament to which they 
made their last appeal. It is not now, nor per- 
haps for many a decade, that any opinions in 
gross or detail as to the conduct of the struggle 
can by any possibility be adopted as satisfactory 
to all sides. Meanwhile such carefully studied 
and conscientious opinions as those of the Comte 
de Paris, with many of which we are far from 
agreeing, are of invaluable service as testi- 
mony absolutely necessaiy to the final judgment. 
One thing is certain ; the results of the great 
political change in our institutions are each day 
showing themselves in unexpected ways. 

DANT LA Guerre de l'Independance df.s 
Etats-Unis, 1777-1783, par Thomas Balch. 
8vo, pp. 237. A. Sauton, Paris ; J. B. LiP- 
pincott, Philadelphia, 1872. The French in 
America during the War of Independence of 
the United States. 

In our February number we noticed the work 
by Mr, Leon Chotteau, under a nearly similar 
title, and warned the reader against confounding 
it with Mr. Balch's volume, published some 
years since. On making further comparison of 
these volumes, we find that not only has 
Mr. Chotteau taken the title of Mr. Balch's 
book, but that he has used his matter without 
any recognition whatever. The crime in this 
case is more than ordinary plagiarism in that a 
large part of Mr. Balch's volume was made up 
from original sources, — such, for instance, as the 
Military Journal of the Comte de Menonville, 
then first used. So that Mr. Chotteau has not 
only robbed the living, but the dead. Mr. Balch, 
however, need not feel disturbed at the appear- 
ance of this merely ephemeral work, and must 
console himself with the compliments lavishingly 
bestowed on his contribution to French militaiy 
history, by her best authoritative military critics. 

ONY Historical Society, Vol. IL 8vo, pp. 
388. Printed for the Society. New Haven, 


An elegant volume, full of admirable matter. 
We especially notice a paper by Franklin B. 
Dexter, entitled Memoranda respecting Edward 
Whalley and William Goffe, comprising all the 
known information about two of the three 
Judges of King Charles I., who made their home 


20 i 

in ihc Connecticut Colony, and are to this day 
die romantic heroes of her romance. In this 
sketch Mr. Dexter finds cause for disappoint- 
ment, thai the materials under his hand give no 
informaiion about John Dixwell, the third regi- 
cide, who had long been supposed to lie buried 
in New Haven. 

We are not, therefore, surprised to find this 
paper followed by one by Thomas R. Trow- 
ijridge, vindicating the claim of New Haven to 
liold the bodies of all three. We shall not enter 
into the controversy, but leave it to our Connec- 
ticut friends to bury their dead. 

There is a pleasing local sketch of the An- 
cient Houses of New Haven, by Thomas R. 
'I'rowbridge, Jr., and a review of the Life and 
Writings of John Davenport, one of the found- 
ers of the New Haven Colony, with a careful 
list of his works, of rare bibliographical value. 


MER OF 1771. An Address delivered January 
2, 1877, before the New York Historical Soci- 
ety by General John Watts de Peyster. 
8vo, pp. 26. New York, 1877. 
A synopsis of this paper, read at the January 
meeting of the New York Historical Society, 
was printed in our February number. Its pur- 
pose is to show that General Schuyler was the 
hero of Saratoga. 

Governor Coddington's Letter to Gov- 
ernor Leveret. A Reprint of the Original, 
printed at Boston by John Foster (between 
1678 and 1680), by the Providence Press 
Company. 8vo, pp. 10. 1876. 
The author (R. W.) complains bitterly of 
the ' bruitish tract ' of the Governor, and 
enters into details of defense and attack so 
old fashioned in thought and manner that we 
must dismiss it, with the hope that the students 
of history in detail may find in it some grains of 
interest not to us apparent. 

OGICAL OF THE Town of Worcester, Mass., 
by Nathaniel Paine. Large 8vo, pp. 5. 
(Thirty-five copies printed.) Worcester, 1875. 
A curious sketch of this old city, printed in a 
form delicious to collectors of rarities of print 
and paper ; including /ar similes, a fine portrait of 
Isaiah Thomas, the celebrated printer and first 
historian of the American Press, and a quaint 
sketch of the Old South Church of Worcester in 

A Concise History of the Rise and Pro- 
gress OF the Public Schools of the City 
OF Providence, by Edwin Martin Stone. 
8vo, pp. 84. Providence, 1876. 
An account of the schools of Providence, di- 
vided into five epochs — the first two of which 
were the period of education from 1636 to 1800, 
when a free school system was adopted by law. 
An account of the later progress of the schools 
in the State of Rhode Island in this century, dur 
ing which the law has been abrogated, renewed 
and improved, is beyond the scope of our col- 
umns. Enough to say that Rhode Island does 
not forget the duty she owes, from her exceptional 
privileges, to the great United States common- 

Rev. William Buell Sprague, D. D., LL. 
D. By Charles B. Moore, Life Member 
of the New York Genealogical and Bibliograph- 
ical Society. 4to, pp. 10. Privately printed, 
New York, 1877. 

A succinct account of the long and useful life of 
this eminent divine, for forty years Pastor of the 
Second Presbyterian Church at Albany, where 
his urbanity and hospitality gained for him a 
large and varied acquaintance with the most dis- 
tinquished men in the country. The work gives 
an account of his numerous contributions to theo- 
logical literature. 

TON suffering under the Port-Bill, 1774- 
1777, communicated to the historical 
and Genealogical Register for July, 
1876, BY Albert H. PIoyt, A. M., and re- 
printed from that NUMBER. 8vo, pp. lO. 

A list of the gifts made by the different Colo- 
nies to the sufferers in Boston, chiefly in kind. 

America. By Dr. Johann David Schoepff, 
Surgeon of the Anspach-Bayreuth Troops in 
America, translated by James Read Chad- 
wick, M. A., M. D. 4to, pp. 31. H. O. 
Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1875. 

The translator's preface announces that these 
letters, of a medico-historic kind, addressed to 
Professor Delius of Erlangen, were printed in the 
original at Erlangen in 1781. The second letter 



from New York, December 20th, 1780, on the 
Climate and Weather of America is by no means 
complimentary. Thoroughly imbued with for- 
eign prejudice, the Doctor says that if " America 
should ever have a Thomson (thus far she has not 
produced even a tolerable poet), I cannot imagine 
which season of the year he would find it worth 
his while to celebrate." — benighted Teuton ' 

GAS FROM 1656 TO 1684, by Rev. Charles 
Hawley, D. D. Bvo, pp. 42. Auburn, N. 
Y., 1876. 

A series of tracts or articles, the chief value 
of which consists in transcripts from the Rela- 
tions des Je'stcites, the earliest written record of 
events on the Cayuga soil by the first white men 
who visited it. The Cayugas were one of the 
five nations of the great Iroquois league. The 
pamphlet is a valuable contribution to this branch 
of our literature, which is more than usually at- 
tractive in that the history of the red man is the 
most romantic field of American historic inquiry. 

States, relating to Military Collective 
Biography, a paper read before the New York 
Genealogical and Biographical Society by R. 
S. Guernsey. 
A history of the attempts made prior to 1874 

to collect biographical details of military interest. 


OF Newport, delivered July 4, 1876, M'ith 
an Appendix, by William P. Sheffield, 
published by order of the City Council. 8vo, 
pp. 68 and pp. xv. Newport, 1876. 
An authorized account of the proceedings at 
the Opera House, in pursuance of the proclama- 
tion of the President of the United States, 25th 
May, 1876, inviting an assemblage of the people 
of every city and town in every State, and the 
delivery of an historical sketch of said city and 
town. The history of Newport is well known. 
No city in the country is richer in historic mem- 
ories. The sketch succinctly describes its rise 
and prosperity as one of the greatest commer- 
cial marts of the last century, its colonial life 
when it was the seat of fashion, the stirring 
events which occurred in its harbor during the 
revolution, and the visit of the French fleet un- 
der d'Estaing : and the appendix contains 
sketclies of Wager and Lillibridge, de Courcy, 
Coggeshall, Coddington, Wanton, and others, 
and of the families of Channing, Ellery and De- 
catur. The careful author states the curious fact 
fhr.t in 1774, when Newport was at the zenith of 
its commercial prosperity, there were 300 families 

of Jews residmg there, represented by men of great 
learning, intelligence and enterprise. The his- 
tory of this colony, now wholly extinct, should 
be written. 

land, by William P. Sheffield. 8vo, pp. 62. 
Newport, 1876. 

An account of this island from its discovery- 
by Verezzano, who gave it the name of Claudia, 
in 1524, and its second baptism in 1614 by Adri- 
an Block m his " Jaght," the first vessel built on 
Manhattan Island by the old Dutch navigator. 
Mr. Shefiield does not give the name of this first 
American yacht. It was the " Onrust " or Rest- 
less, 44>-2 ^^^t long, II feet wide, and 16 tons 
burthen. This sketch of the fog-bound island 
will find its way to the cabins of many a pleas- 
ure boat, and relieve the tedium of lazy an- 

rungen aus dem Pionier-Leben en Amer- 
IKA, Band 8, Heft 10. Redakteur : H. A. Ra- 
termann. 8vo. Cincinnati, Ohio, Jan., 1877. 
The German Pioneer — Remembrances of 
Pioneer Life of the Germans in America. 
This publication of the German Pioneer So- 
ciety occupies a high position in the German lit- 
erature of this country. It is devoted to bio- 
graphical notices of eminent Germans who have 
settled in this country, distinguished in the 
church, science, politics and commerce. 

of Sermons delivered in the Year 1876, 
by order of the General Synod of the Reform- 
ed (Dutch) Church in America. (A collection 
of pamphlets bound in one volume.) 8vo, Pub- 
lished by the Board of Publication of the Re- 
formed Church in America, 1877. 
A collection which will be read with universal 
interest, including, besides treatises of a purely 
theological character, a review of the relations of 
Religion to Civil Liberty by Rev. Dr. R. W. Clark, 
the Points of Similarity between the Struggle 
for Independence in Holland and America, by 
Rev. Dr. A. R. Thompson ; the Character and 
Development of Our (the R. D.) Church in the 
Colonial Period, by Rev. Dr. E. T. Corwin ; the 
Posture of its Ministers and People during the 
Revolution, by Rev. Dr. A. Todd ; the Hugue- 
not Element among the Dutch, by Rev. A. G. 
Vermilye. Of this latter article, originally an 
address before the New York Historical Society, 
a slight synopsis of which we gave in our Janu- 
ary number, we have already expressed our un 
qualified praise. The matter of the volume is too 
abundant and too solid for light review. 



from the Expulsion of the Mohegan Indians 
to the present Centennial Year of the Inde- 
pence of the United States of America, 1876, 
A. J. Weise, a. M. With Maps and Statis- 
tical Tables by A. G. Bardin, C. E. 8vo, 
pp. 400. William H. Young. Troy, N. Y., 

An exhaustive account of all the incidents, 
historical, biographical and industrial, in the his- 
tory of this enterprising cily, from the day in 
1659, when the pioneer settler, Jan Barentsen 
Wemp built the first log hut on the " Great 
Meadows," which, with the consent of the titu- 
lar owner, the first Patroon, he had purchased 
from the Mohawks, who hunted and trapped in 
the neighborhood, and often sought the friendly 
shelter of his rude roof. Unlike the ancient 
city, whose name it bears, Troy was never the 
scene of armed conflict, although the course of 
war run often by the little settlement, which in 
1789 assumed the ambitious title by which it is 
now known. The reader will find various de- 
tails of the Van der Heydens, the Lansinghs, 
the Tibbits, the Warrens, and others, who by 
their industry and sagacity have contributed to 
its prosperity. 

The illustrations are creditable, the tables full, 
and the index thorough. The style is unpreten- 
tious, and the matter excellent. In a word, a 
practical book. 

TORY OF Quebec, 1608-1876, in two parts, by 

J. M. Le MoINE. 8vo, pp. 466. AUGUSTIN 

CoTfe, Quebec, 1876. 

This volume will be found not only a valuable 
historical text book, of interest to the general 
reader, but an admirable companion and guide 
for the traveler in the romantic country where 
France and England contended for the mastery 
of a continent. Taking up the history of the 
([uaint old town, whose narrow streets and gable 
houses remind one of the old European cities, from 
the time when it was but a cluster of wigwams, 
styled StadaconShy its savage occupants. Monsieur 
le Moine leads us, with careful step and easy grace, 
through the hot turmoil of battle of which the 
rocky promontory and its frowning bastions were 
the repeated scene. Four times Quebec was 
besieged. In 1629 its founder, Champlain, 
struck the French flag to the English admiral, 
after a hopeless struggle, and took passage home 
in one of the English ships. In 1690 the city 
(which had been restored to Champlain in 1632) 
repulsed with success the attack of Sir William 
Phipps, with his thirteen hundred Boston militia, 
"a defeat sensibly felt by the people of New Eng- 

land;" in 1759 the battle on the plains of Abra- 
ham forever settled the fate of French coloniza- 
tion on this continent. The last was the unsuccess- 
ful attempt by the Americans to surprise Quebec 
in 1775, when the brave Montgomery fell. 
This the writer characterises as " a desperate at- 
tempt, suited to the temper of the fearless men 
engaged in it, the character of the times, and of 
the scenes which were about to be enacted on 
the American continent." The details of the 
action are related with spirit and fairness. As 
we have observed, the local sketches are of practi- 
cal value to the tourist. 

SHOCTON County (Ohio). A Complete Pan- 
orama of the County, from the time of the 
Earliest known Occupants of the Territory 
unto the Present Time, — 1764-1876 — by Will- 
iam E. Hunt. 8vo, pp. 264. Robert 
Clarke & Co., Cincinnati. 1876. 
It must not be supposed that collections of this 
character are necessarily dry reading. Though 
a large part of the volume is, of course, given 
up to the origin of the various institutions which 
have sprung up in the county of Coshocton (can the 
lover of Hiawatha believe that the original name 
of this tract was Tuscarawas) since it was incor- 
porated in 1802, yet there are many descriptions 
which will be read with pleasure. A chapter on 
the " Indian occupancy and early military ex- 
peditions " will repay perusal. When the first 
English-speaking white man entered the territory, 
the Delawares were already pushing out the Shaw- 
nees. In their turn, the Delawares were twice 
attacked by the white men — first in the campaign 
known as Boquet's Expedition in 1764 : second, in 
the Coshocton Campaign of 1780. In these days, 
when there is so little belief in the possibility of 
any good in Indian nature, it is pleasing to read of 
the loyalty with which the Delawares, though 
thrice urged by their savage neighbors, refused 
in 1777 to take up the hatchet against the Amer- 
icans — a diplomatic victory at the forks of the 
Muskingum, which the author claims to be one 
of the grandest of the Revolutionary War, The 
" fighting blood " of the county has its chapter, 
and here the curious will be glad to find an authen- 
tic report of Tom Corwin's famous description of 
that peculiar product of our civilization, " the 
Militia General." 

Schuylkill County, Penn., by George 
Chambers, Esq. Read at Union Hall, Potts- 
ville, July 4th, 1876. 8vo, pp. 19. Standard 
Publishing Company Print, 1876. 
Pottsville is npt a very large place, but it has 

its history, and deserves its place in history, and 



evidently intends to keep it. In the days of 
Brfddock, Scliuylkill county, whose fame now 
burns with perpetual fire, was not visible on the 
map of the Pennsylvania colony. In 1800 Isaac 
Thomas, Lewis Morris and Lewis Reese began 
a furnace and forge in this neighborhood, but it 
was not till John Pott erected the Old Greenwood 
Furnace and forge in 1807 that positive progress 
began about Pottsville. We shall not follow the 
annalist through the various branches of the Pott 
family, nor the wonderful development of the 
mdustries of the Schuylkill Valley. We advise 
our readers to go and see. 

SOURI, comprising its Early Record, and Civil, 
Political, and Military History, from the First 
Exploration to the Present time, &c., by 
Walker Bickford Davis and Daniel S. 
DuRRiE, A. M. (Sold by subscription). 8vo, 
pp. 639. A. S. Hall & Co., St. Louis ; Rob- 
ert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 1876. 
A solid and complete history of this great 
State, whose astonishing progress in popula- 
tion, wealth, and intelligence, since its admis- 
sion into the Union in 1820 are well known. 
In its pages will be found not only accounts of 
its topography and geology, and of the wonder- 
ful mineral deposits of iron, coal and lead, which 
are the base of its prosperity, but biographical 
sketches of the men who have led the State in 
her march of progress. The history is prefaced 
with a careful chapter on the Spanish and French 
discoveries of De Soto and La Salle, and the 
early occupation of the Valley of the Missis- 
sippi. Here is related how in 1764 Auguste 
Chouteau, the Lieutenant of Laclede, selected 
St. Louis as the site of the new French colony, 
to which the western region owes much of its 
enterprise and its civilization, and whose influ- 
ence is still enduring and beneficial. The estab- 
lishment of the Great Fur Company by John 
Jacob Astor in 1819, and the wealth which re- 
sulted from it, are noticed. The trade in peltry 
had been before the chief business of the inhab- 
itants, but under his skillful guidance developed 
into enormous proportions. 

^The later prosperity of Missouri, we of the East, 
who have watch ed her career, believe to have been 
greatly due to the admirable manner in which her 
finances have been managed in harmony with, if 
not under, the guidance of the best of our New 
York financiers ; and last, not least, to the de- 
cision of her people, in spite of bland persua- 
sion, or threats of force, — indeed, in the face of 
force itself, — to stand by the Union in the try- 
ing summer of 1 861. The book is illustrated 
with portraits, in which we find little to admire. 

BERLAND — Tenth Reunion, Philadelphia, 
1876. Published by order of the Society. 8vo, 
pp. 236. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 

An elegantly printed volume, from the press of 
publishers who not only do well all that falls to 
them to do, but who are known through the 
country as most generous contributors to the 
shelves of historical libraries. In addition to 
the proceedings, wherein will be found addresses 
by Generals Sherman, Sheridan, Schofield, Hart- 
ranft, and others, there are memorial notices of 
the illustrious dead of this gallant army. It is 
illustrated with a beautifully executed portrait of 
Maj. General David S. Stanley, and a colored 
picture of the badge of the Society. 

RAL and General-at-Sea ; Great-Captain- 
Commander in the Fleet. A Memoir. By P. 
S. P. Conner, Member of the Council of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Large 
paper 8vo, pp. 70. J. B. Lippincott & Co., 
Philadelphia, 18 76. 

This volume, with its broad margins, its daz- 
zling paper, its well-spaced lines, clear, fresh 
type, and its ornaments of old style capitals, and 
graceful head and tail pieces, will captivate the 
eye of every disciple of Dibdin. The memoir 
is divided into eighteen chapters, in which all 
that is known of the valiant Admiral, the father 
of the founder of Pennsylvania, is gathered and 
recited in agreeable style. The titles of the 
chapters will give as good an idea of this mono- 
graph as our limited space will allow. They 
are : i. The Penns of Penn ; 2. The Penns of 
Penn Lodge ; 3. The Young Admiral ; 4 The 
Key of the Shannon ; 5. William the Avenger ; 
6. Sinbad the Sailor ; 7. The Battle of the Flag; 
8. The Capture of Jamaica ; 9. The Great Cap- 
tain-Commander. — Admiral Penn died on the 16 
September, 1760. 

GRAPHICAL, ON the Laws of New PIamp- 
shire. By Albert H. Hoyt. 8vo, pp. 19. 
Press of Charles Hamilton, Worcester, Mass., 

The opening paragraph explains the purpose 
of this work to be to show how greatly the his- 
tory of the origin and development of the Laws 
of the Granite State will repay investigation, and 
to point the path which the student may most 
profitably pursue. It is a valuable contribution 
to legal bibliography. 




American Independence at the Academy 

OF Music, New York, July 4, 1876, Hon. 

John A. Dix, presiding, with the Oration and 

other Exercises. 8vo, pp. 82. Anson D. F. 

Randolph & Co. New York, 1876. 

A superbly printed pamphlet. The oration, 

the subject of which is announced in a second 

title as " The Declaration of Independence and 

the effects of it," by the Rev. Dr. Richard S. 

Storrs, is one of the most brilliant of the many 

fine addresses of the past year. 

A fac-simile of the Ode delivered by Bayard 
Taylor at Philadelphia, reproduced by helio- 
type process, and published in elegant large 
quarto form by James R. Osgood & Co., 

Russell Lowell. Small 4to, pp. 91. James 
R. Osgood & Co. Boston, 1877. 
This elegantly printed little volume contains 
the three centennial odes of this favorite poet — 
Ode read at Concord, April ig, 1875 ; Under 
the old elm (Cambridge) ; An ode for the Fourth 
of July, 1876. They need no comment or com- 

• A Political Allegory by Francis Hop- 
kinson. Member of the Continental Congress, 
with an Introduction and Historical Notes, by 
Benson J. Lossing. Second edition. i2mo, 
pp. 76. A. D. F. Randolph, New York, 1864. 

Although printed long since, this edition of 
"The Pretty Story," originally printed in Phila- 
delphia by John Dunlap in 1774, is again "fresh 
and green " in this Centennial period. 

Literature, Science, Art and Politics. 
(Vol. VII., No. 81.) September, 1876. Pub- 
lished for the Penn Monthly Association, by 
J. H. CoATES & Co. Philadelphia. 
Besides numerous miscellaneous articles on 
matters of general interest, European as well as 
American, the student of our history will find an 
interesting article, by Prof. Andrew Ten Brook, — 
" One Hundred Years of the North West." 

ICAL Society of Montana, with its Transac- 
tions, Act of Incorporation, Constitution, Of- 
ficers, and Members. Vol. i. 8vo, pp. 357. 
Rocky Mountain Publishing Co. 1876. 
We gladly welcome this first historic venture 
from the mountain region of the Columbia and 
the Missouri. After a slight account of the So- 
ciety, which was incorporated by the Assembly 
in 1865, the volume is made up of biographical 
sketches of some of the earlier pioneers to the 
Montana territory, a parallelogram which liei 
between the two lines of early travel across the 
continent. To the northward was the route of 
the Canadian fur traders from Montreal, by the 
Saskatchewan river, and across the Rocky Moun- 
tains to the Columbia. Later the St. Louis and 
New York trappers passed up the Platte and 
through the South Pass, and by the Lewis Fork 
of the Columbia to Astoria. There are interest- 
ing recitals of the Yellowstone Expedition of 
1863 from the journal of Captain James Stuart, 
and of 1874 by A. M. Quivey, a description of 
the upper Missouri River, from a reconnoissance 
made in i8i2,by T. P. Roberts, and sundry geo- 
logical notes by O. C. Mortson. 

Perhaps there is no region of country in the 
world which, from its remarkable geological 
structure, its wealth of mineral deposite, and its 
unexplored field of archaelogic remains, is so 
attractive as the slopes of the Rocky Mountains, 
on either side of the great Continental Divide. 
We are not surprised at the energy and enthu- 
siasm which the Montana Society displays, and 
we look for later publications as interesting as 
the pages of romance. 

ABLE Record in the Past, with a Glance 
at Her Opportunities in the Future. 
A Centennial Discourse delivered before the 
Association of the Alumni, December 2ist, 
1876, by the Hon. John Jay. 8vo, pp. 48. 
Published by the Alumni Association. New- 
York, 1876. 

This pamphlet, which presents in a well ar- 
ranged and simple form the outline history of 
this ancient seat of learning, from the date of its 
first charter as King's College in 1754, will 
prove an attractive volume to our New York cit- 
izens, many of the most eminent of whom re- 
ceived their training within its halls. The ma- 
terial development of the college is carefully re- 
viewed. The rapid and extraordinary rise in 
the real estate value of city property has placed 
this institution on a footing of peculiar advan- 
tage, and entire independence. Mr. Jay points 
out the manner in which the influence of Co- 
lumbia may be best exerted. 





ciON Primariae Secundaria. Vol. III. May, 
1875 to April, 1876. The Popular Educator, 
a Periodical devoted to the Diffusion of Pri- 
mary and Secondary Instruction. Published 
under the authority of Sr. Don Manuel Par- 
do, President of the Republic of Peru. Edit- 
ed by N. Ponce de Leon. New York, 1876. 
We pass for once beyond the limitations of our 
historical notices, to commend to our Spanish- 
reading friends this excellent periodical, which 
is recognized as the serious organ of our South 
American neighbors. We commend it to support. 

LAND Historical and Geneo logical Reg- 
ister, 1847-1876, being the Report of the 
Committee on Publication, submitted at 
the Annual Meeting of the New Eng- 
land Historic Genealogic Society, Jan. 
5, 1876. Revised and enlarged. 8vo, 12 pp. 
David Clapp & Sons, Boston, 1876. 
In our January number we gave full credit to 
the industry of this Society and our opinion of 
the value of its labors in the cognate fields of his- 
tory and biography. A perusal of this work 
shows that our commendations were in no man- 
ner excessive. 

PERS, Volume II., July to December, 1876. 
Rev. William Jones, D. D., Secretary. 8vo, 
pp. 466. Richmond, Va., 1876. 
The object of this society is to preserve the 
records of the late war, and of the accomplished 
editor to make " its papers invaluable to every 
one who desires to know or to circulate the truth 
concerning our great struggle." It is, we believe, 
indispensable to true astronomic observations to 
examine the positions of stars from different 
points, that the errors of refraction may be cor- 
rected. The thought is not new with us that 
events appear differently when viewed from dif- 
ferent positions ; hence we gladly note the dis- 
position of our Southern friends to put their ma- 
terial on record. The papers in the volume be- 
fore us are purely military reports, diaries and 
correspondence, with occasional reviews by com- 
petent hands. They will no doubt be the sub- 
ject of discussion in military quarters. 

In a paper on the "Relative vStrength of the 
Armies of Generals Lee and Grant," General 
Early compares the entire relative forces of the 
South and North as Southern opposed to 
2,653,553 United States troops, and hence ac- 

counts for the defeat of the Confederacy. This 
was as apparent in i860 as in 1865, and the only 
M'onder is the South did not see it. 

At the close of the volume is " a Roster of 
General Officers, Heads of Departments, Sena- 
tors, Representatives, Military Organizations &c., 
in the Confederate service" — a pamphlet of 31 

(read before the American Philosophical So- 
ciety, Philadelphia, November 12, 1876), by 
Albert S. Gatschet. 8vo, pp. 10. 
This tract from the Proceedings of the Society 
is another of the contributions of a careful 
linguist and philologist to this always interesting 
subject, the Indian languages. The tribe of the 
Tonkawas are more than classical in their ac- 
count of their origin — their national legend rep- 
resenting them as the offspring of the wolf. The 
author announces that this article merely con- 
tains the result of a closer investigation, hitherto 
unpublished, of the Tonkawa words and sentences 
included in the volume published at Weimar. 


Dialects spoken in Southern California, 
Nevada, and on the lower Colorado 
River, &c., and based upon Vocabularies col- 
lected by the expeditions for Geographical 
Surveys west of the looth Meridian, Lieut. 
George M. Wheeler, Corps of Engineers, U. 
S. A., in charge, by Alb. S. Gatschet, be- 
ing extract from Appendix J, J. of the An- 
nual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 
1876. Pamphlet, 8vo. Government Printing 
Office. Washington, 1876. 
A linguistic report upon the Indian languages, 
vocabularies and sentences which were collected 
by members of the survey in 1875. It contains 
comments on the idioms of the Santa Barbara, 
Shoshonee and Yuma Stocks. The author as- 
serts that the commonly admitted affinity be- 
tween the Yuma and Pima dialects does not 
exist at all, and looks upon the Yuma stock of 
aborigines as thoroughly independent in race and 
in speech. 

ER Hill, with a View of Charlestown in 1775, 
Page's Plan of the Action, Romane's Exact 
View of the Battle, and other illustrations, 
by Richard Frothingham. i6mo, pp. 136. 
Little, Brown & Co. 1875. 
A faithful and interesting account by a careful 

student. The illustrations i\xq fac similes of the 





ICAN Wars of Louis XIV., by Francis 
Parkman, Little, Brown & Co., Boston 

We have been favored with extracts from the 
Preface and some of the proof sheets of this 
work. Mr. Parkman wears worthily the gay and 
graceful mantle of Prescott, and the announce- 
ment of a further voUime from the pen which 
first attracted attention in the recital of his o\f n 
experience in the West, in " The Oregon Trail," 
and has since with increasing power and grace of 
style recited in the " History of the Conspir- 
acy of Pontiac," the "Pioneers of France in 
the New World" and the ' ' Old Regime in Canada" 
the ever interesting narrative of French Col- 
onization in this country. In the words of the 
gifted author of the forthcoming volume, "the 
events recounted group themselves in the main 
about a single figure, that of Count Frontenac, 
the most remarkable man who ever represented 
the crown of France in America. From 
strangely unpromising beginnings, he grew with 
every emergency and i-ose equal to every crisis. 
His whole career was one of conflict, sometimes 
petty and personal, sometimes of momentous 
consequence, including the question of national 
ascendency on this Continent. Now that this 
question is set forever at rest, it is hard to con- 
ceive the anxiety which it awakened in our fore- 
fathers. But for one deep rooted error of French 
policy, the future of the English-speaking races 
on this continent would have been more than 
jeapordized. Under the rule of Frontenac oc- 
curred the first serious collision of the rival 
powers and the opening of the grand scheme of 
military occupation, by which France strove to 
envelope and hold in check the industrial popu- 
lations of the English colonies. It was he that 
made that scheme possible. In the old Regime 
in Canada, I tried to show from what inherent 
causes this wilderness empire of the great 
monarch fell at last before a foe superior indeed 
in numbers, but void of all the forces that 
belong to a system of civil and military cen- 
tralization. The present volume will show 
h«w valiantly and for a time how success- 
fully, New France battled against a fate her own 
organic fault made inevitable. Her history is a 
great and significant drama, enacted among un- 
tamed forests, with a distant gleam of courtly 
splendor and the regal pomp of Versailles." 

The proof sheets before us treat of matter of 
esi>ecial interest to the New York student, and 
tell of the unsuccessful efforts of La Barre to 
intimidate the hardy Iroquois, and the humiliat- 
ing end of the French expedition of 1684. 

We eagerly await Mr. Parkman's reasons for 
believing that French domination on this conti- 
nent was ever even possible. The great stra- 

tegic laws which govern military campaigns are 
equally true of movements of hostile coloniza- 
tion. The French held the extreme jioints of 
the coast and an extended circumference line, the 
English the centre and the sea. The result was 

the County of Culpeper, St.\te of Vir- 
ginia, with notes of old Churches and 


Manners and Customs of the Olden 
Time. By Rev. P. Slaughter, D. D. 
The reverend gentleman gives notice of a 
publication of rare interest if the execution 
equal, as we doubt not it will, the promise of 
the prospectus. The realization of the announce- 
ment is conditioned on the receipt of the names of 
500 subscribers, at about $I. We trust that this 
new enterprise of our Southern friend may meet 
a hearty response from all sections of the coun- 
try. The address of Dr. Slaughter is Mitchell's 
Station, Culpeper County, Va. 

ITS First Settlement in 1770 to 187$, by 
Joseph Williamson. 

This volume of 750 pages octavo, with numer- 
ous illustrations, portraits, autographs, maps, 
plans, &c., will be shortly issued by Loring, 
Short & Harmon, Portland. 

War in the United States, by Rev. Asa 
Mahan. Publishers, A. S. Barnes & Co., 
New York. 

ERAL States of the Union, and of the 
United States, presenting a Comparative 
View of these Documents as they existed be- 
fore the late Civil War had wrought any 
Changes in them. 

by Lucius R. Paige, in 8vo, by Hurd & 
Houghton, New York. 

BEC. An account of the Hardship and Suffer- 
ings of the Band of Heroes who accompanied 
Arnold through the Wilderness of Maine and 
Canada in the Autumn of 1775, &c., by Jons 
Joseph Henry, one of the soldiers in the ex- 
pedition. i2mo. Joel Munsell, Albany. 

OBmTARY z — ^ - -• ~- ~ ■ r desnoyed O^ 




Vol 1 APRIL 1877 ^'0 4 



THE battle of Lexington had been fought, and the news of it, 
swiftly penetrating to the remotest comers of the North Ameri- 
can colonies, reached in due season the httle Tillage of Machias, 
which, situated on the sea coast of Massachussetts. in a sparsely settled 
district bordering on the loyal province of New Brunswick, and at no 
great distance from Halifax, Nova Scotia, the rendezvous of the British 
fleet, was peculiarly exposed, in case of a rupture with the mother 
country, to invasion from within and bombardment from without : yet, 
true to the doctrines imbibed with their mothers' milk, the people here, 
as in the rest of New England, allowed no ignoble thought of danger 
to deaden their mental and moral j^erceptions where a great princqile 
was involved. Massachusetts believed that ** resistance to expression 
was service to God," and little Machias, with her eighty able4xxiied 
men, was resolved to stand by Massachusetts. 

So a hberty-pole was erected on the village common, around which, 
each afternoon, as the labors of the day ended, were to be seen all the 
elders of the place — male and female — eagerly discussing " the situa- 
tion." Outside of this charmed circle, and at a respectful distance from 
it — for Young America had not then come to the front — clustered the 
young men and maidens : and a httle apart was a troop of boys, ready 
to throw up their hats and fill the air with their noisy hurrahs, whenever 
the uplifted baton of Deacon Libbee, standing near the hberty pole, gave 
the welcome signal that hurrahimg was admissible- 
It was on a warm sunshiny day of June that, just as the people 
were crowding as usual to the Common, two sloops, well known in 
Machias, the Lenity and the Polly, hove in view, convoyed by the armed 
schooner Margaretta, carrying four light guns and fourteen swivels, a 
crew of forty men, and commanded bv a voungster named Moore, a mid- 


shipman in the British Navy, and a nephew of Admiral Graves, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the British naval forces in Massachusetts waters. 
The advent of the merchant craft diffused universal joy throughout 
the village, where supplies of all kinds, even the necessaries of life, were 
well-nigh exhausted ; but Benjamin Foster, the patriarch of the settle- 
ment, who had smelt powder at Louisburg, and been many times under 
fire with Abercrombie, shook his head distrustfully as he looked at the 
Margaretta. " Ichabod Jones" said he, in a low voice, as if commun- 
ing with himself, '^ would not require such company if his mission were 
a lawful one. He will bear looking after." 

It was not long after this before the three vessels were at anchor in 
the harbor, and Ichabod Jones, a Boston merchant of some substance, 
who owned the sloops, and had been for several years trading with the 
Colony, came ashore, accompanied by the master of the Polly and a 
number of the crew. As soon as he landed, Jones took the arm of his 
nephew, Stephen Jones, a captain of militia, and afterward, under the 
republic. Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, who had been 
waiting on the beach to receive him, and after saluting Foster and some 
others of the principal men, proceeded with him to his house, a small 
frame dwelling, since much enlarged, which is still standing in Machias, 
at the foot of Centre street. As the two walked away Foster noted that 
Stephen, with a look of anxiety and concern on his face, was listening 
attentively to every word that fell from the lips of his uncle, who, with 
his mouth close to Stephen's ear, as if he were afraid lest what he was 
saying should be overheard by some passer by, was talking to him in the 
most earnest and impressive manner. 

" Stephen is as true as steel," again muttered the old man, " but I dis- 
trust Ichabod ; he has too much reverence entirely for the powers that 
be, and the tyrants across the water. He shall not hoodwink me." 

While Foster was soliloquizing thus, Captain Horton, of the Polly, 
was busily engaged in exchanging news with his old acquaintances, and 
delivering the letters with which he was charged by the Bostonians 
to their friends and relatives in Machias, so that before long the full 
certainty of that which before had reached them in but vague rumors 
became known to the villagers ; and as returning to their homes at night- 
fall and gathering around their hearth-stones, husbands narrated to wives, 
wives to their children, how Joseph Harrington was murdered at Lex- 
ington, how Isaac Davis and Abner Hosmer fell at the bridge of Con- 
cord, and how, in all, forty-nine Americans had been slain, for no offence 
save resistance to aggression, which, regarded by despots as a crime, is 


avirtuc among- a free people, a feeling of hatred to George the Third, 
hs tyrannical ministry and hireling soldiery took possession of their 
heasts. such as a few months before, not one of them would have be- 
ieved could ever have found a lodgment there. 

This, then, was the temper of the people when, on the next day (June 
;d) a circular was sent to them from Ichabod Jones informing them that 
Admiral Graves had permitted him to bring provisions to Machias, un- 
iler the express condition that he should return to Boston with a load of 
lumber, and requiring them to sign an obligation not to prevent his do- 
ing so, before he would consent to land his cargo. This the majority 
refused to do, and at Jones' request, a meeting of the citizens was called 
(or June 6th, at which time the matter was fully discussed and considered, 
and '' a vote (not unanimous) obtained to permit the vessels to load and 
sjail ; " whereupon Jones began to open his hatches and retail his goods to 
his old customers. It is said, though, that the Boston merchant ** favored 
those only who had favored him," and would give credit to no man who 
h ad voted against him at the meeting, thereby creating a feeling of resent- 
n.ient against him, in the minds of those who were prejudiced by his un- 
\i;ise and unjust discrimination ; however this may be, it seems quite cer- 
tain that he would have been permitted to take on board the lumber and 
k^ave the harbor unmolested, but for the indiscreet conduct of Captain 
Moore, " who just then learning what the liberty pole signified, ordered 
it? to be taken down, under the threat of firing upon the town." Then the 
pent up fury of the inhabitants burst forth in earnest, and animated by 
a single impulse, they rushed to the Common and rallied around the 
pole, as if they felt that with it would stand or fall that right to self-gov- 
eij-nment, assured to them by their colonial charter, which they prized 
more highly than life itself. When the people were all gathered together, 
Benjamin Foster, as might have been surmised, was the first to address 
them, which he did in a few pithy sentences — for he seems to have been 
a frugal man, sparing even of his words — reminding them of what had 
happened near Boston, and calling upon them to resist the arbitrary 
md unwarrantable demand of the " British stripling," under penalty of 
i»eing stigmatized by their fellow citizens of every other town of the 
jrovince as " cowards unworthy the name of freemen." As he concluded 
this philippic, David Gardner, a stalwart, fine looking man in Quaker 
garb, called out: " Thee must not forget, Benjamin that if we refuse to 
comply with the demand, the King's ship will fire upon the place, and 
Our wives and children may be killed before our eyes ! Are we pre- 
pared for this ? " Now David Gardner was a man of peace, but there 


was no braver man nor purer patriot in all Massachusetts (as Foste 
well knew) than he ; so the patriarch artfully gave an Irish reply to hi; 
query by asking: "Will you, then, David, help me to cut it down? " 
The Quaker made no response to this very direct question for per- 
haps a minute, while his whole frame seemed to dilate and his bosom 
heaved convulsively. Then, as if no longer able to master his emotion, 
he cried out, as he turned on his heel and started homeward : " Thee 
may do the dirty work thee self if it pleases thee, friend Foster; I'll see 
thee damned, though, before / lend thee a helping hand ! " " God bless 
you, David Gardner, for your brave words," exclaimed Deacon Libbe.e 
from his post of honor, as, raising his heavy walking stick above his 
head, and handling it, in the excitement of the moment, as if it were sini-i 
ply a hazel switch, he described such magic circles with it in the air that) 
it seemed, according to the testimony of an eye witness, " just like a 
revolving wheel." " God bless you, David Gardner, and give you lengf! 
of days in the land ! " " Hurrah ! Hurrah ! ! Hurrah ! ! ! " shouted thv' 
boys. '' Since David Gardner, the Quaker, will not cut the pole down to i- 
us," said Foster, in quiet, measured tones, as soon as order was restored', 
*' I invite any one else among you who would like the job to make a bic 1 
for it." 

But Sam Hill, a brawny lumberman, with an arm like a bar of iron, 
and a fist like a sledge hammer, now came to the front, and swore, ds Inb 
had sworn some years before about certain persons who wished '* to 
stake MarsJi off into lots," that he'd '' be squashed but he would knock 
down the first fellow that entered upon any such business ; " and as thertb 
was that in his eye which showed him to be in downright earnest '* in hi^; 
hard swearing and knock-down arguments," there was no one whcj) 
seemed inclined to accept the patriarch's'kind and considerate invitationi. 
Ichabod Jones, it is true, endeavored to harangue the people, but 
each and every time that he opened his lips, the deacon's uplifted canc^ 
put the boys in an uproar, so that his voice was drowned amid their 
vociferous clamor, until at length he gave up the vain attempt, a.'id 
retired in confusion. Then, by a unanimous vote, it was resolved thjl 
the liberty pole should stand '' until it rotted away," and the peoph 
returned to their homes. 

But at a *' quilting " that evening the matter was still further can 
vassed, all the females present expressing their approval of what had 
been done, and even the minister's wife, who was '*a meek looking, miid- 
eyed little woman," declaring she would rather be burned at a stake 
than see the people humbled before that " snip of a boy." She also 


expressed herself in a very energ-etic way about Mr. Ichabod Jones, 
whom she characterized as a mean-spirited tool of the British authori- 
ties ; but of this, it may be said, not a particle of evidence has been 
adduced, his conduct, both before and after the 6th of June, being only 
such as prudence would have dictated to a thrifty merchant whose prop- 
erty was at stake, and who believed, as he, like many others very prob- 
ably did, that the difficulties with the home government would be settled 
without further bloodshed, provided the counsels of the moderate men 
on both sides were but listened to and heeded. And besides, to tell the 
honest truth, the minister's wife entertained an unwarrantable prejudice 
against Mr. Jones, on account of his having once sold to her husband, 
who was color-blind^ a piece of scarlet cloth when the reverend gentle- 
man proposed treating himself to a new garment, which she could never 
be made to believe was not a piece of trickery on the part of the trader ; 
but the fact is, the worthy parson was alone to blame for the mistake: 
for, going on board the Unity, and laying violent hands on a piece 
of cloth, which he found to be of the finest texture, and imagined to 
be black, he asked for the number of yards he required, without saying 
to what use he intended putting it. So, of course, it was cut off and 
handed to him, and he started home to exhibit his purchase to his better- 
half. He was brought to a *' realizing sense " of the situation, however, 
when Martha informed him that a scarlet coat would suit one of the Pope's 
cardinals better than an orthodox clergyman, <ind '* a sadder, though a wiser 
man," he hurried back to the Unity, and returned the cloth to its former 

Leaving Mrs Lyon, however, and her stor}^, which during her stay 
upon earth she no doubt narrated her own zvay, many scores of times, to 
a sympathizing audience, it becomes our duty to look up Mr. Jones, 
who, after he understood '' the turn things were taking," betook himself 
to the Margaretta, and communicated to Captain Moore what he had 
seen and heard. The youthful Briton waxed wrathful indeed at the 
recital, and threatened " to open upon the town without delay;" but the 
more prudent merchant counselled forbearance, recalling to the young- 
ster's mind a conversation his uncle had with him just before he sailed 
from Boston, in which he had especially enjoined upon him to act with 
great circumspection in his intercourse with the colonists, and while 
affording full protection to the sloops, to be careful not to give offense 
where it could be avoided. '' That's all very true, Mr. Jones," said the 
perplexed Captain, '' but I declared I would fire upon Machias unless the 
pole were cut down, and if I recede from my position now, my men will 


lose all respect for me. What would you advise? " " My advice would 
be to hold on awhile," was the reply ; '' for I have persuaded some of the 
citizens to call another meeting for the 14th instant, and you can tell your 
crew you have postponed action until then." This temporizing policy 
was readily accepted by Moore, who felt that he had already gone too far, 
and Jones " went ashore and began bargaining as usual with the town peo- 
ple," fondly hoping that before the 14th some expedient might be hit up- 
on to relieve both the English and Americans from their awkward dilemma. 
And in this he was not far out in his reckoning, though the relief was 
not such as he could have desired, nor apphed in a manner altogether 
agreeable to him ; for on that very night Foster rode to all the neigh- 
boring settlements, and communicating only with the boldest spirits, re- 
quested them to meet him secretly on Sunday morning, the nth instant, 
in a thick wood at a little distance from Machias, " on the road leading 
to the Port." Accordingly, when Sunday morning came, a large party 
met at the rendezvous, and Foster made a direct proposition to them to 
seize the Margaretta and take the ofihcers and men prisoners, saying 
that war having been inaugurated by the mother country with the. first 
drop of American blood shed at Lexington, the sooner they took a hand 
in it the better. Finding, however, that some of his hearers were inclined 
to demur to such prompt action, he put a stop to all debate on the subject 
— Pizarro like — by stepping across a small brook that ran at his feet and 
crying out ; *' Let all who are willing to strike for Freedom fallow me ! 
Those who are in favor of British tyranny, and think it right to send lum- 
ber to Boston wherewith to build barracks for our oppressors, may stay 
where they are ! " As there was no resisting this appeal, '' a large major- 
ity followed him at once, and the minority falling in, a unanimous declar- 
ation of war was agreed upon." This being the first instance of ''polling 
the housey' says Mr. John Talbot, ''in Machias parliamentary proceed- 
ings." Close at Foster's heels, as he crossed the Rubicon, were the O'Briens, 
six strapping fellows, sons of Morris O'Brien, ''an Irishman born on the 
historic Lee, the birthplace of many a rebel, whose grandfather had fol- 
lowed the banner of Sarsfield." Morris was a sturdy patriot, who hated 
everything English, the church not excepted, since, although he was not 
a Roman Catholic, he was an ardent Dissenter ; and he had taken care 
to instill his principles and prejudices into the minds of his boys, at all 
times and in all places, as he taught them to spell and to read, to handle 
the plow, the pitchfork and the rifle, to raft timber and to sail a boat; 
and the result of the old man's training was made manifest in the conduct 
of his sons on this and many subsequent occasions. 


As there were but. two officers belonging to the Margaretta — Moore 
and another midshipman named Stillingfieet — both of whom it was well 
known would be at church that morning, the plan agreed upon was to 
surround the meeting-house about the middle of Divine Service, and to 
take them prisoners, after which it was supposed there would be no diffi- 
culty in getting possession of the Margaretta. A part of the com- 
pan3% therefore, remained with Foster to do this at the proper juncture, 
and the rest dispersed, attending church as worshippers, though perhaps 
giving less heed than usual to the services." John O'Brien, the third 
son of Morris, after hiding his gun in a convenient place, walked boldly 
into the tabernacle, and took a seat on a bench behind Moore, in readi- 
ness to seize him so soon as Foster should announce by a shrill whistle 
that his men were in position outside. 

The day was an exceedingly warm one, and all the windows in the 
little sanctuary, which was only twenty-five by forty feet, and crowded 
to suffocation, were thrown wide open to admit the southed}^ air. On 
the inner ledge of one of these was seated the colored servant of Mr. 
Lyon, a thick-lipped, wooly-headed fellow, of the true African stripe, 
named London Atus. During the singing of the opening hymn Atus 
remained quite erect, but at the conclusion of the first prayer, the heat 
of the parson's exhortations, and of the weather combined, proved too 
much for him, and his head gradually inclined from the perpendicular 
until his chin touched his breast ; then he sunk into a doze, regained his 
consciousness for a moment, and looked with great gravity toward the 
minister; again relapsed, and again recovered himself, and finally fell 
fast asleep. He had not slept long, when he was awakened by the sten- 
torian tones of the parson, giving out the first verse of the seventieth 
psalm of the old EngHsh prayer book (for, while rejecting other parts 
of the book, Mr. Lyon, it is said, clung fondly to the grand old Psalms) 

" O Lord, to my relief draw near, 
For never was more pressing need : 
For my deliv'rance Lord appear, 
And add to that deliverance speed." 

Now the aptness of the sacred melody to the events transpiring around 
*:hem, added to the fact that on this occasion Mr. Lyon repeated the 
whole of the first verse instead of the first line of it, as was his wont, 
always led his congregation to believe that he was cognizant of Foster's 
schemes from the first ; and as he not many months later addressed a 
most sensible and patriotic letter to General Washington, offenng to 
lead an expedition into Nova Scotia, "because the reduction of that 


place lay near his heart on account of his many suffering friends there," 
it seems quite likely they were right in their belief, as they most assur- 
edly were in applying to him the sobriquet of " the fighting parson." 

We have said that the African was aroused by the voice of the 
preacher, but must qualify our statement with the remark, that he 
was not thoroughly aroused until the whole congregation began singing. 
Then Atus straightened himself up, and averting his face from his mas- 
ter's gaze, which he fancied was fixed reprovingly upon him (for '' con- 
science makes cowards of us all "), he chanced to espy Foster and his 
band, with their muskets over their shoulders, " crossing a foot-bridge 
which led from Dublin Mill Island to Single Mill Island." Imagining 
that the '' Britishers," of whom he had recently heard so much, were 
marching upon Machias, London, with one leap, was out of the window, 
and making tracks for the woods, crying out lustily as he went : " Lord-a- 
massy ! Lord-a-massy ! " Mr. Jones, suspecting that something was 
wrong, and deeming it best ^' not to stand upon the order of his going, 
but to go at once," immediately followed suit, and being a good runner, 
reached the woods a little ahead of Atus, where he remained secreted, 
it is said, several days, while the English officers, also taking their leap 
from the window; repaired, on the full run, to White's Point, where the 
schooner's gig was waiting for them, and pulling directly on board, 
" weighed anchor, and dropped down below the narrows, whence Moore 
sent word to the inhabitants that if they molested Jones or his sloops in 
any way, he would return and fire upon the town." His message was 
treated with shouts of derision by the citizens ; and Foster and Jeremiah 
O'Brien, the eldest of the brothers, "seeing that the thing was out and 
that the whole district was with them," now set about making preparations 
in downright earnest to take the Margaretta, vi et armis. 

And first it was determined to throw crews on board Jones' sloops, 
and proceed to attack at once ; for Foster was a devout man, who be- 
lieved himself to be engaged in the Lord's business on that still Sabbath 
day ; " but the Polly, from some unexplained cause, not being avail- 
able for such service, Foster turned the Unity over to O'Brien, and 
hastened himself to the East village to get a schooner there, called the 
Falmouth Packet, and a volunteer crew to engage in the enterprise ; 
the agreement being that the two vessels should join company early the 
next morning at the '' Rim." 

Before leaving Machias, the patriarch, who seems to have had an eye 
to everything, dispatched '* a swift messenger " to Jonesboro to beg of 
its inhabitants all the powder and ball they could spare ; but this modern 


Hermes, whose name, fortunately for his descendants, has not Come down 
to us, proved recreant to his trust, since, although he made good time to 
Jonesboro, he refused to return with the ammunition to the old soldier 
(who he perhaps feared might oblige him to make trial of a portion of it 
himself), " pretending to be weary and foot-sore ; " so as all the men of 
the place were either in or on their way to Machias, two patriotic young 
women, Mrs. Hannah Weston and her sister-in-law, Rebecca, *' volunteer- 
ed to carry the load themselves," and although their only path through 
the trackless forest was indicated " by nothing but a line of blazed trees," 
they would doubtless have set off with it that very night, had they been 
fully aware of the plans of the devout man and his confederates ; but not 
deeming matters so urgent, they deferred their departure until the fol- 
lowing day, when, bright and early, they trudged forth, carrying between 
them about forty pounds of powder and ball. They emerged from the 
woods and first struck the river, "■ a little below the falls of Whitney- 
ville," when Rebecca's strength ^* failing somewhat," they seated them- 
selves on a log to rest. They had not been seated long, however, Avhen 
the booming of a distant gun, followed by several discharges of mus- 
ketry, in rapid succession, brought them to their feet. "■ Rebecca," cried 
Mrs. Weston, '' I do believe our boys are attacking the Margaretta!" 
" May God lead them to victory then ! " answered Rebecca; and with- 
out further words, these noble and high spirited women seized their re- 
linquished burdens and hurried with renewed ardor, though with falter- 
ing steps, toward their destination. 

At Machias that morning O'Brien and his brave comrades com- 
menced, at early daylight, on board the Unity, then lying at Scott's 
wharf, to make ready for the fray. The sloop's cargo having been landed 
the previous evening and her sails bent, there remained nothing for them 
now to do but to get provisions and arms ; '' so with one impulse they col- 
lected and put on board twenty fowling pieces, with three rounds of powder 
and ball, thirteen ha}^ forks, a number of axes, a small bag of bread, a few 
pieces of pork and a barrel of water ; " the last thing they did being to 
mount an old wall piece that they had found somewhere in the village, 
'' on the bitts of the windlass," with \n\\\c\\ formidable battery they declared 
themselves ready about sunrise to go in pursuit of the Margaretta, 
whose Captain, *' observing with his spy glass what was going on aboard 
the sloop," had got his vessel under weigh an hour before, so that she 
was now out of sight down the river. 

The crew of the Unity consisted of from thirty-five to forty ath- 
letic young men, and on the wharf was assembled every other living 
soul in Machias, from the minister down to London Atus ; prominent 


among whom, " the central figure of the group," to use the language of 
the newspaper correspondents, stood our friend, David Gardner, in his 
broad-brimmed hat and shad-bellied coat. '' Friend Jeremiah," said he, 
approaching the end of the wharf, and in a low voice accosting him 
whom he recognized as the master spirit of the occasion, '' let me whis- 
per a word in thy ear. For a helmsman of steady nerve, I can recom- 
mend to thee Steele, of Pleasant River, whom I see forward leaning 
against the bowsprit, and if thee intends to board the Margaretta, 
thee must remember not to strike her amidships, unless thou art minded 
to do her an injury; for verily that schooner is weak in the waist, and 
the Unity with her solid bow would be apt to crush her." 

While the Quaker was yet speaking, the lines were cast off, and the 
great mainsail and jib hoisted, and without chart, pilot, or captain, amid 
the tears of women, the cheers of men, and the best wishes of all, the 
good sloop Unity left the western Palos, and steered for the open 
sea — the pioneer vessel of the New World on the unknown, untried 
voyage of Liberty. 

As they sailed down the river, it seemed to strike the young men 
simultaneously that they were without an acknowledged leader, and so 
they proceeded to hold an election forthwith — Jeremiah O'Brien being 
chosen captain, and Edmund Stevens, of Addison Settlement, lieutenant, 
on the first ballot, and without a dissenting voice. 

Just as this ceremony was concluded, news was brought to them by 
a man in a little fishing skiff, that the Falmouth packet was hard and 
fast aground, and could not be got afloat before mid-day. But the blood 
of the young men was now up, and they swore loudly they '* could take 
the Englishman without her ; " and giving three rousing cheers, they dis- 
patched the boat back to Foster with the news of their spirited deter- 

The Margaretta meanwhile, before a fair north-westerly breeze, 
had been making the best of her way toward the ocean, until abreast of 
High Point, '' when some person fired at her from the bank," causing 
the man at the tiller to shift his helm so suddenly, in order to shoot over 
to the other shore, as to bring the wind on the schooner's port quarter ; 
whereupon the main-boom, not being properly guyed, jibed with great 
violence, and '' snapped short off a few feet from the crutch." 

In this disabled condition Moore ran into Holmes's Bay, and '* swap- 
ped booms with the sloop lying there in charge of Captain Robert 
Avery, whom he pressed on board his vessel as pilot," and as soon as his 
new spar was in place, he again crowded all sail on the Margaretta, 
" this time heading for Boston." 


As he got clear of the bay, however, he beheld to his chagrin the 
Unity steering after him, and not more than a mile away, and from 
the number of men on her deck, he felt sure that her object was to attack 
him ; yet remembering the admonition of the Admiral (made known to 
us by Mr. Ichabod Jones in his conversation with Moore relative to 
the liberty pole), he resolved to avoid hostilities if possible ; and as the 
breeze just then freshened and hauled a point forward of the beam, he 
felt somewhat encouraged, since he knew by experience that on a wind, 
and with a little sea on, he " had the legs " of his pursuer. 

So, in his anxiety to carry out his instructions, the unfortunate young 
man kept steadily on his course, when his only wise plan would have 
been to '' bring by " at once, or go on the other tack (according as the 
wind held), and open with his full battery upon the Unity, which 
must then have been whipped, and fallen into his hands beyond all 
doubt ; whereas, within small arm range, the advantage was entirely 
with his adversaries, since, although they had but twenty fowling pieces 
on board, they had been trained from infancy to their use ; while of the 
British seamen of a much later period, it was commonly remarked by 
the Americans, that they scarcely knew one end of a musket from the 
other. Besides, it is very doubtful whether the men of the Margaretta 
were armed with anything better than the old fashioned horse-pistol, the 
boarding-pike and the cutlass ; for it must be borne in mind that to ves- 
sels of her class no marines were assigned. Thus we see that the defeat 
of the British in this case was owing entirely to the fact of their com- 
manding officer being too strict a constructionist, than whom, in time of 
danger, a captain regardless of all authority but his own, is to be pre- 
ferred, be he the commander of a little schooner of war or of the great 
ship of State. 

The wind was exceedingly fitful ; now freshening to half a gale, now 
dying away to a moderate breeze, and veering and hauling four or five 
points. So it continued for three hours, during which the Unity 
alternately dropped farther astern of, or gained upon, the chase ; but 
about noon it fell almost calm for a few minutes, when a light, steady 
air came up from W. N. W., and it soon became evident to all that the 
sloop was steadily gaining. 

Moore now wet his sails down fore and aft, and in order to lighten 
his vessel, cut away his boats ; but all was of no avail, and he finally 
gave the order with great reluctance "to pipe to quarters," determined 
to resist to the last extremity, when successful resistance was no longer 


For the Unity, " as steady as a church," with Steele of Pleasant 
River at -the helm, was but a few hundred yards away, and coming 
up, hand over hand. Her men, who had at first been drawn up *' in 
ranks across the deck, from the windlass aft," at the instigation of some 
fellow, doubtless, who having served in the militia, had an eye for mili- 
tary display, were now, under Stevens' direction, judiciously seeking such 
cover as could be found. Thus one of them was kneeling behind the 
water-cask, anothing lying flat on the deck, behind a well filled bread- 
bag, three or four in rear of the windlass bitts, &c,, but all having their 
weapons in their hands, and ready to spring to their feet at the word of 

'' Keep as close as you can, boys ! " said Stevens, who was himself 
standing as upright as a drum-major. " We shall hear from the Britisher 
presently ! " Scarcely had the last word fallen from the speaker's lips 
when there came a hail from the Margaretta — ''Sloop ahoy ! keep off or 
ril fire into you ! " 

'' Fire and be damned ! " was the response, followed instantly by the 
discharge of the Englishman's stern swivels, whereby a man named Mc- 
Neil was killed outright, and James Colbrooth mortally wounded. 

Nothing daunted, the crew of the Unity returned the fire with their 
small arms, firing two volleys in rapid succession, which drew upon them 
a second discharge from the swivels, whose balls this time, however, 
whistled harmlessly in the air ; yet as the ammunition of the Americans 
was nearly exhausted, the fight Avas rather in favor of, than against, the 
Margaretta, when Jonathan Knight, stepping up to the wall-piece and 
squinting along it for a second " blazed away" at the helmsman with such 
certain aim as to send a ball straight through his head, so that the schooner, 
no longer under the control of her rudder, broached to directly under 
the fore foot of the Unity, whose heavy jib-boom, passing through her 
mainsail, held her fast. 

Then, high above the crash of the colliding vessels, was heard O'Brien's 
voice, *' To your feet lads ! The schooner is ours ! Follow me ! Board ! " 

And in an instant the Americans — some with fowling pieces, which 
they discharged at close quarters as they went over the Englishman's 
side, some with pitchforks, the rest with axes — had gained the Marga- 
retta's deck, and were engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict with her offi- 
cers and crew, who fought with great gallantry until their Captain fell, 
mortally wounded to the deck, when losing all hope they ran below. 

Captain O'Brien now hauled down the ensign with his own hands, 
while Joseph Wheaton lowered the pennant ; and the Margaretta being no 
longer under English colors, the victory of the Americans was complete. 


Of the British besides the Captain, five were killed or mortally wound- 
ed and ten disabled, while of the Americans, the only men slain were the 
two named ; Isaac Taft and James Cole were laid up some time under 
the care of a surgeon, and John Berry, who afterwards lived at Had- 
ley's Lake, received a pension of eight dollars a month during his life ; 
" a ball having entered his mouth and come out behind his ear." 

The most melancholy part of the affair, perhaps, was the death of 
Captain Avery, who while unwillingly acting as Pilot of the Margaretta 
was killed by a ball from the fowling piece of one of his own friends. 

*' As soon as order was restored," says Wheaton in a letter written 
to Gibson O'Brien many years after the battle, " I remember that we re- 
covered the Margaretta's boats, and then made all sail before a south- 
erly breeze, which had just sprung up, for Scott's wharf, where we 
arrived before sunset." 

The greeting which the heroes received on their landing was enthu- 
siastic in the extreme ; but the public admiration seems to have been 
about equally divided between them and the women of '' stout hearts 
and willing hands," who reached Machias at the same time with their 
forty pounds of powder and ball, '' to whom the Committee of Corres- 
pondence and safety which had been appointed, made a present of twelve 
yards of camlet, each, as a testimony of the appreciation in which the 
people held their services." 

Amid the rejoicing on this occasion, the wounded were not neglected, 
and Captain Moore was carried to the house of Steven Jones, where he 
was '' tenderly cared for." He died, however, on the following day, 
much to the regret of the townspeople, who could not but feel that he 
had fled from the place, not through a want of courage, but from a desire 
to avoid bloodshed, and that when t/iat was no longer possible, he had 
fallen as became a British officer, with his wounds in front and his drawn 
sword in hand. 

Such were the incidents attending the capture of the Margaretta, 
which Cooper, in his History of the Navy of the United States, appro- 
priately calls '' the Lexington of the Seas, since like that celebrated land 
conflict," he remarks, '' it was a rising of the people against a regular 
force, was characterized by a long chase, a bloody struggle and a triumph. 
It was also the first blow struck on the water, after the war of the Amer- 
ican Revolution had actually commenced." 



MARCH 22, 1621-22 

In the year 161 8 the treasury of the London Company was, in the 
language of its presiding officer '' utterly exhaust," and a number of mer- 
chants and gentlemen were encouraged to send out colonists at their own 
expense. Among the first settlements made by private enterprise was 
Martin's Hundred, seven miles above Jamestown, on the north side of 
the river, and Southampton Hundred, extending from the mouth of the 
Chicahominy to Wayonoke,' within the county of Charles City. 

In 1619 Sir William Throckmorton,'^ whose sister was the wife of Sir 
Thomas Dale,^ late Governor of Virginia, Richard Berkeley, George 
Thorpe of Wanswell, John Smith of Nibley, all of Gloucestershire, and 
Captain John Woodliffe* formed a partnership to establish a plan- 
tation in Virginia. The interest of Throckmorton was soon assigned to 
William Tracy, and Captain Woodliffe was made Agent, who^ was suc- 
ceeded by Thorpe and Tracy. 

It is worthy of note, that on February 2d, 1619-20, O. S., at a meeting 
of the London Company at the mansion of Sir Edwin Sandys, near 
Aldersgate, that gentleman alluded to four patents that had been granted 
to private adventurers, "and noAV lying all engrossed before them." 

The third was to William Tracy, Esquire, and his associates, for the 
transportation of five hundred people, and the fourth to John Peirce' and 
his associates, their heirs and assigns. It was under the Peirce patent 

^ Governor Yeardley in November, 1618, received the grant of Weynoak, and a parcel of land 
adjoining called Kouwan, part upon a creek called Mapscock, and from the head thereof, to the 
head of Queen's Creek, within the territory of Charles City. 

2 Sir William Throckmorton on May iith, 1620, at a meeting of the London Company stated 
that one of the Indian maids Sir Thomas Dale brought from Virginia, and vi'ho had lived as a ser- 
vant girl with a mercer in Cheapside, was now at the house of the Puritan divine, Mr. Gouge, of 
Black Friars', sick with consumption. The Company agreed to give twenty shillings a week for two 
months towards her support, and Throckmorton promised to give forty shillings out of his own 
purse. The Rev. Mr. Gouge was the cousin of the Rev. Alexander Whitaker, the Virginia mis- 

^ Fanny way the name of Dale's second wife, and she was the cousin of his first wife. 

* Woodliffe received a patent for 600 acres with the territory of Wayonoke. 

^ The "May Flower" returned to England in May, 1621, and on the first of June, Peirce took 
out a new patent from the Northern Company. At a meeting of the Virginia Company of London, 
on the sixteenth of July, " it was moved, seeing that Mr. John Peirce had taken a patent of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, and therefore seated his company, within the limits of the Northern Plantations, 
as by some was supposed, whereby he seemed to relinquish the benefit of the patent he took of this 
Company, that therefore the said patent might be called in, unless it might appear he would begin 
to plant within the limits of the Southern Colony." 


that William Brewster and the Leyden colonists sailed, although they 
eventually landed at Plymouth Rock, beyond the limits of the Southern 
Colony of the Virginia Company. 

The Tracy Company hired a ship of a Mr. Williams, of Bristol, which 
sailed in March, 1620, with Tobias Felgate in charge as pilot, who had 
several times made a voyage as master or mate to Virginia. Among the 
passengers was George Thorpe, who had been a gentleman of the King's 
Privy Chamber, and for years an active member of the Virginia Company 
of London, as well as the Somers Island Company. 

He was appointed before sailing Deputy Governor of the College 
lands of the London Company, with a grant of 300 acres perpetually be- 
longing to that place, and ten tenants to be placed upon the lands, and 
on the 20th of May, 1620, he and William Tracy were designated as 
members of the Council in Virginia. 

Tracy did not, however, leave England until the eighteenth of the 
following September, when he sailed in a ship commanded by Captain 
Ewans. There is a letter preserved, written to John Smith of Nibley, 
dated December 19, 1620, from Southampton Hundred, in which Thorpe 
writes, " that the country is very healthy and that they have found a 
way to make a good drink from Indian corn, which he prefers to good 
English beer.'" Among those who settled with Thorpe and Tracy in 
the valley of the James River was Rev. Robert Pawlett, who came out 
in the threefold capacity of pastor, physician and surgeon, and was made 
one of the Councillors of the Colony. 

Thorpe, Richard Berkeley, and Smith of Nibley had been acquainted 
with the iron works of Gloucestershire. The same year that the patent 
for Southampton Hundred was taken, one was granted to a Mr. Barkley 
or Berkeley, who probably gave the name to Berkeley Hundred, above 
Westover. The London Company in 162 1 determined to establish 
iron works at Falling Creek, now Richmond, and in the ship George, 
which arrived in October, 162 1, at Jamestown, with Governor Wyatt 
and family, also arrived John Berkeley of Beverston Castle, Gloucester- 
shire, a man of an honorable family. The London Company in a letter 
to the Virginia authorities, wrote : " The advancement of the iron works 
we esteem to be most necessary, by perfecting whereof we esteem the 
plantation is gainer, we therefore require all possible assistance to be 

'Thorpe, also, on May 17th, 1621, wrote to the London Company: "No man can justly say 
that this country is not capable of all those good things that you in your wisdom, with great charge, 
have projected both for her wealth and honor, and also all other good things, that the most opulent 
parts of Christendom so afford, neither are we hopeless that this country may also yield things 
of better value, than any of these." 


given to Mr. Barkley now sent, and all furtherance to his ship, especially- 
good entertainment at their landing, that they may be well lodged and 

In the same letter, there is an allusion to George Thorpe's efforts to 
civihze the Indians in these words : '' We exceedingly approve the 
course in taking in of Indian families, as being a great means to reduce 
that nation to civility, and to the embracing of our Christian religion, 
the blessed end we have proposed to ourselves in this plantation, and 
we doubt not of your vigilancy that you be not thus entrapped, nor that 
the savage have by this means to surprise you. And to you, Mr. Thorpe, 
we will freely confess that both your letters and endeavors are most 
acceptible to us." 

Upon Governor Wyatt's arrival at Jamestown, with the advice and 
consent of the council, Capt. Thorpe was sent, with a message and pres- 
ent, to the Indian chief Apochankano, who agreed to continue his league 
with the English, and to send a guide to convey explorers to certain 
mines beyond the falls of the James river. He also willingly acknowl- 
edged that the religion of his tribe was not the right way, " desiring to 
be instructed in ours, and confessed that God loved us better, and that 
he thought the cause of his anger against them was their custom of 
making their children black-boys." 

As often since, these professions and confessions were a prelude to 
treachery and massacre. Berkeley, as overseer of the Iron Works at 
Falling Creek, was busy during the winter of 1621-2 in the erection of a 
furnace, and hoped to smelt iron early in the next summer. George 
Sandys the Poet, then Treasurer of Virginia, declared that Falling 
Creek was so fitted for iron manufacture " as if nature had applied 
herself to the wish and direction of the workmen ; where also were 
great stones, hardly seen elsewhere in Virginia, lying on the place 
as though they had been brought thither to advance the erection of 
these works." 

An awful Providence soon ended the labors of Berkeley and Thorpe 
for the welfare of Virginia. On Friday morning, March 22, 1621-22, O. S., 
the Indians, by arrangement, came unarmed to the houses of the colonists, 
and sate at the breakfast table with some, and then suddenly arose, and 
with such axes and tools as they could seize, barbarously murdered about 
three hundred and fifty of the population, sparing neither age nor sex ; 
and besides Master George Thorpe, writes a Secretary of the London 
Company, '' Master John Berkeley, Captain Nathaniel Powel (and his 
wife, daughter of Master William Tracy and great with child), and Cap- 


tain Maycock/ all g-entlemen of birth, virtue and industry, and of the 
Council there, suffered under this cruelty and treason." 

The Iron Works at Falling Creek, after the massacre was known at 
London, were entrusted to Maurice Berkeley by the Company, but in a 
few months he abandoned them, and early m 1623 returned to England, 
The Treasurer of the Colony, George Sandys, was charged with the 
care of the tenants on the College lands, and the Company in their 
directions write: '*As for the brick-makers, we desire that they may be 
held to their contract made with Mr. Thorpe, to the intent, that when 
opportunity shall be for the erecting of the fabric of the college, the 
materials be not wanting." 

The inventory of the goods and estate in value amounted to 1323I 
pounds tobacco weight. There is a letter extant dated August 14, 1634, 
from William, son and heir of Captain Thorpe, relative to some lands in 
Berkeley Town, probably Berkeley Hundred, known in the days of the 
Civil war as Harrison's Landing. In 1672 there was living at Wanswell, 
Berkeley Hundred, Gloucestershire, a William Thorpe, gentleman, who 
was without doubt the son of George Thorpe, formerly of the same 


' Maycock was a Cambridge scholar, and in March, 161 8, Governor Argall requested that he 
might be ordained as a clergyman. 



John Alsop, delegate from the Province of New York to the first and 
second Continental Congresses, was the elder son of John Alsop, of 
Newtown, Long Island, later of New Windsor and New York. His 
grandfather, Richard Alsop, ancestor of the American family of the 
name, emigrated from England to the New York Colony towards the 
close of the seventeenth century, and settled on the Maspeth Patent, 
Long Island. 

The precise date of the birth of John Alsop, the delegate, is not 
known, but it was not far distant from the year 1720. Although the son 
of a lawyer, he was brought up as a merchant, as was also his brother 
Richard, the latter in the counting house of Philip Livingston. In busi- 
ness for himself as early as 1753, at which time his name appears among 
those of ''the principal merchants of the City" of New York, he later 
engaged with his brother, under the firm name of John and Richard 
Alsop, in a general European trade, and the importation of dry goods. 
Their partnership was dissolved in 1757, Richard removing to Middle- 
town, Conn., and John continuing the business in New York in his own 
name. He soon reached the first rank among the merchants of the city, 
and accumulated a large estate. 

During the period which preceded and followed the passage and 
repeal of the Stamp Act, 1765 to 1770, he was active with his fellow 
merchants in measures of resistance to the oppressive laws of the Brit- 
ish Parhament, and in May, 1769, was chosen by the merchants of the 
city to read their address of acknowledgement to the Colonial Assem- 
bly for its resolution of thanks for their faithful observance of the non- 
importation agreements. He was then a member of the Chamber of 
Commerce of New York, of which he was one of the founders the year 

In 1770, the non-importation agreements being again continued, he 
was one of the Committee of Inspection charged with their enforcement. 
How thoroughly this voluntary agreement, entered into by the merchants 
and traders of the Colonies, was observed by those of the City of New 
York, is testified to by Mr. Bancroft. He states that '' Canada, Carolina 
and Georgia, and even Maryland and Virginia, had increased their 
importations, and New England and Pennsylvania had imported nearly 


one-half as much as usual. New York alone had been perfectly true to 
its engagements ; and its imports had fallen off more than five parts in 
six." Even Lord North in Parliament bore unwilling testimony to the 
strictness with which New York kept to its engagements. 

In May, 1774, the news of the passage of the bill closing the Port of 
Boston reaching New York, a Committee of Correspondence was raised, 
to concert measures of resistance. Of the tifty-one members, Mr. Alsop 
was the first named, and in the organization of the Committee was 
chosen Deputy Chairman. This was the famous Committee which 
declined any longer to be held by the non-importation agreements, which 
had been so irregularly observed, and to whose persistent determination 
the meeting of the first Continental Congress, first suggested by them 
to the Massachusetts Colony, was chiefly due. To this Congress New 
York City sent five delegates, all of whom received the unanimous vote 
of the freeholders ; among them John Alsop. He left New York for his 
post, with his fellow delegates, Thursday, the first of September, 1774, 
escorted, as the journals of the day report, " by a large body of the in- 
habitants with colours flying, music playing," and saluted by cannon from 
either side of the river, the citizens " dating the salvation of the Colo- 
nies from that hour, well knowing in whom they have placed the great- 
est confidence that ever men were entrusted with, each and every of 
them solemnly avowing they would support at the risk of everything 
sacred and dear such resolves as their delegates, in conjunction with 
those worthy Gentlemen of the other Colonies should think necessary 
to adopt for the good of the common cause." 

John Alsop took his seat in the Congress assembled at Philadelphia, 
on the 14th September, 1774, his associates having preceded him by some 
days. The proceedings of this, the first Continental Congress, were con- 
fined to a declaration of rights and grievances, to obtain security and 
redress, for which they prepared an Address to the People of Great 
Britain and Memorial to the inhabitants of British America, a Pe- 
tition to the King, and entered on behalf of the Colonies into a non 
importation, non-consumption and non-exportation agreement or associ- 
ation. To this association John Alsop, with his fellow delegates from 
New York, on the 24th October, 1774, affixed his name. The Congress, 
after recommending the. meeting of a second Congress at Philadelphia 
on the loth of May succeeding, dissolved itself on the 25th October, 
and the delegates returned to their homes. Among the recommenda- 
tions of Congress to the Colonies was the appointment in each of a 
Committee of Inspection, " to observe the conduct of all persons concern- 


ing the association," and secure its objects. These committees are indis- 
criminately known in history as Committees of Observation or Com- 
mittees of Inspection. 

On the 1 8th of November, 1774, a committee (of observation) of 
sixty was elected by the freeholders, of which Mr. Alsop was the fourth 
named, the report of whose proceedings shows a thorough attention 
to this laborious and disagreeable duty. 

The New York Colonial Assembly, under the influence of Lt. Govern- 
or Colden and the Royal patronage, having on the 23d February, 1775, 
refused to entertain a motion for the appointment of delegates to the 
General Congress, on the loth May the Committee of Observation called 
a meeting of the freeholders at the Exchange for the 6th of March, to 
elect deputies to a Provincial Convention for the sole purpose of appoint- 
ing such delegates. This Provincial Convention assembled at the Ex- 
change on the 20th April, and appointed the delegation ; and the follow- 
ing day agreed to a form of credentials, which authorized them '' to meet 
the Delegates from the other Colonies, and to concert and determine 
upon such measures as shall be judged most effectual for the preserva- 
tion and re-establishment of American rights and privileges, and for 
the restoration of harmonv between Great Britain and the Colonies." 

The delegation appointed was that of the preceding year, with the 
exception of Isaac Low, who declined to serve, whereupon Francis 
Lewis was appointed in his place. 

The Assembly of the New York Colony adjourned on the 25th 
March, and was never again convened. It had lost the sympathy, the 
respect, and the obedience of the peo{)le. When the news of the battle 
of Lexington reached the city, the people rose in mass, seized upon the 
public buildings, and overset the royal authority. At the call of the 
Committee of Observation, a Provincial Congress was elected, which 
met on the 22d May, and assumed the general direction of the affairs of 
the Colony. 

It will be observed that the Congressional delegation and the Pro- 
vincial Congress both sprang directly from the people, and were entirely 
independent bodies ; a novel position in the history of any of the colo- 
nies. It will be observed also that the Congressional delegation carried 
credentials specially defining their duties and powers. 

The Congress which met at Philadelphia in 1775 was the famous 
body which declared the Independence of the Colonies. John Alsop ap- 
pears to have concurred with his colleagues upon all matters concerning 
the national defense, and joined his name to the recommendations to the 


New York Provincial Cons^ress, with regard to Continental currency, 
the appointment of officers for the army, and other important subjects 
during the summer of that year. The diary of John Adams mentions 
him as one of the secret committee raised to contract for the importa- 
tion of gunpowder in September of the same year. 

When, on the 7th June, 1776, '' certain resolutions respecting inde- 
pendency." as the journal of Congress recites, were introduced, the New 
York delegation found itself in a peculiar situation. Their original 
instructions confined their action to measures effectual to restore '' har- 
mony between Great Britain and the Colonies." In their dilemma they 
applied for instructions to the Provincial Congress, but this body, on the 
other hand, did not feel themselves authorized to pass beyond the limits 
of their own warrant. Moreover, the Provincial Congress, foreseeing the 
need of an early decision of the question of independence, had ordered 
an election of a new Congress by the people, wit/i power to pledge the 
Colony to this solemn step. This election was ordered on the 31st May, 
and the 9th of July set as the day of assemblage. On the 19th of June 
the election was held, the new Provincial Congress appointed, an action 
which clearlv placed it out of the power of the delegates to cast the 
vote of the Colony for independence, or for the Provincial Congress, 
then sitting, to instruct them so to vote. The New York delegates 
were, therefore, excused from voting by the Continental Congress. The 
new Provincial Congress met at White Plains the 9th of July (the Citv 
of New York being menaced bv the large British fleet which entered 
the Bay at the close of June), and the letter of their delegates being 
read to them, announcing the Declaration of Independence, they de- 
clared New York free and independent, and pledged themselves to sup- 
port the other Colonies " with their lives and fortunes." This resolution 
was communicated directly to the President of Congress, and was read 
on the i6th July. Mr. Alsop seems to have been extremely hurt that 
this communication should not have passed through the hands of 
the delegates, and addressed a letter to the Provincial Congress, com- 
plaining of their action, and resigning his seat. This may have been 
the determining cause in his conduct. He states, however, in an open 
and manly way his dissatisfaction with the Act of Independence. Like 
Dickinson and Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, Read of Delaware, and, 
indeed, many others of the delegates, Alsop did not feel that the time 
had come when, to use his own words, " to close the door of reconcilia- 
tion with Great Britain." Alsop was alone of the New York delegates 
in opposition to the measure, and does not appear to have made very 
active resistance to what was clearlv the wish of his constituencv. 


John Alsop was by nature mild, averse to contest, John Adams gives 
a clue to his character, describing him in his Diary as " a soft sweet 
man;" and John Morris Scott thought him of ''good heart, but unequal 
to the trust of delegate in point of abilities." However this may be, he 
was a favorite choice of New York on all occasions of peril. From 
neither Adams nor Scott was an unprejudiced opinion to be expected. 
They were both Presbyterians, while Alsop was an ardent supporter of 
the Church of England. In all judgments of character, this disposing 
bias must not be forgotten. The knife of separation sundered no tie 
more tender than that between Church and State. 

Upon his resignation, Mr. Alsop withdrew to Middletown, where the 
family of his brother were settled, and there remained in quiet retire- 
ment until the close of the war. While he deprecated the formidable 
struggle, his heart was on the side of his countrymen. On the peace 
he returned to New York, and resuming business, he was, on the re-or- 
ganization of the Chamber of Commerce, under a new charter from the 
State of New York, by men of approved loyalty, their unanimous choice 
for President of this body, — a certain testimony to the esteem in which 
he was held by his fellows, and his undoubted fidelity and attachment to 
his native land. After a few years of business, and of underwriting, from 
which he reaped large profits, he gradually withdrew from active life,, 
and died on the 226. November, 1794, at an advanced age. 

By his wife, Mary Frogat, whom he married in 1766, and who died 
while still in youth in 1772, he left only one child, Mary, who in 1786 
became the wife of Hon. Rufus King, delegate from Massachusetts in 
the Federal Congress. 

The descendants of John Alsop are well known. Hon. John Alsop 
King was Governor of the State of New York; Hon. Charles King,. 
LL. D., the President of Columbia College ; Hon. James Gore King, 
member of the great banking house of Prime, Ward & King, and Rep- 
resentative for New Jersey in the 31st Congress. 

The descendants of Richard Alsop have sustained the name of the 
family. Richard, his son, was distinguished for literary culture ; his 
grandson, Richard, was the founder of the great house of Alsop & Chaun- 
cey, which, with its connections on the west coast of America, has 
carried the honored name to the four corners of the earth, and made 
it a familiar sound on the commercial marts of the Eastern and Western 


Note — A sketch prepared for the Congress of Authors, which met at Independence Hall^ 
Philadelphia, Saturday, July 2, 1876. 




BY i:. W. BALCH 

Part II 

{Copyright Reserved) 

Philadelphia, or the city of Brotherly 
Love, is situated on the eastern bank of 
the Delaware, five miles above the con- 
fluence of that river with the Schuylkill. 
It is the capitol of the province of 
Pennsylvania which now has about three 
hundred thousand inhabitants, of which 
a full fourth are Germans. The popu- 
lation of Philadelphia is estimated at 
thirty thousand souls, without counting 
the negroes of whom there are but few 
and almost all of those are free. 

Penn, the son of the admiral of that 
name who died at London whilst in 
prison for debt,* founded Philadelphia 
at the end of the last century. He laid 
it out upon a regular plan which he pre- 
tended was an exact copy of the famous 

According to his projected plan, the 
city was to extend one mile parallel to 
the Delaware and two miles perpendicu- 
lar to the course of the river, which 
made of Philadelphia a regular parallel- 
ogram divided into equal squares. Five 
large parks, called squares, of which 
the largest is in the centre and a 
wide quay all the length of the river, 
were intended to render this town both 
commodious and magnificent. But this 
charming plan was not altogether car- 
ried out. Each merchant used the lower 
floor of his house for merchandise, and 
constructed a sort of quay in front of 

his own ware house, so as to put his 
ships out of danger when the ice broke up, 
and this assemblage of irregular quays 
formed in front of the water-level a sort 
of street, unhealthy and wet and prop- 
erly called Water Street. 

In spite of this drawback, the city of 
Philadelphia is vast and its streets are 
laid out regularly. They are sixty feet 
wide, with excellent side walks for the 
people who go on foot, but there is no 
promenade nor public garden. 

The hospital, state-house, prison and 
some churches are the only remarkable 
buildings. Christ Church is perhaps the 
handsomest. It is not however decor- 
ated, either with pictures or gildings, 
but only with some pillars, an organ, 
and a great velvet curtain which covers 
the altar. 

There are at Philadelphia presbyte- 
rians, baptists, methodists, new-light be- 
lievers, quakers, catholics, all living to- 
gether with the greatest freedom of wor- 
ship and in the utmost possible har- 

The State-house, where Congress as- 
sembles, as does the council of Penn- 
sylvania and where also the courts of 
justice are held, is a building literally 
crushed by a huge massive tower, square 
and not very solid. 

Congress meets in a large room on 
the ground floor. The chamber is large 
and without any other ornament than a 
bad engraving of Montgomery, one of 
Washington and a copy of the Declara- 
tion of Independence. It is furnished 
with thirteen tables each covered with a 
green cloth. One of the principal rep- 
resentatives of each of the thirteen states 
sits during the session at one of these 



tables. The president of the Congress 
has his place in the middle of the hall, 
upon a sort of throne. The clerk is 
seated just below him. 

Each member of the assembly has 
the right of discussion or expressing his 
opinion verbally or by writing, and the 
majority of votes decides, for the pres- 
ident has no vote more than any other 

In a wing just by the hall of congress, 
is an apartment for the reception of In- 
dian deputations. The war department 
is also in that part of the building, and 
has a large room, where are kept w ith the 
greatest care and order, the flags and 
other trophies taken from the enemy. 
Just back of the state-house the prison 
is to be seen, which queerly enough is 
the only building which has any archi- 
tectural beauty, 

Philadelphia, situated at the extremity 
of a smiling and fertile plain, is not very 
striking when seen from a distance as the 
houses have but little elevation. 

The town is entirely unprotected on 
the land side. The Schuylkill which cov- 
ers it on one side is fordable in many 
places, and therefore no barrier to an 

The English were badly fortified dur- 
ing the winter of 1778. A long chain 
of redoubts formed their line towards 
the north and the south that is to say the 
Schuylkill side. Their flank was entire- 
ly without defense. It is true that they 
counted, and justly so, upon the superior 
numbers of their troops. 

Philadelphia is less attackable on the 
side of the Delaware. The navigation 
of this river is dangerous for vessels of 
heavy draft. Ships of fifty cannon can- 

not mount higher than the Horseshoe. 
Sloops and other light vessels can go ten 
leagues higher up; that is to say to 
Trenton, where a sort of quite rapid 
water-fall stops the tide. 

The Delaware would be easy to defend 
by constructing some forts on several 
little islands, which exist in the middle 
of the river. 

The wretched fort of Mud Island, 
which consisted merely of stockades, by 
which the channel was obstructed, suf- 
ficed in 1777 to stop for six weeks the 
squadron of Admiral Howe. Two ves- 
sels of this squadron, the August and the 
Merlin^ were blown up on the 2 2d of 
October by the fire from Mud Island 

Red Bank fort is on the eastern bank 
of the Delaware in the province of New 
Jersey, which is separated from Penn- 
sylvania by that river. This fort serves 
the same purpose as that at Mud Island. 
Both of them were evacuated by the 
Americans the sixteenth of October, and 
demolished by the English. 

Four miles above Philadelphia there 
is a town called Gloucester. It also 
affords an advantageous position for the 
defense of the Delaware. 

It results from these observations, 
whicli an intelligent and well instructed 
officer communicated to me upon the 
spot, that if Mud Island and the other 
points above indicated were properly 
fortified it would be impossible to attack 
Philadelphia by the river Delaware, but 
by landing upon the beach below Ches- 
ter, about 15 miles from the city, no other 
obstacle to a march upon it would be 
encountered except the Schuylkill, which 
is fordable in two places. These how- 



ever could be defended by earthworks. 
I found on my arrival at Philadelphia 
our charming minister, the Chevalier de 
la Luzerne. He gave me a chamber in 
his house. He showed his generosity 
towards me to the extent of lending 
me a shirt, the thing that I had been 
most in want of for the last six days. 
A capital table and his thoroughbred 
manners caused me to forget all my 

I began that same evening to go about 
a little. I saw with great pleasure the 
frigate La Gloire and all on board. I 
took possession of my servants and all 
my baggage, which I had looked upon for 
some time as lost ; in fact, this day was for 
me one of the most agreeable of my life. 

Mr. de la Luzerne conducted me to 
the house of Mrs. Morris to take tea. 
She was the wife of the Comptroller 
General of the United States. 

The house is simple but well furnish- 
ed and very neat. The doors and tables 
are of a superb mahogany and beauti- 
fully polished. The locks and hinges in 
brass were curiously bright. The por- 
celain cups were arranged with great 
precision. The mistress of the house 
had an agreeable expression and was 
dressed altogether in white ; in fact 
everything appeared charming to me. 

1 partook of most excellent tea and I 
should be even now still drinking it, I 
believe, if the Ambassador had not char- 
itably notified me at the twelfth cup, that 
I must put my spoon across it when I 
wished to finish with this sort of warm 
water. He said to me : it is almost as 
ill-bred to refuse a cup of tea when it is 
offered to you, as it would indiscreet 
for the mistress of the house to propose 

a fresh one, when the ceremony of the 
spoon has notified her that we no longer 
wish to partake of it. 

Mr. Morris is a stout man, who is con- 
sidered to be thoroughly honest and 
possessed of great intelligence. It is at 
least certain that he has the best of 
credit and has used it skillfully, as well 
as his own private means, for the service 
of the republic. Besides which, he has 
made a very great fortune, some mil- 
lions, since the revolution. 

Mr. Morris appears to have great tal- 
ent. He speaks well, at least as far as I 
could judge and his ample head seems, 
like that of Mr. Guilloume, as well form- 
ed as any other to govern an empire. 

Mr. Lincoln, the Secretary of War is 
also quite corpulent. He has given 
proofs of his courage, of his activity, of 
his zeal many times during the war and 
especially at the seige of Yorktown. 
His work is not immense and all import- 
ant points are decided by the Congress, 
but nevertheless Mr. Lincoln passes for 
being slow in making reports, and it 
seems to me as though they were already 
thinking of giving him a successor. 

Mr. Livingston, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, is quite as lank as the other two 
gentlemen above mentioned are rotund. 
He is thirty-five years of age, his face is 
very fine and it is generally conceded 
that he is a man of talent. His depart- 
ment will be more extensive and inter- 
esting as soon as peace arrives, when the 
United States will take rank in the world. 
But, as all important political decisions 
emanate always from Congress, the Minis- 
ter for Foreign Affairs will, like his col- 
leagues, remain rather a secondary agent, 
a sort of head clerk. 



The president of Congress is elected 
every year. The one for this year seems 
a sensible man but not very bright. 

On the whole, the unanimous opinion 
of all those people whose intelligence 
and whose knowledge of affairs are such 
as to inspire us with confidence, is that 
Congress is composed of very ordinary 
people, and the reasons they give for it 
may be thus stated; i, that in the com- 
.mencement of the revolution it was quite 
natural that the most active minds, the 
most energetic characters, the most elo- 
quent men were chosen as deputies to 
the general assembly, where they were 
the leaders and carried their proposi- 
tions by the superiority of their intelli- 
gence, and thus seemed to have exercised 
interference with the liberty of voting in 
Congress ; 2, that the clever people had 
discovered the secret of obtaining for 
themselves the most important offices, 
governments and positions, and therefore 
had deserted Congress. 

Since that time, it seems as if the 
State legislatures took good care to avoid 
sending as delegates to Congress the 
men most distinguished for their talents. 
They preferred rather good sense and 
sagacity, which in fact are found to be 
the best at the end of the year. 

One of the men, who appeared to me 
to possess the most spirit and nerve 
among those whom I met at Philadel- 
phia, was a Mr. Morris, generally called 
Governor. He is very well educated, 
speaks excellent French, is very sarcas- 
tic but generally liked. I fancy how- 
ever that his superiority, which he has 
taken no pains to conceal, will prevent 
his ever occupying an important place. 

The Philadelphia ladies, although hav- 

ing magnificent garments, are not gener- 
ally attired with taste. They have in 
their headdresses as well as in their heads 
less frivolity and attractiveness than our 
women. Although very well shaped, 
they lack grace and make very bad curt- 
sies. They do not excel in dancing 
but know how to make capital tea. 
They bring up their children with great 
care, and they pride themselves on a 
scrupulous fidelity towards their hus- 
bands. Many of them have a great deal 
of natural wit. Such at least is the 
sketch which was made to me, and which 
my own observation during my sojourn 
at Philadelphia appeared to confirm. 

Such are in short my observations con- 
cerning the City of Brotherly Love. 

The spirit which reigns there, thor- 
oughly republican, ought to maintain 
amongst the inhabitants the most perfect 
equality. Nevertheless vanity and self- 
love, those passions so natural to the hu- 
man soul, commence already to make 
themselves felt and although the words, 
distinction of class, are banished 
from there, the inhabitants, who can 
trace back their families to the founda- 
tion of the city, assume to themselves 
certain privileges, and this pretention is 
much more notable amongst those who 
join to the possession of this great ad- 
vantage the possession of great riches. 

The Chevalier de la Luzerne lives 
magnificently at Philadelphia, he is gen- 
erally liked and esteemed. His gentle- 
ness, his sagacity, and even his greet- 
ing, which is rather reserved, render him 
precisely fit to deal with a people natur- 
ally phlegmatic and very fond of money. 

Mr. Marbois, who has been here for 
some short time, consul and counsellor to 



the legation of Mr. de la Luzerne, is 
originally from Metz. He seems subtle 
is very skillful in business affairs, of a 
very reserved demeanor and with ap- 
parently very just ideas concerning the 
government, the character, the interest 
and the manner of treating with the 

I enjoyed myself greatly at Philadel- 
phia, but my duty called me elsewhere, for 
which reason, as soon as I could buy some 
good horses I asked leave of the Baron 
de Viomenil to rejoin the army, which 
was at that time camped at Crampond, 
about two days march beyond the river 

* By reference to the Life of Adfniral Sir 
IVil/iam Penn, London, 1833, ii, 560 et seq., it 
will be seen that the information received by our 
author was not correct. This gallant officer, who 
had been also General of the Fleet under Crom- 
well, and Navy Commissioner after the Restora- 
tion, died at his residence at Wansted, Septem- 
ber 16, 1670. For some time preceding his 
death, he had corresponded with his son and son- 
in-law about the purchase of another estate in 

T. B. 


MAY 15, 1786 TO JUNE 5, 1787 

Part n 
July 7 — Arrived at Limestone be- 
tween II and 12 o'clk ; 5 or 6 miles be- 
low is a large sand bar under N W shore 
— bare in low water only — and makes it 
very rapid ; — Some severe showers of 
rain this morning; to here we generally 
kept under S E shore ; staid at Lime- 
stone to cook provisions — Set off at 4 

o'clock; lay all night about i mile below 
the 3 islands, as these people call them, 
12 or 15 miles above Limestone. 

July 8 — As we lay at anchor in the 
middle of the river last night (and every 
night since we started) we heard some 
persons hallooing on shore; Suppose it 
to be Indians, as the people at Lime- 
stone, who have stockaded themselves 
in, told us there was a party some where 
about these islands. Started early ; very 
strong water; passed the Islands, as also 
another about 8 miles higher up; lay all 
night about 5 miles below the mouth of 

July 9 — Heard a gun fire close on 
shore last night and a good deal of hal- 
looing; passed Sciota a little before 7 
o'clk; about 10 miles above Sciota begins 
a short bend to the southward and had 
very strong water a great way, and a 
large bar from S E shore, not quite bare; 
halted about 11 o'clk, suppose 15 miles 
above Sciota, S E Shore, to cook pro- 
visions, where there was a number of very 
elegant springs close on the beach ; over- 
flows I imagine when the water is high 
but now they are very fine water. Staid 
2 hours, had strong water all the after- 
noon and a very long bend to the north- 
ward — lay all night near the upper end 
of it in strong water perhaps 8 miles 
above Hutchins Creek; 20 yds wide S E 
Shore; met 8 or 10 Kentucke Boats all 
together this afternoon going to Lime- 
stone — no news. 

July 10 — Very foggy morning; before 
we could make either shore found our- 
selves going down the river, soon found 
our mistake and kept under S E Shore 
all day. River rising fast up and strong 
water chief of the day; passed Sandy River 



which is beautiful and very large ; a large 
creek about 6 miles above it same side; 
lay all night about 2 miles above Guyan- 

July II — Clear morning, started 
early, river very high, a long round 
point under N W Shore 15 or 20 miles 
above Guyandot ; crossed over to it and 
gained considerable. N W Shore now, 
but to come up all the way to Great 

July 12 — Rained a good deal last 
night, stopped at Great Kenhawa in the 
rain about 9 o'clk to cook provisions ; 
set off again 5 o'clk P M. Lay all night 
about 8 miles above Kenhawa, and about 
2 miles above the uppermost of the 2 
Islands, River fell a great deal to day. 

July 13 — Set off early, passed a good 
deal of strong water; Met Capt Arm- 
strong in a barge going to Miami about 
II o'clock, 4 or 5 miles below the little 
falls; staid a good while with him ; The 
little falls, very strong water; S E shore 
best to come up but rocky; 2 Islands 
just at the head of little falls; passed 
a 3rd Island and lay all night 4 or 5 
miles above it ; pretty good water this 
afternoon except at the falls and Islands. 
There is no appearance of these falls in 
high water, but if the river is exceeding 
low, it is very dangerous on account of 
its being so very rocky and rapid. 

July 14 — Passed a good deal of strong 
water and an Island. The river narrow 
and rocky. N W Shore about Devils 
hole Creek ; Stopped at i o'clk to cook 
and staid till \ past 3 o'clk, passed the 
Scotch Settlement and lay all night at 
Flinn station, being the first night we lay 
on shore since we started. 

July 15 — Set off early; passed a good 

many Islands today, at all of which there 
is strong water. Arrived at Fort Har- 
mar, Muskingham, found the Garrison out 
of meat and had been so three or four 
days. The same troops in as when I 
went down. Building a large house in 
the West Bastion for Col Harmar who 
intends making this Head-Quarters. 

July 16 — Rested all day waiting for 
provisions — severe storm of thunder, 
lightning and rain about 2 o'clock. 
River rising all day. 

July 17 — No provisions come ; start- 
ed without anything but bread at 6 o'clk. 
Kept S E Shore ; 6 or 8 miles below 
long reach, is a very large Island close 
under S E Shore, only separated from the 
main by a narrow piece of water, like a 
Creek; this we took up — made at least 2 
miles as it cuts off a point — about \ way 
up it a large Creek empties into it, at least 
40 yds wide, called I hear since Middle 
Creek : lay all night about half way up 
the long reach, just above the 3rd Island. 

July 18 — Started at day light, past 
Fishing Creek 9 o'clk, where the people 
have put in Corn. Several improve- 
ments between that and Fish Creek and 
about the latter : one Island opposite 
the mouth of Fish Creek and another 
about 5 miles higher up, a little way 
above Grapevine Creek : lay all night 
at Grave Creek 12 miles from Wheeling 
where we were first enabled to purchase 
meat from the people, as there are some 
very good improvements about here; had 
not time to go and see the large Grave, 
but saw several old Breast works and they 
tell me it is very perceiveable, about the 
Grave, where the dirt has been taken 
from it to raise it up. 

July 19 — Arrived at Wheelin 9 o'clk. 



Stopped to purchase and cook provisions 
till 5 o'clk — went 8 miles up and lay 
ashore all night, where lives a Jersey 
Methodist, very religious — some showers 
of rain today. 

July 20 — Set off early : rained a good 
deal this morning. Stopped at Cox fort 
and breakfasted with Mr Crawford. Met 
Col Harmar, Maj Doughty and others in a 
boat going to Muskingham. Staid an 
hour with them; lay all night at Bakers 
station, one mile above Yellow Creek. 
There is one house situated on a most 
elegant bank which commands a beauti- 

July 21 — River rose 9 or 10 foot last 
night — water strong: was obliged to tow 
our boat up one or two ripples. Stopped 
opposite the mouth of little Beaver to see 
Capt Hutchins and the Surveyor who is 
here encamped intending soon to cross 
the river and begin the survey of the Con- 
tinental Land; 6 or 8 miles below Mcin- 
tosh met two boats with the Baggage of 3 
Companies who left Mcintosh this morn- 
ing for to encamp at Mingo Bottom. 
Arrived at Mcintosh 5 o'clk where was 
only Capt Ferguson's Company — there is 
3 Islands between Big and little Beaver 
and several more between that and Yel- 
low Creek and below the latter. 

July 22 — Lay here all day to draw 
and cook provisions. 

July 23 — Started 6 o'clk. Water not 
fell any; arrived at Pittsburgh 4 o'clk P 
M being 30 miles in 10 hours against 
strong water — indeed the tour from Mi- 
ami has been very short and agreeable, 
considering we had only 6 me^i who 
rowed constantly. 

July 26 — Within this day or two has 
come here a trading and on business 300 

Indians, men, women, and children, of 
the Sennecas, Wyandotts, Delawares, and 
Chippewas, the latter only a few chiefs 
who have come from Lake Superior on 
business. For a number of years there 
have not been so many Indians here at 
one time. 

July 29 — The chiefs of all the na- 
tions met in council near the fort when 
Major North, Inspector, and other offi- 
cers attended. The Chippewas spoke 
and gave several belts and things ; they 
expressed their friendship for us and 
said they were very poor indeed ; want- 
ed us to give them clothes, guns &c. 
The other nations spoke in turns and 
told us their friendship and wanted a 
little provisions to carry them home. 
Major North gave them all a little pro- 
visions and whiskey. 

July 29 — Captain Ashton answered the 
Chippewas and gave them several things 
but no clothes or arms; gave them a good 
deal of provisions to carry them home. 
These Chippewas are very good looking 
men and their chief speaks exceeding 
well in their own language. The Indi- 
ans all gone and going home. 

July 31 — Having com])leted my 
business in Pittsburgh, and Mr McDon- 
ald gone home on furlough, at 12 o'clock 
set off in my boat for Muskingham 
agreeable to Col Harmar's orders and 
in 3 hours and | arrived at Fort Mcin- 
tosh — the river by no means high. 

August I — Staid here all day wait- 
ing for letters &c from Capt Ferguson — 
Some Indians here called the Moravians 
going to Pittsburg to trade ; a number of 
these have long beards on their chins. 

August 2 — Started early, stopped op- 
posite the mouth of Little Beaver and 



breakfasted with the Surveyor who is 
waiting for troops. Arrived at Mingo 
Bottom 3 o'clk where were Capts Ham- 
tramcks', McCurdy's and Mercer's Com- 
panies encamped and had just been 
mustered and inspected by Maj North. 
Showers of rain to-day. The troops en- 
camped on the bank of the river oppo- 
site the lower end of a small Island. 

August 3 — Waiting for Maj North 
who is going with me to Muskingham — 
about 2 o'clk two detachments from 
Capt Mercer's Company, one commanded 
by Lt Kersey the other by Ens. Rigart 
marched to destroy some improvements 
on the River lo or 15 miles up Short 
Creek ; orders were issued for the other 
to march early tomorrow morning to 
join the surveyors and as soon as the 
two detachments return Capt Mercer 
joins them likewise. Major North and 
myself set off about 5 o'clk, went 3 
miles to Cox's fort where we staid all 

August 4 — Set off early. Stopped 
and Breakfasted with Mr Lane. Stop- 
ped at Grave Creek and went to see the 
large grave, as they call it, which is about 
I mile from the river in a level piece of 
wood and answers the description I gave 
it May 9th, except that I think it is 
about 70 feet high and perfectly regu- 
larly built, which I certainly think must 
be done by art and there is no place 
perceivable where such a quantity of 
earth would be taken from ; rather be- 
lieve it has been a place of defence, as 
there appears to be an old Breast work 
thrown up all around the out edge of the 
top which is I suppose 50 or 60 yards 
diameter. Got to Fishing Creek in the 
evening where we found Mr Brittons 

boat lying on their way up from Mus- 
kingham. Several of the Surveyors on 
board who had been down to see Fort 
Harmar. Staid and supped with them. 
About 9 o'clock shoved off our boat and 
let her float keeping one man up at the 
helm; found ourselves in the morning, 

August 5 — Almost at the lower end 
of Long reach ; suppose we floated about 
16 miles; arrived at Jort Harmar 12 o'clk 
where we found the Col and all well, 
and Mr. Denny had just arrived from 
Miami going to Pittsburgh and from 
there on Furlough; as I expect to re- 
main here some time, had my boat un- 

August 7 — Rec'd orders to go to 
Miami with Maj North and take charge 
of the two boats with the men belong- 
ing to Fort Finney. 

August 8 — The troops in the Gar- 
rison were inspected and mustered by 
Maj North. Capt Doughty's Compy 
made a very handsome appearance, also 
Capt Strong's — Capt Hart's Compy was 
very weak owing to a number of his 
men being sick at present. 

August 9 — Major North and myself 
set off with two Barges about 11 o'clk. 
Stopped at Flinns station a little while ; 
about 6 o'clk, about dark, passed Devil 
hole Creek and had a very severe storm 
of thunder, lightning and rain ; rowed 
till II o'clk then let our boats float; 
passed the little falls in the night, began 
to row again at day light and arrived at 
Great Kenhawa \ after 10 o'clk and 
staid till I P M. 

August 10 — Passed Guyandot at dark 
and floated all night ; in the morning, 

August 1 1 — Found ourselves a little 
below Sandy river, passed Sciota 12 oclk, 



and to 2 Islands at tlark, and got to 
Limestone at ir o'clk at night — where 
we halted and staid till morning. 

August 12 — Left Limestone about 
8 o'clk, passed Little Miami between 9 
and 10 o'clk at night; then floated; 
found ourselves in the morning, 

August 13 — about 10 miles from 
Fort Finney ; began to row about 5 o'clk 
and got to the fort between 7 and 8 
o'clk ; found only a Mr. Soveraign who 
informed us that Major [Finney] had 
evacuated the Post yesterday agreeable 
to Col Harmar's orders and had gone to 
the Rapids of Ohio taking with him all his 
boats, plank, clapboards &c but had 
not otherwise damaged the Fort. Our 
provision being entirely out, cooked 
part of a Deer which we happened to 
kill yesterday — which we ate without 
bread — set off between 9 and 10 o'clk 
for the rapids — wind high and ahead 
which made the river very rough — passed 
a large sand bar, bare, and a small Is- 
land a few miles below about 12 o'clk ; 
passed Big Bone Lick Creek about 2 o'clk 
and one or two sand bars a few miles 
below it. Went to sleep and let the 
boat float a little after dark — passed 
Great and Little Kentucke Rivers which 
come in from S F3 Shore near together 
about II o'clk. 

August 14 — Did not float far last 
night, as the river is very wide and 
nearly straight for about 30 miles, the 
water low and of course not rapid ; be- 
gan to row about day light, overtook 
Major Finney and the troops about 8 
o'clk in five Kentucke boats and eight 
Keel boats — halted 9 o'clk, drew pro- 
visions (which were very acceptable) 
and cooked it — Kept in company with 

the troops which went very slow, 
the water very dead — halted in the 
evening about 2 miles above the 18 mile 
Island from the rapids and lay all night. 
August 15 — The whole moved off 
at 6 o'clk, passed the Eighteen mile Is- 
land which is large and fine; 6 miles 
lower down is the Twelve mile Island 
much like the other, and six miles lower 
down is the Diamond or Six mile Is- 
land; all these are the distances from the 
Falls or Rapids. A little below the Six 
mile Island Louisville appears in view, 
pretty, as the river is straight and wide. 
We halted N W shore, 2 miles above 
the rapids, to look for encamping 
Ground and found a very good Second 
Bank about 90 yards from the river. 
The troops arrived about 12 o'clk and 
encamped on it ; the river opposite us is 
rather more than one mile across. The 
rapids seem to form a dam for 12 miles 
up, and indeed for 80 miles above them 
the water is very still and dead ; am in- 
formed the water is now as low as it 
generally is, and when it rises two feet 
where we now are, it is 6 or 8 feet higher 
below the rapids, owing to the contrac- 
tion of the river ; it appears a very level 
country about here, and for a great dis- 
tance up. In the afternoon went over 
to Louisville in the Barge, and when on 
the river could hear the noise of the 
rapids, but the suction does not extend 
above half a mile above the rapids or a 
mile at most, where the river can be 
crossed with safety any time ; found 
Louisville situate on a second bank very 
high; just at the head of the rapids; it 
consists of about 50 or 60 houses a good 
deal scattered, chiefly log, some frame. A 
good strong fort here during the war now 



going to decay. Found every body busy 
in preparing for Genl Clarke's expedition 
against the Indians, as they have been 
very troublesome to this country lately. 
This expedition is ordered by the Gov- 
ernment of Virginia, to consist of 1,500 
or 2,000 men, by drafts from the different 
counties this side of the mountains, and 
is to rendezvous here the loth of Sept, 
every part of Provisions, Horses &c. is 
impressed from the people for it, and the 
people takes it middling kindly. I imag- 
ine the expedition is chiefly designed 
against the Wabash Indians — but it is 
very uncertain how far Genl Clarke may 
extend it, as he has discretionary orders, 
and a perfect command of the country 
and every thing in it. Suppose they 
will return the latter end of October or 
beginning of November. 

August t6 — Genl Clarke paid us a 
visit in our camp (found him old way) ; 
seemed to insist for our going over the 
rapids and taking post at Clarksville on 
this side 4 miles below here, which Major 
Finney did not seem to approve of, 
however Gen Clarke, Maj Finney, Maj 
North Capt. Ziegler and myself got into 
a Barge with 6 good oars and a pilot to 
go over the fall, which at this stage of the 
water is very dangerous ; was obliged to 
keep near the N W shore, as the water 
is too low to go on the other side ; 
and by hard rowing, dashing and several 
times crossing the current, got safe over 
and landed at Clarksville just at the lower 
end of the rapids N W side on a pretty 
bank ; about 15 Log houses. From the 
beginning of the rapids to the lower end 
is about 2 miles and the whole fall Gen 
Clarke says is 28 feet ; in the present 
state of the water it is almost impossible 
for any loaded boat to pass them, but 

when the water is high it is not the least 
dangerous for any kind of a boat to pass. 
The river just in the rapids takes a turn 
to the Westward ; close under S E 
shore and just beginning the rapids is a 
small Island, they say never overflowed ; 
there are two rocky Islands about the 
middle of the river and middle of the 
falls, and towards the lower end, which 
is generally bare, great quantities of 
Geese sit on them— according to my idea 
the rapids and two villages lie in this 
manner. {Blank in ms.) 

The current seems to run in all direc- 
tions in the rapids, sometimes crossing 
from shore to shore, and a great many 
counter currents which runs up almost 
as rapid as the other part of the river 
runs down. Some very pretty cascades 
formed by the water just flowing over a 
rock 6 or 8 foot perpendicular, but when 
the water is high that does not appear. 
We returned by Land to camp and the 
men found great difficulty in dragging up 
the Boat again ; it took them better than 
a day. Major North and myself walked 
all along up shore and found a great 
many petrefactions such as Roots, shells, 
nuts, acorns &c. 

August 18 — Took a walk out about two 
miles in front of the Camp, found the Land 
rich and perfectly level; chiefly with 
Beach, Ash, and some Oak; about j\ 
miles from the river are several large 
ponds in Winter ; but now nearly dry, I 
hear of one which is never dry and con- 
tains a large quantity of excellent fish. 
No springs near our Camp nor running 
streams of water except the Ohio. Some 
good springs on this side near the Lower 
end of the Rapids — they generally have 
a peculiar disagreeable smell, but the 
water is cool and well tasted. 



August 21 — The troops were mustered 
and Inspected and made a very good ap- 
pearance considering their situation — 
Maj Finney has determined to remain 
this side of the rapids and build his fort, 
about three quarters of a mile above the 
rapids, on a pretty bank where there is 
a good landing for his Boats, and the Fort 
will not be above 90 yards from the mar- 
gin of the river. 

August 23 — The troops moved down 
to where they are going to build and be- 
gan clearing out a place for the fort — 
One of the greatest Freshets in the river 
that was ever known at this season of 
the year, occasioned I suppose by some 
heavy rains up. The rapids now very 
passable. A canoe, passing from our 
Camp to-day with one man in her to 
Louisville, got into the suck of the falls 
thro carelessness and when he found he 
could not recover himself he put her 
head straight down and went over them 
very safely — Major North and myself 
concluded to hire horses here and go by 
the way of Bardstown Danville & Lex- 
ington and meet our Boat at Limestone, 
a distance of about 180 milesby land, 250 
by water — Dined with Col Anderson 
to day at Louisville ; a very gentlemanly 
man I think, and saw several very clever 
people about here, a number of whom had 
been officers in the Continental Army — 

August 25 — Dined to day with Genl 
Clark in Louisville ; a number of gen- 
tleman at table; had a very elegant din- 
ner and was treated politely — After 
dinner walked to the dancing school 
kept here by a Mr Nickle where there 
were 12 or 15 young misses — Some of 
whom had made considerable improve- 
ment in that polite accomplishment and 
indeed were middling neatly dressed. 

considering the distance from where 
Luxuries are to be bought, or the ex- 
expence attending the purchase of them 
here. Beef and flour are cheap but 
all kinds of goods imported here sell at 
least 500 percent, advance on prime cost 
in Phil, or N York. For instance Spirits 
36/0 a Gallon Virginia currency ; a gal- 
lon of wine very bad at 40/0 per gallon 
&c &c I understand this Mr Nickle has 
several dancing schools in the country. 
I dont doubt in a little time this coun- 
try may excel in politeness some of our 
oldest settled Cities. A few days ago 
some negroes ran away from this place 
and suppose they had stole some horses 
within two or three miles of the town as 
they were missing the same evening. 
The people found where they had cross- 
ed the river to the Indian shore and im- 
mediately a party raised and went in 
pursuit of them; — they this day returned 
and report that they were six Indians 
and had with them five horses (the num- 
ber missing) and that they followed their 
trail upwards of 50 miles towards the 
Shawness town, and suppose them to be 
of that nation — but they went so fast 
they could not possibly be overtaken 
tho' every exertion was used. 

August 26 — Sent off our Boat this af- 
ternoon with our Baggage to meet us at 
Limestone as soon as possible. 

August 2^1 — Remained all day at Louis- 
ville being disappointed by Genl Clarke 
who promised to procure us horses; tryed 
thro the town ourselves, and found every 
person, almost, ready to impose upon 
us, knowing our necessity ; however Col 
Anderson, with his natural politeness 
and goodness, interfered as soon as he 
heard our situation and procured us two 
on reasonable terms. 



August 28 — Left Louisville about 6 
oclock in the morning in company with 
a Mr Hare a noisy Irishman who kept 
store at the Rapids. Breakfast 6 miles 
from town at Sullivans old station; — 
about one mile beyond this left the main 
Road and took a path to our left; crossed 
Floyds fork of Salt river and Salt river 
itself very little water in them ; got on 
the main Road about ij miles from 
Bardstown where we arrived 8 oclock in 
the evening, 40 miles from Louisville ; 
few inhabitants on the path we travelled, 
but hear there is a good many on the 
main Road, which is very passable for a 
waggon. On the main Road about 30 
miles from Louisville there is a salt 
spring called Bullets Lick where they 
boil a great deal of salt. About 60 Gal- 
lons of water will make a gallon of salt. 
This village is near Salt River towards 
its head and consists of 50 or 60 Log 
houses regularly laid out and pretty well 
built, the Capital of Nelson County, as 
Louisville is of Jefferson — 

August 29 — Left Bardstown early and 
crossed the Beach fork of Salt River. 
Breakfasted at Mr Parkers ; 7 miles — a 
very decent family — several handsome 
daughters; particularly one who wanted 
nothing but education to have shone in 
one of the most brilliant assemblies : 
Got a sort of a dinner at Mr Wilsons on 
the Beach fork, half way to Danville, 
found the houses very open, people very 
poor, lazy, and dirty ; nothing to eat or 
drink for ourselves and little for our 
horses, with no stables. Got ourselves 
a little dry and slept some on Benches 
Chairs &c — amongst numerous Bugs and 
Fleas. Here is a hole in the Earth which 
is a very good spring and the rock forms 

an arch 10 or 15 foot under ground which 
serves for a very fine Milk and Butter 
house. The water keeps on under ground 
for upwards of 100 yards and then emp- 
ties itself into Champlain fork. 

August 30 — Rained all night slowly; 
glad to get clear of the house as early 
as possible; got to Danville to Break- 
fast, this is 45 miles from Bardstown and 
lies near the waters of Dicks river which 
empties into Kentucke and also near the 
headwaters of a branch of Salt River. 
The Capital of Mercer County and 
where all public business of the county 
is done; it being the most central place — 
the town is new about 40 Log houses in 
it neatly built, and a frame Court House; 
appears to be some Genteel people here ; 
a pretty good tavern kept by Mr. Bar- 
ber; as we staid to dine I rode to see 
Mrs Shields 6 miles to the Eastward of 
this. She lives in a large neat log house 
beautifully situated on a branch of Dick's 
river with a fine farm and I believe a 
mill. Here Mr Hare staid and we got 
Mr Parker to accompany us to Lexing- 
ton — went 5 miles, crossed Dicks river 
which was very high ; had to swim our 
horses and cross it in a canoe ; yesterday 
Mr Parker crossed it and it was not over 
6 inches deep; got to Mr Grants five 
miles further and a private house, where 
we staid all night ; a very decent family 
with a well improved farm ; has a daugh- 
ter that is handsome, about 18 years old 
and has been in this country since 1779 
— very sociable and able to chat upon 
various subjects. 

August 31 — Paid our bill this morn- 
ing and set out; 5 miles from here 
crossed the Kentucke river and break- 
fasted ; this is a pretty large stream nav- 



igable, they say, a great distance above 
this, but I imagine only for Canoes, as 
we forded it and it was raised a little 
with the rain ; it seems to lie very low 
and most stupendous rocks bound it on 
each side as also does Dicks river ; a 
ferry kept here. Hickmans Creek 10 or 
12 miles above, where it receives Dicks 
jjver, went on and got to Lexington 3 
o'clock — this is 35 miles from Danville 
the largest of any of the villages in the 
settlement, and the oldest, I suppose 
there are 90 or 100 houses in it, all log 
but some neatly built. It lies upon the 
headwaters of the branches of the Ken- 
tucke and is a good deal scattered; a 
small brook runs thro the town which is 
supplied by a number of fine springs, 
which supply the town with water that 
is very good. Genl Wilkinson lives 
about 12 miles from here in the Coun- 
try ; had not time to visit him. Dined 
and rode on ; 5 miles from here passed 
Bryans Station which is 15 or 20 Log 
Cabins, very compact, where a number of 
families lived during the war ; 5 miles 
further came to Grants on one of the 
branches of the Licking where we staid 
all night ; private house, poor accom- 
modations and he took pay, like all his 
neighbors, who expect a great deal of 
money for very little furnished- 



New York, August 21, 1768 — To write 
you, good Sir at this distance, a mere 
letter of compliment would have as much 
the air of stiffness and formality as a 

full journal of my travels, would be too 
familiar and troublesome; yet I flatter 
myself to tell you, I am again after look- 
ing into Lake Erie and visiting Quebec, 
in the land of safety and repose, will not 
be unacceptable, and possible I may 
amuse a leisure hour ; excuse me, then, 
when I say, I cannot at this juncture, 
refrain giving you an account of what 
has been most striking to me in this 
tour, and whether it entertains or not, I 
am sure you will take the intention for 
the act, and good naturedly smile upon 
the performance. 

With the compliment then of Gen- 
eral Gage's order to all the posts in the 
rout, which anticipated my wishes through 
the whole communication, I set out from 
hence on the 19th of May, and with all 
the variety of travelling and sojourning 
on the waters and in the woods, up Hud- 
son's River to Albany, across the coun- 
try to Schenectady, on the Mohawk Riv- 
er, up its fertile banks to Fort Stanwix, 
then descending the Wood Creek and 
Onida Lake, by the Onendago River, ar- 
rived on the third of June at Ontario; 
whence disappointed of the king's ves- 
sel I was obliged to coast it along in a 
open batteau, exposed in the day to a 
disagreeable navigation, and at niglit in 
the woods, encountering every inclem- 
ency to Niagara, where I was again de- 
tained by the same vessel, the stores all 
out, living on garrison fare for 27 days. 
At length she arrived, and I accompanied 
the famous Major Rogers in her to Os- 
wegatchey, being thus detained in that 
lake near six weeks, the weather so cold 
as to compel the use of fires to the loth 
of July. In short contending with many 
unexpected difficulties, and being over- 



set in a sloop for want of ballast within 
two miles of Quebec, I arrived here four 
days ago, with this remark on the whole, 
that the tour affords greater satisfac- 
tion in the reflection than in the execu- 
tion, that is, there is more pleasure in 
having seen, than in the seeing, except 
the Niagara falls, the lakes and river 
St. Lawrence ; these are indeed alto- 
gether surprising and new, not even to 
be imagined ; the rest is what we see 
every day, up to German Flats on the 
banks of the Mohawk river, which is the 
best land in all the route and finely cul- 
tivated. Thence I went, dashing 

through difficulties, over vast lakes, riv- 
ers, rapids, creeks, swamps and deep 
forests, inhabited by savages and wild 
beasts, all the way except the different 
posts of communication, to Lake Erie. 
There are indeed some beautiful and 
extensive views, that afford vast scope to 
the imagination, and tempt one to wish 
for a resurrection to the empire, that will 
surely flourish there some centuries hence, 
when Seneca the tragedian's prediction 
will be fulfilled, who in his Medea says, 
that the time will come when the ocean 
shall not separate nations, that the new 
Tiphis shall discover another world, and 
that Thule will not be the utmost bound- 
ary of the earth. But to return to the 
present state of the objects that strike me 
most in these vast wilds. 

About nine miles up, on the eastern 
side of Niagara is an encampment of 
the last Indian War on Mount Pleasant, 
affording a most noble prospect of vast 
level woods, the deep rapid, meandering 
river, and the distant lake, bounded by 
the high lands beyond. At this place it is 
probable that the falls originally were. 

and broke up by slow degrees, to their 
present situation, which is seven miles 
higher, for it is still as equally level 
country, from the top upwards as from 
the foot of the mount downwards, and 
the banks of the river very high, espec- 
ially from the mount to the falls, where 
I stood level with the upper bed of the 
river. Here it is also, that the portage 
of nine miles commences, to the upper 
landing place or little Fort Niagara, in 
crossing the river from whence going 
upward, about three miles over Midway 
at Navy Island, where the King's vessels 
for Lake Erie's navigation are built, the 
several inlets and surrounding woods 
afford a beautiful view^ and looking 
down the river from this point of the 
island, in a fair, calm day, there appears 
a pyramidal cloud, very high, arising 
like the steam of a mighty furnace, from 
the violence of the falls forcing the spray 
so high, that, becoming lighter than 
the air, is suspended, and said to serve 
as a mark, in the navigation of the lakes 
above and below, for fifty miles. In my 
return, I went to the island that divides 
the river into an east and west branch 
at the Falls, which will scarcely be cred- 
ited but by such as have made this tour, 
but it is nevertheless true : Five sturdy 
men under the pilotage of a Mr. Sted- 
man who lives at the carrying-place, and 
had ventured there once before, con- 
ducted me thither in a batteaux, and 
back again, with great safety, keeping 
dexterously between the two streams 
that rush on each side, to the Falls with 
the rapidity of a cannon ball. Indeed 
the risque is great, for mistaking the 
Land-marks, breaking a setting pole or 
paddle, or even missing a single stroke. 



and all is lost. Faith nor all her works 
will protect you from perdition. But 
curiosity was great and I gratified it, 
though it adds nothing particular to the 
view, except the precipitation of the 
waters down to the rapids, on each side, 
amid its huge rocks and a number of 
broken islets. 

I had many views of these mighty 
water-falls, and was astonished and de- 
lighted at each ; but the last, from the 
western side of the river exceeds all 
imagination. There are here three views, 
fully before both Falls (measured i;^6 
feet high) and opposite to Stedman's 
Island, a precipice of about 400 yards 
in length and equal height with the 
Falls, the tall wood on the top of which 
having a good effect. 

I first arrived at the brow of a high 
hill, over the upper bed of the river, 
the western branch of which, seen to 
Navy Island, about two miles up affords 
great diversity. The wide seemingly 
still water surrounded above, and on all 
sides, by a tall forest, then rolling an 
immense body down the rapids, falling 
tremendous, like a vast sheet of melted 
lead, over the middle part of a half cir- 
cle, the two ends of which flowering off 
in thinner sheets, the eastern fall of 
irregular appearance, dazzling the 
imagination with streaming beauties of 
various forms. The precipice and wood 
between the two, altogether terrify the 
mind, while it is charmed into rapture ; 
for great as the idea was which had led 
me so many hundred leagues, and height- 
ened by the imperfect views taken be- 
fore, it so far exceeded my most sanguine 
expectations, that my imagination had 
not immediate scope for it, and I felt 

distressed till my mind had expanded 
itself to the immensity and variety of the 
objects that struck it all at once. 

I next went to the foot of this hill, 
which is level with the upper bed of the 
river, and all around was amazed and 
delighted. But new expressions are 
wanting. — To go on then. — From hence 
I walked a mile, through a thick wood 
and swamp, and then descended a steep, 
rugged precipice, suspended by hands 
and feet ; sometimes on notched wood, 
■ half decayed, and at others by broken 
points of rocks, at the verge of destruc- 
tion, the idea a delirium always distresses 
me with, till I got to the lower bed ; 
and scrambling about a mile over vast 
slippery rocks and loose stones, fallen 
out of the precipice, I arrived at the foot 
of the falls, where the immensity of the 
impending rush of the water, the divers- 
ity of the falls and spray, the various 
reflections of the sun, the regurgitations, 
foamings and vortices, bewilder and as- 
tonish beyond conception. Which is all 
I can say of it ; for description fails me, 
as any words, I can put together, would 
be too feeble to convey but a faint idea 
of what the imagination, when present, 
is too narrow to receive the impression 
of, but by slow degrees, and will not 
therefore take up your and my own time 
to so fruitless a purpose. 

The best view, here below is from a 
projecting rock just under the bare pre- 
cipice, opposite to Stedman's island. To 
go further, only serves to fatigue beyond 
measure; for under the Falls (where is 
the point of ambition to arrive at, and 
for no other reason that I perceived but 
the difficulty of clambering thither, of- 
ten losing one's footing, and the proba- 



bility of tiring in the return, quite back 
to the first point of view) here, I say 
the spray obstructs the sight, all is noise 
and confusion, one continued uproar. 
You are wet to the skin in a moment, 
and if you persist in pressing on under the 
sheet of water, you lose your breath by 
the violence of the spray, which hap- 
pened to me in two attempts. 

The beauties of the river St. Law- 
rence are not less various, its noble 
width, extensive communication (ex- 
ceeding thought which is lost in it) thou-" 
sand islands, various and lofty surround- 
ing woods, the gradual diversity near 
St Francis' Lake, (especially of the more 
distant approaches) rich settlements to 
Laponte Dulae, 550 miles up the river, 
and on each side from Quebec to Mon- 
treal like one continued street adorned 
with churches ; I say, these all conspire 
to charm, contending which shall long- 
est detain the imagination ; but above 
all, the numerous rapids, are a subject 
of astonishment, not to be described. I 
think it is like enchantment. The rushing 
vast waters terrify the mind while it is 
smoothed with the thoughts of safety, 
amidst a giddy precipitation from flying 
forests at one place, nine miles in sixteen 
minutes, expand, if you can, your ideas 
to such a transition, and feel horrors ^vhile 
you are delighted ; but you must see and 
go down them, before you feel as I do. 

As to the cities (Quebec and Montreal) 
they are both in ruins ; the one still in 
consequence of the siege, the other of 
a late terrible fire. The houses standing 
are irregular, ill built, and the dirtiest I 
ever saw ; floors never washed must be 
so ; but these have contracted a smell 
very offensive — like our jails. 

The inhabitants of Canada are gener- 
ally a sober good sort of people, whose 
only luxury is a pipe, and would be good 
British subjects, but for the priests, who 
keep alive the aversion to Heretics, and 
the enthusiastic notions of the grand 
monarch, thro' fear of whom alone it is, 
they are persuaded that the English 
treat them with the mildest they have 
experienced ; yet has the court of Lon- 
don lately allowed them a bishop from 
France, to whom they implicitly look up 
for relief in all distress, and complaining 
that the severity of the rains this sum- 
mer, had ruined all their grain, had the 
consolation of a high tax for masses to 
bring about fairer weather, and to this 
power perhaps it is, that they owe their 
present appearance of poverty, tho' they 
pay no taxes, government supporting all 
contingencies. This is some what unac- 
countable, and I will not say what their 
circumstances really are, or from what 
cause ; but Canada, tho' the Mohawk 
land is much better, is certainly the finest 
country I have seen in North America ; 
and Quebec a very noble part of it. 

All around, from the memorable 
heights of Abraham, to the furthest reach 
of the eye, are rich prospects of wood- 
lands waving, cultivated fields, enameled 
with houses, water, and every shade of 
near and distant mountains, beautifully 
diversified. The falls of Montmorency 
and Chaudiere are also natural orna- 
ments in the neighbourhood, very worthy 
the attention of a stranger. 

The hospitality of the English inhab- 
itants and general Carleton's politeness, 
with the gaiety of his court, three days in 
the week, a levee, rout and ball, all height- 
ened by the time I had passed at Lake 



Ontario, raised a ten days enjoyment 
there, to the highest relish, and I too soon 
reluctantly found it was time to return 
to Montreal, and without any remark- 
able occurrence, going thence up the 
Sorrel River and Lake Champlain to 
Crown Point, and Ticonderoga, crossed 
Lake George, and on to Saratoga and 
Albany, after a circuit of about two 
thousand miles, returned to this place, 
and proceed to Boston, when a little 
refreshed, which I believe you will want 
now to be, after the fatigues of this long 
letter, inspired by the tour, now fresh 
and strong in my imagination, and the 
desire I have, my dear good Sir, of ap- 
proving myself 

Your most obedient and most humble 
servant A, B. 


Expressions of gratitude, addressed to 
the Illustrious Corporation of the City of 
San Cristobal de la Habana, by his Ex- 
cellency the Lord Admiral Duke of 
Veraguas, Marquis of Jamaica upon 
hearing of the respectful pomp and cer- 
emony with which the mortal remains of 
his ancestor in the seventh generation 
of ascent Don Cristobal Colon were re- 
ceived in that City. 

Illustrious Sefior ; My Dear Sir, my 
representative Don Pedro Juan de Erice, 
under date of the 25 of January last, 
informed me of the special honor and 
piety with which you have received the 
remains of the body of Sefior D. Cris- 
tobal Colon, Discoverer and Conquerer 
of the New World, High Admiral of the 

Ocean, first Viceroy and Governor-Gen- 
eral of the Indies, of whom I am de- 
scendant in the seventh generation and 
successor in his home and estates, as the 
head of his legitimate line ; the first 
born according to the declaration of the 
Supreme-Council of the Indies express- 
ly confirmed by his reigning Majesty. 
This removal would be to me the cause 
of the deepest grief were it not for the 
satisfaction which your honorable re- 
ception has given me, or if the discovery 
of the island of Cuba were not a proof 
of the worth, intelligence and zeal of 
the High Admiral, as was also that of 
San Domingo. Certain it is that the 
discovery of this great island, believed 
at first from its magnitude to be a Con- 
tinent, displayed the worth and zeal of 
this immortal general in the autumn of 
1492 soon after the discovery of the 
smaller islands — the Lucayas or the Ba- 
hamas — consequently its discovery was 
anterior to that of Hispaniola ; and 
not only is Cuba entitled to this preroga- 
tive, but the Lord Admiral himself made 
a reconnoisance of it and there repaired 
his little fleet, while noticing the is- 
land of Hispaniola, all due to the good 
disposition and humanity of the In- 
dians of Cuba. To this disposition 
were due the later discoveries of the New 
World. In consideration of which his 
first born son, Sefior D. Diego Colon, my 
ancestor in the sixth degree of ascent — 
already there established and married to 
a grand daughter of the Duke of Alba, 
Donna Maria de Toledo the Viceroy of 
the Indies in San Domingo, and declared 
in his person the heir of the dignities of 
his father, — in order to complete the 
work begun in the year 1492, undertook 



in 1512 to conquer the island of Cuba as 
the first object of his solicitude. Com- 
panies and plans were hastened on every 
side to carry out the noble work. The 
spread of the Catholic religion and the 
desire for riches were strong motives to 
success ; thus the most worthy persons, 
as well as those merely moved by 
their ambition, united in this vast pro- 
ject. Indeed, the second Admiral 
of the Indies placed this expedi- 
tion under the command of Diego 
Velasquez who had accompanied his 
father on his second voyage ; whom 
truly could he more fitly choose than a 
veteran schooled in the service and max- 
ims of the discoverer of the New World ? 
Three hundred men sufficed to complete 
this worthy and memorable conquest, the 
importance of which was shown by the 
ambitious projects of other courts to oc- 
cupy it in the future, and it proved a day 
of glory for the Spanish arms and a worthy 
possession of the kings our masters; and if 
any opposition were made to the Spanish 
flag, it was only from some foreign Ca- 
cique, for the natives of this island al- 
ways showed a friendly disposition to- 
wards the Spaniards and to the memory 
of its first discoverer; Where could the 
remains of the discoverer of Cuba find 
a more secure monument than in the 
place which had the glory of having re- 
ceived, entertained and welcomed him, 
in the first steps of his glorious enter- 
terprise, and which gives an honored 
sepulchre to his ashes, now that the fortune 
of war has caused them to be removed 
from the island of San Domingo } and 
what have you done in this but follow in 
the footsteps of its first inhabitants ? so 
deeply rooted is your admiration of 

the illustrious discoverer. But, for 
more than three centuries, to pre- 
serve such a memory and to extend it to 
his successors, is a virtue so rare that 
scarcely can it be found to exist among 
men, whom time, distance and the want 
of personal intercourse render oblivious 
and careless of the most sacred duties 
and obligations. For which reason, taking 
into consideration, what my representative 
has communicated to me of the splendor 
and pomp with which your Highness an- 
ticipated my purpose and intention to 
celebrate the transfer the 19th of Janu- 
ary last, I can not but express to your 
Highness my respectful acknowledge- 
ment, assuring you that had any other, 
than yourself, interfered with the last 
honors which his own house owed to its 
founder and origin, compliance would 
have been very painful to me ; but 
the high consideration, to which you are 
entitled and the ancient origin of your 
Titles of honor and piety, give to you 
a right superior to all others; because be- 
fore Senor Don Cristobal Colon thought 
of founding a house and estate, you had 
already protected and aided him in his 
conquests and discoveries : and his first 
will and testament was of the year 1497 
five years before which Cuba had received 
and warmed him in her bosom ; could 
I pass by in silence a circumstance so 
agreeable and opportune as the removal 
from the cathedral of his beloved island 
Hispaniola of the remains of the body 
of this immortal discoverer and its 
transfer to Havana? Receive in my 
name and in that of all my family our 
most profound thanks, and the warmest 
expressions of our hearts, and in the 
hope that your Highness will on this 



occasion count me in the number of your 
most obliged and grateful friends and 
command me when I may be of service 
to you I meanwhile pray that God may 
prosper you. 

Corunna March 30th 1796. 

M. Y. S— B. L. M. de V. S. 
Your most obliged and obedient 
The Admiral Duke de Veraguas 

Marquis of Jamaica. 


The first voyage eastwardly 
de Urdaneta the navigator, was born in 
1498 at Villafranca in the Province of 
Guipuscoa. He accompanied Don Gar- 
cia Jofre de Loaysa, the Commander in 
Chief of the great expedition sent out in 
1525 to the Moluccas, by the Straits of 
Magellan, by order of the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth. The voyage proved 
disastrous ; and Urdaneta, after eleven 
years absence, returned to Lisbon in 
1836, with the reports and maps of Fer- 
nando de la Torre, the last one in com- 
mand. He was in fact sent home in a 
Portuguese vessel, and his papers were 
taken away from him on his arrival, but 
his own Report has been preserved. He 
had acquired much nautical experience, 
and had witnessed the ineffectual at- 
tempts of one of Loaysa's vessels to 
cross the Pacific in an easterly direction. 
He probably left some record in Spain 
concerning the possibility of such a voy- 

In 1529 the Emperor ceded the Mo- 
luccas to Portugal, but the Spaniards 
soon afterwards undertook to traffic with 

the East from the coasts of Peru and 
New Spain. We pass over the early ex- 
peditions along the coast, and the un- 
lucky voyage of Hernando de Grijalva 
across the Pacific in 1537, as well as the 
inland explorations northerly from New 
Spain, with some of which undertakings 
Urdaneta may have been associated, 
though his name does not appear in 
them. In 1552 he became a secular 
brother of the Order of St. Augustin, 
and was charged with various duties by 
the Viceroys of New Spain. 

Philip the Second, wishing to con- 
quer the rich islands which have been 
named after him, wrote to Don Luis de 
Velascoin 1559, ordering an expedition to 
be fitted out for this purpose. At the 
same time, Sept. 24th, he wrote to Urda- 
neta requesting and commanding that 
he should accompany it as an advisor 
both in temporal as well as spiritual af- 
fairs. Urdaneta of course yielded to the 
behests of his sovereign, and being con- 
sulted by the Viceroy, recommended 
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, then in his 59th 
year, as the Commander. We omit any 
further details concerning the Expedi- 
tion, which sailed in 1564, and its re- 
sults, which are given by Biirney (S. Sea 
Voyages, Vol. I.) and the Spanish histor- 
ians, excepting the remarkable fact that 
when, after forty nine days sailing, they 
sighted land, the pilots disagreed in their 
reckonings as much as two hundred 
leagues. Urdaneta's reckoning proved 
to be the most correct one. 

On the ist of June 1565, a vessel 
commanded by Felipe de Salcedo, but 
navigated by the Padre Urdaneta, was 
dispatched from Tebu, back to New 
Spain. They sighted some part of 



Japan, and attained a northerly latitude 
of 43^ and entered the harbor of Aca- 
pulco on the 3d of October, having 
sighted no land after leaving Japan. 

Urdaneta had thus successfully de- 
monstrated the possibility of a return 
voyage across the Pacific. His theory- 
was based on the supposition that the X 
W tradewinds prevailed in the north 
Pacific as well as in the Atlantic Ocean, 
and the result justified his predictions. 
To be sure, a deserting vessel from his 
squadron reached New Mexico before 
hiro. and its commander Arellano, had 
the impudence to seek personally a re- 
ward from the King for his supposed 
discover}-, Urdaneta, however, soon 
appeared before the King, and Arellano 
was sent back to the Phillipines as a 
deserter. The way to be followed on a 
return voyage had, no doubt, been freely 
talked about in Legaspi's squadron, and 
Arellano took a base advantage of this 

We lose sight of Urdaneta afterwards, 
but the rumor of his exploit became so 
disfigured, that Willes in his History of 
Travayle &:c. 1577, fol. 2^;^, has it that 
he '' ca/m out of Mar del Zur this way 
into Germanic^ and refers to a chart so 
drawn by him which had been " seem by 
gcntdmtn of good credits. ' ' 

Oscar Peschel, in his Geschichte der 
Erdkunde. 1865, pages ^^22 and 395, 
awards to Urdaneta the full credit which 
he desen-ed, and which we have here 
presented as a sketch only of the nearly 
forgotten enterprise. J. C. B. 

called a Japanese of about 2 Feet high, 
his Body resembling a human Body in 
all Parts except the Feet and Tail : He 
walks upright, and performs various 
Actions to Admiration ; such as walking 
upon a Line, hanging and swinging under 
it. exercising the Firelock, dances to any 
Tune, and sundry other Things too tedi- 
ous to mention. The Sense and Agility 
of this Creature, renders him worthy the 
Observation of the Curious. Attendance 
is given at said Place every Day in the 
"Week (Lord's Day excepted) from 2 
o'clock in the Afternoon, 'till nine at 
Night. Price. One Shilling for each 
grown Person ; Children, Nine Pence, 
Xcw York Gazette February 18, 1751. 

w. k. 

panese. To be seen at the House of Mr. 
Edward Willet at Whitehall. A Creature 

Washingtoxiana. — The following 
incident may not be generally known to 
your readers, and some people will learn 
for the first time, that a '* Book of Con- 
stitutions " was kept on the table of the 
Continental Congress. It would have 
been a choice morsel for the gifted 
We ems. The extract is from Discours 
sur la grandeur el l importanee de la Rroo- 
lufion qui vient de s' ope'rer dansF Ame'riqut 
Septentrionale : par M. Afail/ie, avoeat au 
Parliament, _ Toulouse 1784. "When 
Washington resigned his command of the 
army in the presence of Congress, some 
one had placed a royal crown, adorned 
with precious stones upon the Book in 
which were inscribed the Constitutions. 
Suddenly he snatched up this crown, 
crushed it, and flung the pieces out tc 
the assembled People. 

** How contemptible does the ambi- 
tious Caesar appear in comparison with 
the Hero of America! " T. B. 



The name of the author of this tract, 
hitherto unknown to bibliographers, was 
Robert Gray, whose initials appear at the 
end of the dedication. Plus. 

Captain john smith's " true rela- 

1608. — Mr. Charles Deane's admirable 
reproduction of this rare tract in 1866 
has made it familiar as one of the most 
important documents of Virginia his- 
tory. His preface and notes leave little 
to be desired in the knowledge of it, 
but one or two points which he omitted 
to notice may be interesting to some 
readers of the Magazine. Mr. Deane 
describes three of the variations in the 
title which appear in the copies — but 
failed to recognize the fourth. 

These variations are all in the state- 
ment of the authorship of the tract, viz • 
■' Written by Captaine Smith one of the said 

CoUony, to a | worshipfull friend of his in 

■■ Written by Captaine Smith, Coronell of the said 

Collony, to a | worshipfull friend of his in 

■' Written by Thos. Watson Gent, one of the said 

Collony, to a | worshipfull friend of his in 

■ Written by a Gentleman of the said Collony to 

a worshipfull | friend of his in England." 

Mr. Deane's statement that the text is 
the same in all the copies also requires 
a slight modification. On the second 
leaf of signature C, Mr. Deane supplies 
conjecturally two words ['* had occa- 
sioned "], an omission which was cor- 
rected in some copies of the original 
text by inserting the words "had done." 
Unfortunately this correction does not 
furnish a satisfactors' clue to the order 

of the various title pages — as it occurs 
in a copy having the Smith title page, 
and also in one having the ** Gentleman" 
title page. 

The recent publication by Mr. Arber. 
of his Tra?i5cripts of the Stationers' Regis- 
ters, 1554-1640, furnishes the following 
interesting additional item for the history 
of this tract : 

"13 August 1608, William Welby and John 
Tappe entered for their Copie . . a booke 
called A true relation of sucJu occurrences 
and accidentes of note as have happened in 
Virginia synce the first planting of that Col- 
onye which is nowe resident in the South 
parte of Virginia till Master Nelson's com- 
minge away from them,'"&c. — Arber: ill, 33S. 

Mr. Deane mentions six copies of this 
rare little black letter quarto as known 
to him in this country — five of which he 
" had the privilege of examining." We 
can refer to eight, of which six are in 
New York — three in the Lenox Libran.-, 
two in the Library of the Historical So- 
ciety, and one in the collection of Mr. 
S. L. M. Barlow. These copies are all 
complete, while those in the Harvard 
College and John Carter Brown Libra- 
ries are noticed by Mr. Deane as imper- 
fect. Plus. 

An HISTORICAL portrait. — Among 
the pictures in the gallery of the New 
York Historical Society is an oval 
portrait, (Xo. 144 of the catalogue) 
19I X 24 inches, of Lafayette, presented 
by General Ebenezer Stevens. The 
Marquis is represented in the uni- 
form of the light infantry of the Ameri- 
can Army, viz : dark blue coat, with 
white facings, buttoned back, so as to 
display the facings, with standing collar 



or cape of scarlet, white waistcoat with 
gilt buttons, white breeches, white cra- 
vat, and ruffled shirt ; gold epaulets of 
a Major-General ; the hair powdered and 
cued, the face clean shaven; on the left 
breast a cordon with three decorations — 
the bald eagle of the order of the Cin- 
cinnati, the cross of St. Michel, and a 
lozenge-shaped medal of an order of 
which we find no description. This uni- 
form was not the " blue and buff " pre- 
scribed for Major-Generals, but that of 
the corps he had commanded. Napo- 
leon later followed the same practice, 
wearing the uniform of his favorite 
guards. This portrait was loaned 
by General Stevens to the American 
Academy of Fine Arts for its second ex- 
hibition, and appears in their printed 
catalogue of 1817, but no artist's name 
is attached, and it is not now known by 
whom it was painted. In the account of 
the reception of Lafayette by the New 
York Historical Society on the 17th Au- 
gest, 1824, published in the Conmiercial 
Advertiser of the 19th, it is stated that 
over the chair to which he was con- 
ducted "was hung the portrait of the 
General painted for the late General Ste- 
vens in 1784." As Lafayette was in the 
United States in this year,there is no doubt 
that he then sat for this picture. General 
Stevens was a warm personal friend of 
the Marquis, by whom he had been se- 
lected to command the artillery in his 
Southern campaign. Of the correctness 
of the account in the newspaper of 1824 
there can be no doubt, as John Pintard, 
who was the cotemporary of both par- 
ties, was at that time one of the officers 
of the Historical Society. His accurate 
antiquarian ism is well known. 


Our first settlers. — John Leriu 
Burgundus (1578) in his Hist. Naviga. 
in Brasiliafn says, that after Joshua hai 
routed the Canaanites, that it is proba 
ble, from their terror, that they too 
shipping, and became the ancestors 
the Americans. 

Joseph Acosta (1589), in his Lib. i. a 
Natur. Nov. Orb. c. 16, gravely decide 
that no second ark of Noah landed i; 
America, nor any angel conveyed th 
ancestors of the Indians through the aii 

Herrera (1601), in the Hist. Gene? 
Ind. dec. i. lib. g.c. 4,/. 496, says, tha 
the old inhabitants of Cuba had a tradi 
tion that Noah's curse upon that sor 
from whom they descended, was tha 
they should be made, particolored, ani 
walk on foot, naked ; while those, whon 
he blessed, were to have clothes, ride oi 
horse back, &c. 

Peter Martyr (15 16), Dec. Nov. Orb. i 
/., states that he had often heard Colum 
bus say, that, when he landed at His 
paniola, he had found Ophir. 

It is singular that the Phallus, the in 
delicate amulet of the Greeks and Ro 
mans, was found suspended round th 
necks of the Mexicans. Rodin. Dce7noh 
I. 2)^ c. 15. Theatr. Vit. Huma?t. v. 17, / 
/./. 31 14. 


Audubon's birds of America. — Th( 
following memorandum was preserved ii 
the first volume of Audubon's Ornitho 
logical Biography, formerly belonging t< 
the late J. Prescott Hall : 

" This work is presented to J. Pres 
cott Hall, Esqr by his poor Friend an( 
sincerly attached servant 

"John J. Audubon 

" Ne7ii York, April 4, 1 844. 



" Mr. Audubon told me in the year 
184- that he did not sell more than 40 
copies of his great work in England, 
Ireland, Scotland and France, of which 
Louis Phillipe took 10 

" The following received their copies, 
but never paid for them : George IV., 
Dutchess of Clarence, Marquis of Lon- 
donderry, Princess of Hesse Homburg- 

" An Irish lord whose name he would 
not give, took two copies and paid for 
neither. Rothschild paid for his copy, 
but with great reluctance. 

"He further said that he sold 75 cop- 
ies in America, 26 in New York and 
24 in Boston ; that the work cost him 
^27,000 and that he lost $25,000 by it. 

" He said that Louis Phillipe offered 
to subscribe for one hundred copies if he 
would publish the work in Paris. This 
he found could not be done, as it would 
have required 40 years to finish it as 
things then were in Paris. Of this con- 
versation I made a memorandum at the 
time which I read over to Mr. Audubon 
and he pronounced it correct. 

"J. Prescott Hall." 

First mustard mill in America. — 
The Pennsylvania Chronicle of February 
15, 1768, contains a statement of Ben- 
jamin Jackson, that he " was the orig- 
inal establisher of the mustard manufac- 
turyin America, and am at present, the 
only proper mustard manufacturer on the 
continent — I brought the art with me 
into the country." His first experiment 
was made at the Globe Mills, on the 
Germantown Road. The mustard was 
sold in bottles, with the stamp of the 
manufacturer affixed. W. K. 

Indian tribes hostile to the Amer- 
WAR. — Philadelphia August 12, 1783. 
Captain Dalton, superintendent of In- 
dian affairs for the United States, arrived 
here last week from Canada, which he 
left about a month since, in company 
with 200 Americans, who are at length 
happily liberated from a cruel captivity 
with the savages. But he is sorry to in- 
form us that there are a number of un- 
fortunate fellow sufferers who are still 
retained as prisoners by the Indians. 
The sufferings of Captain Dalton and his 
lady have been very great, both having 
been many years prisoners with the ene- 
my, and forced to endure the most cruel 
treatment from their captors. For the 
satisfaction of their friends. Captain Dal- 
ton has given a list of the unhappy peo- 
ple who are confined chiefly among the 
six nations, viz. the Shawnese, Delawares, 
Munseys, Oniactenaws, Putawawtaw- 
maws, &c &:c. [Here follows a list of 
the names of 137 prisoners.] 

Captain Dalton says, that on their way 
home, through Canada, they experienced 
the most polite treatment from the Eng- 
glish officers, but were more than once 
abused by different parties of those 
wretches who had fled to Canada from 
the back parts of the United States to 
avoid the vengeance of their countrymen, 
for the many horrid murders and burn- 
ings committed by them in conjunction 
with the English and Indians. 

As Captain Dalton has been among 
the savages for many years, he has now 
given his friends and the public an esti- 
mation of the different savage nations 
they had to encounter, with the number 
of warriors annexed to each nation that 



were employed by the British, and have 
stained their tomahawks with the blood 
of Americans, viz. Chactaws 600, Chick- 
isaws 400, Cherokees 500, Creeks 700, 
Plankishaws 400, Oniactmaws 300, Kick- 
apoes 500, Munseys 150, Delawares 500, 
Shawanaws 300, Mohickons 60, Uchip- 
weys 3,000, Ottawas 300, Mohawks 300, 
Oneidas 150, Tuskeroras 200, Onondagas 
300, Cayugas 230, Jeneckaws 400, Suez 
and Sothuze 1,300, Putawawtawmaws 
400, Fulawain 150, Muskulthe or Nation 
of Fire 250, Reinars or Foxes 300, Piiyon 
350, Sokkie 450, Abbinokkie, on the St. 
Lawrence 200, making a total of 12,690 
Warriors. The Pennsylvania Packet No 
1,079 August 12, 1783. W. K. 

Spanish manuscripts relating to 
AMERICA. — " Varios paraceres manuscri- 
tos originates sobre legislacion de Indias, 
Siglo XVI." This is the title of a hand- 
somely bound volume containing seven- 
teen original manuscripts in the poses- 
sion of Senor Don Hilario Cisneros, a 
distinguished Cuban exile, now residing 
in New York city. They are : I. A 
letter of his Majesty the Emperor Charles 
V. to the Council of the Indies, 27 Au- 
gust, 1545, relating to the revolt of the 
Spanish troops in Peru, under the com- 
mand of Pizarro, the treatment of the 
Indians and the settlement of the colonies 
and sundry commercial matters. II. Let- 
ter from the King of Spain to the Coun- 
cil of Brussels, 15 February, 1557, con- 
cerning the administration in Chili, the 
bishoprics in the Indies, and orders re- 
garding Peruvian affairs. III. IV. V. VI, 
Orders relative to the government in 
Peru and New Spain. VII. Two ord- 
inances, one establishing departments, 

the other relating to the treatment of th 
natives. VIII. Opinion of the Cardina 
of Toledo, 18 June, 1545, on the sam 
subjects as the preceding. IX Article 
of agreement between the authoritie 
of the City of Mexico and the Marqui 
de Falces, Viceroy, establishing Court 
of Justice, and the land tenures. X 
Opinion of the Licenciado Salmeron ii 
regard to the land tenures in the Indies 
XI. Information of Hortuno de Ibarra 
Fleet Commander, as to the condition 
affairs in New Spain; XII. Memorial t( 
the Commander of Leon. XIII. Ad 
dress to the King, dated 15 Jan., 154: 
on the administration of justice in Ne> 
Spain. XIV. Document relating to Peru 
XV. XVI. Report to the King of Docto 
Bernal, Bishop of Talavera, and the hi 
dalgos Gutierre Valesquez and Gregori 
Lopez, of the Council of the Indies, am 
appendix. XVII. Letter of Fray Bar 
tolome de las Casas to the King on hi 
appointment as Bishop of Chiapa, wit' 
orders to sail with the first fleet for Soutl 
America, giving the opinion of the Fra 
as to the proper management of the In 
dian missions. 

It is to be hoped that this extremel 
interesting collection may be retained ii 
this country. Editor. 

Castle william, boston harbor.— 
The following letters may serve to fil 
up blank spaces in the documentary his 
tory of Castle William, now Fort Inde 
pendence, Boston Harbor, a subject ii 
which the writer was interested in earlie 
years. They are from the Haldimani 
MSS., British Museum, not from the so 
called Haldimand MSS. of Vermont. 

De C. 



"Castle William, 27th Sept. 1773. 

" By the arrival of the last ship from 
London, I have received accounts of the 
most pressing necessity for my imme- 
diate return to England; and as Col. 
Leslie is now gone up the country for 
some days, I hope you will excuse the 
impropriety of my applying for my own 
leave of absence for four months, as the 
least delay might be of the utmost con- 
sequence to me, & as there are seven 
captains now in America with the Regi- 
ment I flatter myself you will not deny 
me a request, the refusal of which would 
be of the greatest disadvantage to 

" your Most Obedient 
" Humble Servant 

" Thos Musgrave 
" General Haldimand 64th Regt. 

"Add MSS. 21730." 

" Castle William Novr 10 
"Sir 1773. 

" Inclosed I have the honor to 
send you the Bill for supplying this Gar- 
rison with water from Town or a Neigh- 
boring Island, from the ist of July to 
the 4th of October, it was done with the 
utmost economy. 

"I beg your Excellency's orders to 
pay the amount, as these accounts and 
vouchers shall be forwarded to head- 

" I also inclose the monthly return. 
" I have the honor to be Sir 
" your most obedient 

" and humble servant 

"Alexr Leslie 
" His Excell-y Gen. Haldimand. 
"Add. MSS. 2173T." 

LUTION. — The day on which the Amer- 
ican troops at North River fired z.feu de 
joye for the capture of Lord Cornwallis's 
army, a scouting party being on their re- 
turn to camp heard a firing, and soon after 
met another party sent out as a relief. A 
negro belonging to the first, calling to one 
of the latter, said, " Cuffee, what all dat 
firing we hear to-day ? " The other re- 
plied, " O, my dear soul, nuffing tall, on- 
ly General Burgone had a bruder born 
to-day." — N. J. Journal^ Dec. 19, 1781. 

On the arrival of the news of the cap- 
ture of Lord Cornwallis and his whole 
army, one African meeting another, sa- 
lutes him thus: "O! how do Cuffee. 
You hear bout 6'^r;/wallis ? " " No. 
What about Cornwallis ?" "Why, Gen- 
eral Washington shell off all de Corn, 
and now he C^^wallis." — Mass. Spy., Feb. 
28, 1782. W. K. 


Thorp's Catalogue for 1834, Part III, 
" 736, Day of Doom., a Poem. 12 mo. 
3s. 1666. Bibliotheca Hebcriana\ Part 
IV. p. 71. Lot 492. Day of Doom or 
a Description of the Great aiidlast Judg- 
ment. With a short Discourse about 
Eter7iity (in verse). Printed by \s. G. 
for John Sims; 1673. Watts' Bibliothe- 
ca Britannica gives title same as last. 
Lond, i2mo, 1676. Plus. 

A CORRECTION. Mount Washington 
and its capture. — In the article published 
in our number for February, page So, 
line 18 from the top, the reader will 
please erase the words "///<? younger^'' 
which lead to an erroneous inpression as 
to the family of the author. Editor. 



An ancient mother-in-law. — "Z?^- 
nenburgh [State of Vermont), August 23, 
1780. Whereas Sarah my Wife has with- 
out just cause, left my bed and board, 
and absented herself from my family, 
and now resides at Westminster, (State 
of Massachusetts) : I therefore caution 
all persons from trusting her on my ac- 
count, as I am determined not to pay 
any debts of her contracting from the 
date hereof. 

" Cursed are they that part 7nan and 
wife — Amen — praise ye the Lord ! As 
the Lord liveth before whom I stand, he 
will judge between my wife and me, and 
between her mother a?id me, and between 
any who will disturb me or my children, 
and discomfort us, Jacob Emerson." — 
Massachusetts Spy, Sept. 27, 1781. 

W. K. 

Alexander Hamilton. — The follow- 
ing letter of General Hamilton is not 
included in his printed correspondence. 
It may be of interest to your readers. 

D. V. 
"Albany April 12, 1795. 

"Dear Sir: — The last post but one, 
brought me your letter transmitting me 
a certificate of the ' Freedom of the 
City of New York.' 

" Among the previous testimonies I 
have received of the approbation of my 
immediate fellow citizens, none is more 
acceptable or more flattering to me than 
that which I now acknowledge. 

" I beg you to convey to the ' Board ' 
the expression of my high sense of the 
honour they have done me (which I shall 
be happy in every opportunity of mani- 
festing) as well as of my sincere respect 
for themselves." 

"With true friendship and regard 
" I have the honour to be Dr. Sir 

" Your very Obedt. Servant, 
" Alexander Hamilton. 
" Richard Varick Esqr 

" Mayor of the City of New York." 

Connecticut Yankees.— In the year 
1771a party from the Colony of Connec- 
ticut crossed into Pennsylvania, to take 
possession of the disputed land at Wy- 
oming. A number of letters printed in 
the Pennsylvania Archives describes the 
intruders as Yankees. I append a few 
specimens : Thompson to Van Campen, 
July 3. " The Yankys were coming soon" 
Van Campen to Tilgh??ian, July 4 : " the 
Yankes are about " — " there are great 
matters in hand with the Yankes " 
Thompson to Stewart, July 5 : " the Yan- 
ky's coming " Tilghman to Shippen, July 
23: "The number of the Yankees as 
they are called, is reported to be in- 
creased to 160." Tilghman to Shippen 
and Gordoft, July 26 : " the Block house 
is infested by four different Camps of 
the Yankees." 


Indian antiquities. — A number of 
Pyramids stand on the banks of the Ti- 
aogo, which is a branch of the Susque- 
hanna, between two and three hundred 
miles from -Philadelphia. The place is 
called Assennissing — that is, Standing 
Stones. There was formerly a large Del- 
aware Indian town (which in the year 
1763 was taken, ransacked and burnt by 
the Mohawks) standing there; some re- 
mains of which are yet to be seen. The 
smallest of those Pyramids are about four- 
teen or fifteen, but the largest about fifty 



feet high. They are not all of one form, 
some being round, some oval, and some 
square; but most of them are oval at the 
base. They go up regular in the form of a 
Pyramid ; they are not so smooth as a 
common stone wall, but appear as if they 
were made by unskillful masons, and 
seems to have been done with lime-mor- 
tar, but- are much weather-beaten, and 
open in the joints, as if they could be 
taken to pieces, and seem in many places 
without as if daubed with lime. At a 
small distance below them are a parcel 
of stones which are of the same sort as 
the Pyramids, soft and of a dark bluish 
color when broken, but are not lime 
stone. They don't appear to stand upon 
any rocks, but to have their foundation 
laid upon the ground. Several have 
large flat stones on the top of them, as 
if put there to keep off the rain, which 
project from four to six inches over, and 
the largest have stones on them of two 
feet square and a proportionable thick- 
ness. Though these Pyramids don't ap- 
pear as if they were formed here by 
nature, but made by the hands of men, 
yet the Indians can give no account of 
them — Pennsylvania Chronicle, April 18, 
1768. W. K. 

Long island Indians. — On a short 
excursion trip which I made in Septem- 
ber, 1875, ^^ the southern coast of Long 
Island, I visited, south of the village of 
West Moriches, the western bank of the 
large Moriches Inlet, also called Moriches 
Creek. There I met the farming and 
fishing remnants of the Poospdtuk tribe, 
who at the present time number about 

twenty families, and are to some extent 
intermarried with negroes. The same 
is found to be the case with the Chinna- 
cock Indians, who live about ten miles 
further east, right on the coast. On 
Moriches Creek I met two men who pos- 
sessed all the characteristics of pure blood 
Indians; a cinnamon complexion, long 
straight hair, and that peculiar expression 
in their looks which might be appropri- 
ately termed " savage quietude." One 
of them, a stout man, about 50 years of 
age and born at the railroad station of 
Manor, or Manorville, otherwise called 
Punksole{2iS he said), gave me the three fol- 
lowing words, which formed all the stock 
of the paternal Algonkin dialect left in 
his recollection : to bi ni thank you, sir; 
skuk snakejv[\QX.c\\\\ila?id turtle. I confess 
that these terms may give rise to lingu- 
istic doubts. The informant said, that 
no other Poospatuck remembered any 
words of the old Indian tongue but he. 
Can anybody tell if these Indians 
formed a portion of the Unquachogs .5* 
what time they are first mentioned in 
local history and what is recorded of 
them.? A. S. G. 

Philagathos. — Who was " Philagath- 
os," the author of a " Poem Commem- 
orative of Goffe, Whalley, and Dixwell," 
three of the Judges of Charles I., (8vo. 
pp. 28, Boston, 1793).'' A. H. H. 

John bacon, a boston boy. — In 
the March number of Scribner's Maga- 
zine, p. 635, the author of the interest- 
ing article on the "College of New 
Jersey," mentions " John Bacon, a Bos- 
ton boy, who afterwards became disting- 
uished as a member of the Continental 



Congress, a United States Senator, and 
the Chief Justice of New Hampshire," 
&c. What is the authority for that state- 
ment ? A. H. H. 

Was miles standish a romanist ? — 
Of late there has been much discussion 
concerning the religious views of Miles 
Standish. Was he a Roman Catholic? 
In this connection the following provis- 
ion of the Charter of Nov. 3d, 1620, 
should be considered : 

" Wee should be loath that any Person 
should be permitted to pass that Wee 
suspected to affect the superstition of 
the Chh of Rome. We do hereby declare 
that it is our Will and Pleasure that none 
be permitted to pass in any Voyage from 
Time to time to be made into the said 
Country, but such as shall first have 
taken the Oathe of Supremacy." Haz- 
ard I. ^ p. 117. Cape Cod. 

Voyages of the French emigrants. 
— Can some one give me information 
as to where I can find the following en- 
titled brochure ? 

" Voyages, adventures and situation of 
the French Emigrants from the year '89 
to '99, by A lady. Lexington, Ky." 

This is written I think by Mad. Wal- 
deman Mentelle, one of the French col- 
onists of Gallipolis, O., who afterwards 
removed to Lexington, Ky. 

John M. Newton. 

Booth family. — Will some reader 
please give the etymology of the name 
" Booth.?" 

Charles Booth, a member of the Socie- 
ty of Friends, settled in the bounds of 

Chester Meeting, Chester Co., Pa., — now 
Delaware Co., — prior to 17 13, and so far 
as known had three children, Mary,. 
Lydia, and Jonathan. When did Chas. 
Booth first settle in Chester .? Where 
did he emigrate from ? Where are his 
progeny .? Was he related to the Robt. 
Booth who settled in Bethel, Delaware 
Co., Pa., in 17 13, and if so, how were they 
related ? John T. Booth. 

Wyoming, Hamilton Co., Ohio. 

Le petit censeur. — A French news- 
paper, conducted by M. Didot, entitled 
Le Petit Censeur^ made its appearance 
in the city of New York, July, 1805, and 
attracted considerable attention. The 
following is a sample of the editor's curi- 
ous prospectus, written in the form of a 
dialogue between a Printer and the Au- 
thor : — " Author': Do you imagine I am to 
keep a little canoe, at White Hall, to run 
after the vessels, as they enter the river, 
to snatch authentic intelligence, and pub- 
lish it one day to contradict it the next } 
No, Sir: I'll invent news in my study, 
and don't you think I have sufficient 
talents to set kings a fighting at pleasure, 
bring fleets together and confer the vic- 
tory on the flag I like best ; create tem- 
pests and other untoward events, kill and 
revive many, and divorce princes and 
princesses, &c." 

How many numbers of the Censeur 
were printed ? W. K. 

Chastellux memoirs. — In Rich's 
Bibliotheca Americana Novo^ there is a 
record of a " Voyage de Newport a Phil- 
adelphie, Albany, &c., Quarto, pp. 188, 
de rimprimerie Royal del'Escadre, New- 
port, R. I.," and the following note : 



The Marquis de Chastellux caused twen- 
ty-four copies of this journal to be print- 
ed at a press on board one of the ships 
of the French Squadron at Newport. It 
consists of only that part which forms 
the first volume of the edition of Paris 
of 1786, comprising his travels in the 
winter of 1 780-1, and was printed, he 
says, to avoid the work of making Ms. 
copies to send to his friends in Europe. 
Is there any copy of this literary curi- 
osity in this country ? Historical. 

William eustis. — What was the date 
of his resignation as Secretary of War, 
or removal, as it might more properly be 
called, from President Madison's Cab- 
inet.? His last official note, which we 
have seen, was to General Dearborn, 
dated "War Department, December 18, 
1812." James Monroe, then Secretary 
of State, performed the duties of Secre- 
tary of War between the time of the re- 
tirement of Doctor Eustis (so-called 
from having been a Hospital Surgeon in 
the Revolution) and the accession of 
General John Armstrong, who was con- 
firmed by the Senate as Secretary of 
War, January 13, 18 13. From these 
data, it appears probable that Eustis re- 
signed about December 20, 181 2; but 
we cannot positively fix that as the date. 
The Assistant Secretary of State at 
Washington says, " that the resignation 
of William Eustis, as Secretary of War, 
does not appear on the files of this De- 
partment," doubtless because all the rec- 
ords were burned in the vandal confla- 
gration of our Capitol, ordered by Ad- 
miral Cockburn of the British Navy, in 
1814. G. W. C. 

Waymouth's voyage, 1605. — It is a 
noticeable fact that of four copies of this 
very rare tract known to exist, three are in 
America, of which two in New York. 
The fourth is in the Grenville Collection, 
British Museum. It was "written by 
James Rosier, a gentleman employed in 
the voyage." Where is there any in- 
formation about this writer .? Plus. 

Lafayette's decorations. — On the 
left breast of the Stevens portrait of Gen- 
eral Lafayette, in the New York Histor- 
ical Society, there is painted a badge with 
three orders suspended. I. That of the 
Cincinnati which needs no description ; 
II. That of St. Michel. This order was 
instituted the ist August, 1469, by Louis 
XL; in 1665 was restricted by Louis 
XIV. to 100 : six from the magistracy, six 
from the clergy, eighty-eight from the 
army. To be admitted, the conditions 
were, to be of the Catholic religion, two 
degrees of nobility, and have held some 
important command or office for ten 
years. The King could, however, con- 
fer it on whom he pleased for eminent 
services rendered to himself or the State. 
The jewel consisted in a cross of gold 
of eight points, enamelled white, four 
fleur de lis in field, and charged with a 
medal, representing St. Michael tramp- 
ing on a dragon. The ribband, black; 
motto, "Immensi tremor oceani." The 
order was suppressed in 1790, re- 
vived in 1816, and generally given to 
distinguished men ; not conferred since 
1830. III. A lozenge shaped gold medal, 
with a relief not distinguishable, on a 
ribband of green. Dr. Cloquet, in his 
" Recollections of the Private Life of 
Lafayette," makes no mention of this 



order among the souvenirs at Lagrange. 
Can any one give information as to this 
decoration ? Historical. 

The Jersey blues. — Mante's History 
of the late War in America, page 29, de- 
scribing the campaign of 1755, has the 
following : " It was resolved that Gen. 
Shirley should conduct the operations 
against Niagara, with his own regiment. 
Sir William Pepperel's, the Jersey Blues^ 
commanded by Col. Schuyler, and a de- 
tachment of the royal artillery." And 
again, on page 30 : " In the beginning of 
July, the Jersey Blues began their 

Is this the earliest mention of the 
Jersey Blues ? Did the name originate 
with Schuyler's regiment } 


Mellen family. — Can any of your 
readers furnish information in regard to, 

I. Lieut. Colonel Mellon of Colonel 
Weston's regiment, who was at the de- 
fense of Fort Schuyler in August, 1777. 

II. Thomas Mellon, a soldier of the war 
of 181 2, His musket, captured from a 
Highlander at the battle of New Or- 
leans, was on exhibition at Indepen- 
dence Hall, Philadelphia, as late as 1862; 
it has since disappeared. III. The place 
of interment of the poet Grenville Mellen, 
who died in New York City, September 
5, 1841. He was the oldest son of Chief 
Justice Mellen of Maine. The records 
of Trinity, St. Paul's, St. John's, St. 
Mark's, and the Marble Cemetery have 
been examined without success. III. 
What branch of the family did the two 
soldiers mentioned above belong to 1 

G. M. 

Portrait of franklin. — A lett( 
from France mentions: "That the vei 
capital Print of Dr. Franklin which w£ 
painted by order of his most Christie 
Majesty, is now placed in the Pictur( 
Gallery, at Fontainbleau; and that at th 
bottom is the following short, but e^ 
pressive inscription — Ho7noy — Masse 
chusetts Spy, May 4, 1781. 

Can any of your travelled friends ii 
form us whether this portrait still hanj 
at Fontainebleau .? Artist. 


Law of primogeniture in mass^ 
chusetts. — (II. 128.) The law givir 
a double portion of the intestate esta 
to the eldest son was abolished by tl 
Act of June 8, 1789. A. H. H. 

Another interesting relic — ( 
197.) A complimentary address to Joh 
Dickinson, by the Society of Fort S 
David, was presented at Philadelphi 
May 10, 1768, in a box made of " Hea 
of Oak." The following description < 
it from a newspaper of the day m£ 
interest your readers. 

"The box was finely decorated, and tl 
inscription neatly done in letters of gol 
On the top was represented the cap ( 
liberty on a spear, resting on a cypher ( 
the letters I. D. Underneath a cyphi 
in a semi-circular label, Pro Patri 
Around the whole the following word! 
The Gift of the Governor and Sociei 
of Fort St. David's to the Author of tl 
Farmer's Letters, in grateful testimor 
of the very eminent services therel 
rendered to this Country, 1768. 



On the inside of the top : The Liber- 
ties of the British Colonies in America 
asserted with Attic Eloquence and Ro- 
man Spirit, by John Dickinson, Esq., 
Barrister at Law." 

On the inside of the bottom, "//^z 
cuique eveniat Vt de Republica meriut^ 
On the outside of the bottom, a sketch 
of Fort St. David's. Market St. 

Bonsall's Basin. — (I. 129.) John 
Bonsall, a lumber dealer in New York 
City, occupied the wharf between Dey's 
Dock and Cortlandt Street Dock. This 
wharf was on the line of the present Wash- 
ington street. His place of business was 
known for some time after the Revolu- 
tion as " Bonsall's Wharf," and the Slip 
between the two docks as "Bonsall's 
Basin." Petersfield. 

Colonel John Lasher. — (I. 129.) 
Colonel Lasher has a grandson, Mr. N. 
Lynde Griswold, now living at 58 East 
loth street, who can give H. P. J. all in- 
formation; also many great-grand -chil- 
dren, the children of his grand-daugh- 
ter, Mrs. P. Lorillard. Being one of them 
I have his miniature, and other relics. 
C. L. Kernochan. 

" Stephen hopkins of the may- 
flower." — (L 54.) Savage gives a list of 
descendants. A. H. H. 

The christening of America. — (L 
193.) In the last number of the Maga- 
zine was a curious article on this sub- 
ject, which makes it appear that the name 
" Francia Antarctica " was applied to 
South America before the name " Terra 

Sancta Crucis." The reverse is the truth; 
the latter appears on the map of Ruysch, 
1508. The French generally called 
America " Nova Fra^icia^' and the map 
of Jerome da Verrazano calls it '' Nova 
Gallia^ Gomez. 

Organ building in America. — (L 53 
133.) The following extract from the 
narative of Father Sepp, missionary to 
Paraguay, South America, may help to 
settle the question as to the first organ 
built in America. 

H. A. Ratterman, Cincinnati^ O. 

" Obedience to God commands P. 
Antonio Sepp to quit the nation of the 
three holy kings and to build an organ 
in European fashion." 

Three full years I had exerted my- 
self in working in the vineyard of the 
Three Holy Kings, in clearing the 
ground, planting and engrafting among 
my Christianized Indians. From many 
other far distant vineyards, apostolic 
vine-growers also sent me twigs and 
stocks to mix and mingle among 
my older and first-bearing vines. That 
is : In the above mentioned settlement 
I had established a music class, 
and had trained in it for 3 years 
my own Indians and those from other 
cantons. Missionaries employed in dis- 
tant settlements sent me their pupils 
to be trained in vocal and instru- 
mental music. To some I taught organ 
playing, to others 'pinching 'of the harp 
mounted with double strings ; others 
learned to play the tiorba, guitar and 
violin ; others the clarinet and the 
reed - pipe. But this was not all ; 
in several settlements the Indians were 
apprenticed by me to construct musical 



instruments themselves, and some have 
indeed become masters of the craft 
and know perfectly well how to put up a 
clavicordium, finish a harp, or bore out 
the body of a flute or reed-pipe. A few 
days ago I ordered a large gimlet for 
this purpose at the locksmith's shop. 

But we were still deficient of the main 
instrument of all music ; that is of a 
good organ. A Spanish ship had in 
1700 landed in Buenos Ayres a Dutch- 
made organ worth 1000 rixdollars in 
Holland, and costing as much as 5000 
rixdollars at the landing place ; but this 
organ remained in the Collegium in 
Buenos Ayres and we derived no profit 
from it for our cantons. This benefit 
been denied to us, the venerable Fa- 
ther Provincial Laurus Nunez ordered 
me to build a similar organ in Euro- 
pean style. At our village of the Holy 
Three Kings we were altogether defi- 
cient of all the materials needed for the 
purpose, but since Rev. Father Francis- 
cus de Azebedo at the Itapua nation was 
well provided with lead, tin and wire, 
which are the most indispensable requi- 
sites for this kind of work, I repaired 
there at once and set myself up as an 
organ builder, more through blind obed- 
ience to Religion than from any in- 
ward vocation to this manufacturing art. 
This organ had to be larger than that at 
the hall of the large Congregation at In- 
golstadt (Bavaria). Azebedo furnished 
me with a quantity of tin plates, bought of 
Spaniards settled here, from which to 
cast my organ pipes, but their font did 
not suffice for the construction of the 
largest pipes belonging to the sub-bass 
register. But hard necessity rendered 
me inventive. From the excellent ce- 

dar-wood which grows in profusioi 
around this place, I ordered thin plate 
or veneers to be sawed, glued them tc 
gether with thin parchment, gave ther 
the requisite length, width and thicknes 
applied keys to them, and lo ! the ce 
dar-wood, silent for so long a perioc 
commenced to roar, grumble and cry, s 
that the Fathers and the Indians in ad 
miration ejaculated: Victor! Victor 
Father Antonuss ! (which is the Spanis 
term for Vivat ! Vivatf) They were as 
tonished at the contest inaugurated be 
tween the clear-voiced tin-pipes and th 
low - tuned, grumbling cedar-pipes, 
thing never heard of before in Para 

They were, moreover, astounded a 
the fact that the clumsy human foe 
could become an instrument in plaj 
ing the organ, and was thus associ 
ated to the pliable and ingeniously vfork 
ing fingers of the hand by Mother Na 
ture, as their companion and helpmate 
neither could they conceive how th 
pipes could be made to resound by th 
motion of the feet. But when I exhit 
ited to them the secretly concealed tin 
iron wires, which communicated wit 
the wind-chamber, they exulted i 
praise over the ingenuity of the cor 
trivance, which had heretofore been tc 
tally unknown in these countries. No 
less puzzled were they when they sa) 
that the pulling out of the register knob 
changed the tune altogether. The 01 
gan was pitched to the height of the coi 
net-tune. Thus I built at the expens 
of our own settlement an European 01 
gan, which will for many a day praise th 
Three Holy Kings in whose Church i 
has been placed. 






The Regular Monthly Meeting was 
held in the Hall of the Society, Tuesday 
evening, March 6th, 1877, the President, 
Frederic de Peyster, LL. D. in the Chair. 

The usual reports were submitted: 
that of the Librarian contained an an- 
nouncement of the presentation by 
Messrs. E. EUery and Edward H. Ander- 
son, sons of the late Dr. Henry J. Ander- 
son, of three hundred and ninety two 
objects of interest to the Museum. 
These articles were collected by Dr. An- 
derson in his tour through the East in 
the years 1847 and 1848, and are chiefly 
Egyptian. The Society has been pre- 
viously indebted to Dr. Anderson for 
the magnificent wooden sarcophagus and 
the mummy, now so prominent in the 
museum, and for thirty-nine smaller arti- 
cles of rare antiquity. In all, the An- 
derson collection comprises four hun- 
dred and thirty-four specimens, a foun- 
dation for a museum in itself. With this 
generous donation added to the Abbott 
collection, which includes eleven hun- 
dred and twenty-seven articles, the So- 
ciety now possesses fifteen hundred and 
fifty-one objects in the department of 
Egyptian antiquities alone. The Amer- 
ican collection of antiquities has never yet 
been thoroughly displayed, the available 
space in the Library Room and galleries 
being insufficient for the purpose. 

The Art Gallery of the Society is well 
known to its members if not to the gen- 
-eral public. It now contains six hun- 
dred and ninety objects, which form the 
largest permanent collection ever exhib- 

ited on this continent. Europeans who 
occasionally visit the building are 
amazed at the extent and value of 
this collection, and Americans returning 
from tours in England and the continent 
are surprised to find how well it com- 
pares with any but the Royal or Nation- 
al Galleries abroad. A few weeks since 
Signor Castillani, whose gathered treas- 
ures are now attracting attention in the 
Metropolitan Museum of Art, lingered 
long and lovingly over the exhibition in 
the Historical Society building, com- 
mending picture after picture, and stat- 
ing that some of them are of the finest 
specimens of their several artists that he 
had ever met with. The need of a more 
northerly, central and accessible loca- 
tion is felt more and more each day. 

Professor Roswell D. Hitchcock read 
a memorial notice of the late Professor 
Henry B. Smith, of the Union Theolog- 
ical Seminary of New York, a mem- 
ber of the Society, prepared at the re- 
quest of the Executive Committee, for 
inscription on the minutes. This me- 
moir, reciting the services of this 
eminent professor and divine in theo- 
logic history, we print in full. 

According to the practice of the So- 
ciety, the President of the United States 
was elected an honorary member. 

The paper of the evening was a 
learned and elaborate sketch entitled 
'' Cardinal Ximenes and America," by 
the Reverend Father P. F. Dealy, S. J. 
It treated of the origin, rise, and won- 
derful power of this remarkable man, 
in his trifold capacity of monk, prelate, 
and regent. 

At its close the thanks of the Society 
were voted to the orator. 




Read by Professor Roswell D . Hitchcock, D.D., 

before the N. V. Hist. Sac, March 6, 1877. 

Fourteen years ago we mourned the loss and 
embalmed the memory of Edward Robinson: 
clarum et venerabile nonien. To-day we mourn 
another kindred loss, and embalm a kindred 

This bereavement is premature. There should 
have been at least ten years more of sober, steady, 
solid work. But the blade was too keen for its 
scabbard. It seems an enormous waste. Only 
we do not know what calls there may be for 
service where blades are never sheathed : and so 
we stand dumb once more before this tremendous 
mystery of death, equalled only by this other tre- 
mendous mystery of life, 

Henry Boynton Smith was born in Portland, 
Maine, Nov., 21, 1815, not quite sixty-two years 
ago. He began life auspiciously in a happy home, 
in that beautiful eastern metropolis, noted for its 
intelligence and refinement ; the birthplace of 
the poet Longfellow, the residence for many years 
of Payson, Cummings, Daveis, Preble, Greenleaf, 
Fessenden, Shepley, and others like them, ac- 
complished divines, scholars, advocates, jurists 
and statesmen. His pastor was Dr. Ichabod 
Nichols, a courtly, cultured, gracious Christian 
gentleman. He could not have been born into 
a better atmosphere. He was a bright boy, of 
sunny, cheerful temper, and winsome ways ; of 
ready wit, eager and quick to learn. 

He graduated at Bowdoin College in 1834, in 
the same class with Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, of Con- 
stantinople, also a Portland boy and his life-long 
friend. Of the same College generation were 
Dr. Daniel R. Goodwin, of Philadelphia, two 
years before him ; President William H. Allen 
of Girard College, and Professor Samuel Harris 
of New Haven, one year before him ; Dr. George 
L. Prentiss, afterwards his colleague here, one 
year after him ; and Governor John A. Andrew 
of Massachusetts, and Dr. Benjamin F. Barker 
of this city, three years after him. So I think it 
always is in history, as in the firmament above 
us, the stars are clustered in constellations. 
What students do for one another is sometimes 
quite equal to what is done for them by their 
teachers. The President of the College in young 
Smith's time was Dr. William Allen, one of whose 
daughters he afterwards married. 

His more pronounced religious life began in 
College ; this determined his choice of a profes- 
sion. He studied theology at Bangor and An- 
dover, was tutor for a year at Bowdoin, and then 
spent nearly two years in Germany, chiefly at the 
Universities of Halle and Berlin, where he came 
in close contact with such men as Tholuck and 
Neander. Philosophy and history were already 
his favorite studies. 

He came back to the United States with the 
stamp of superior scholarship indelibly set upon 
him. For one year, from 1840 to 1841, he had 
charge of the senior class at Bowdoin, while the 
new President, Dr. Leonard Woods, was absent 
in Europe. In 1842 he was settled over a Con- 
gregational Church in the little village of West 
Amesbury, Massachusetts. Even by that plain 
people he was equally beloved and admired. Bui 
he had suffered from epilepsy ; his constitutior 
was delicate, and his impulses and aptitudes de- 
cidedly scholastic. From 1845 to 1847 he gave 
instruction in Hebrew at Andover, without giv- 
ing up his pastorate ; and then, having resigned 
the pastorate, took the Chair of Mental and 
Moral Philosophy in Amherst College, succeeding 
Professor Nathan W. Fiske, who had recently 
died, where he now lies buried, in Jerusalem, 

His career at Amherst answered, and more 
than answered, the early promise. Men, now 
distinguished in the higher walks of scholarship 
and thought, still feel the magnetism of his touch, 
and are still in motion towards the goal he set foi 
them. Those were, perhaps, his most brilliant 
days. Afterwards he was deeper, broader, 
stronger ; but never more athletic and inspiring. 
I well remember his appearance at Andover in 
the autumn of 1849, when he gave his capital ad- 
dress on The Relations of Faith and Philosophy 
His fine face was radiant ; his slight frame sur- 
charged and dilated with thought and feeling ; 
and his clean-cut, ringing English was like the 
voice of a trumpet, saying " Come up hither." 

The year following brought him to New York, 
known personally to only two or three of them 
that voted for him. I will not say he had 
outgrown New England. In any other section 
of the country it would have been all the same. 
The time had come for a field, and a reputation, 
as broad as the continent. Here in the most 
cosmopolitan of our American cities, real metrop- 
olis, not of commerce only, but of politics, of 
science, of letters, and of art, he found a con- 
genial and responsive home. He passed over 
also from the Congregational to the Presbyterian 
fold. He did this easily, not because he cared 
little for either of them, but because he loved 
them both, as, indeed, in the largeness of his 
charity, he loved all who loved the Lord. 

The Union Theological Seminary, already 
strong in the world-wide reputation of its chief 
Professor, Dr. Edward Robinson, dates a new 
epoch in its history from the advent of Dr. Henry 
B. Smith. From 1850 to 1854 he occupied the 
Chair of Church History, making history a sci- 
ence, teaching history as it was then taught no- 
where else among us. At the end of these four 
years he was carried by acclamation into the 
Chair of Systematic Theology. But here, too 
the historic spirit and method dominated. The 
Person of Christ, instead of absolute Divine de- 
termination, was the centre of his system. How 



he handled this system only his pupils fully know. 
For subtlety of analysis, for sharpness of defini- 
tion, for comprehensiveness and breadth of treat- 
ment, for vital push of intense personal convic- 
tion, he has had but few equals. To say he knew 
how to teach, would not adequately describe 
him. Teaching with him was not so much an 
art as an instinct. Reason, says Tertullian, is a 
kind of internal conversation. Professor Smith 
always made the impression of having first per- 
suaded himself of whatever he had occasion to 
teach others. In no bad sense of the word would 
I call him sceptical; but evidently some of his 
most sacred beliefs were trophies, and not tradi- 
tions. Having conquered for himself, he could 
lead others to victory. 

As a preacher, it was not the fashion to 
praise him much. His voice was not strong 
enough for large popular assemblies. But his 
matter was always rich, his style felicitous, 
and his whole manner inimitably his own. Cul- 
tivated and thoughtful people always heard him 

His learning was encyclopaedic. His studies 
led him out over vast territories. What he knew, 
he knew exactly, thoroughly, positively. And 
what he had once learned he appeared never to 
have forgotten. This was greatly to his advan- 
tage in all emergencies. As Moderator of the 
General Assembly in 1S63, the opulence, variety, 
and aptness of his addresses were a surprise 
even to some who thought they had known him 

The re-union, in 1871, of the long divided Pres- 
byterian Church is, in gr^at part, one of the mon- 
uments of his genius. He made such statements 
of doctrine, statements so precise, so luminous, so 
fair, that good men saw where they stood to- 
gether, and where, without reproach or contro- 
versy, they might stand apart. The opening ser- 
mon preached by him before the General As- 
sembly at Dayton, Ohio, in 1864, on Christian 
Union and Ecclesiastical Reunion, made it almost 
certain that the days of separation were num- 

Of other monuments it is hardly. time as yet to 
speak. In 1859 he founded The American Tlie- 
ological Reviezv, which, after one or two changes, 
was united with The Princeton Repertory \n 1872. 
Besides many valuable articles contributed by 
him, the department of "Theological and Liter- 
ary Intelligence" was peculiarly his own. He 
published a great deal first and last ; but I am 
sure he spent altogether too much of his time 
and strength in editing, though with many and 
great improvements, the works of others. His 
Gieseler and JIagenbach have done admirable 
service, but the world would have been the gain- 
er had he put forth, in the same direction, inde- 
pendent works of his own. 

His tabular Church History, published in 1859, 
is a condensed embodiment of what he accom- 

plished in that department. Under the head of 
" General Characteristics," he gives, with great 
felicity, the gist of the whole matter. But he 
himself was looking forward to the publication 
of his theological lectures as the opus magnum 
of his life. While in full working power, he 
was in no haste to bring the great and growing 
mass of his material into its final shape ; and 
when at last he resigned his Chair, his strength 
was no longer equal to the task. His notes, it 
may be, are sufficiently full and finished to be 
edited without injustice to his reputation. We 
shall know bye and bye, when the cloud has 
lifted a little from his home. Much use might, 
no doubt, be made of the note-books of his 

But if this should fail, all is ngt lost. Hundreds 
of Christian scholars, in all quarters of the globe, 
are reproducing the lessons of his class-room. 
Through each one of these, other hundreds are 
reached, and will yet be reached, till his influ- 
ence shall have exceeded all measurable bounds. 
Who will venture to say that the Anselms and 
Abelards of the Middle Age have done more by 
their writings than they did, and are doing still, 
by their contact with living men ? Who knows 
how much of what we call human learning is 
floating down on the tide of oral tradition ? 

Dr. Smith was for a long time an invalid. 
Frail at the strongest, he broke down entirely in 
the winter of 1868, and was never quite himself 
again. A year and a half he spent abroad, in 
Germany, in Italy, in Greece, visiting also Egypt, 
Sinai, Palestine and Constantinople. Resuming 
work in the Seminary in the autumn of 1870, 
again he faltered, and again he rallied, till in 1 874, 
in great bitterness of disappointment, he finally 
resigned his Chair. He was, however, at the 
same time made Professor Emeritus, and ap- 
pointed Lecturer in Apologetics. Twice he un- 
dertook his work in this new department, but 
each time broke down under it. But still he 
hoped, and still there remained so much of vital 
ity, that, in the autumn of 1876, he was chosen 
Lecturer on the Ely Foundation, and expected to 
be ready for the service at the time appointed. 
Towards the end of December he took a severe 
cold, from which he never recovered. Others 
may have been apprehensive in regard to the re- 
sult, but he himself apparently was not expect- 
ing to die so soon. Once he spoke of having 
ceased to cumber himself with the things of this 
world, but that was all. Pie died on Wednesday 
morning, February the seventh, 1877. 

What now shall be his epitaph ? I will not 
write : Here lies a man who was without self- 
consciousness, and without ambition. Such epi- 
taph would not be true, and would not be cred- 
itable, if true. Let this be written : Here lies 
an intrepid Christian scholar, who accepted life 
as a battle, and went into it afraid of none but 
God, afraid of nothing but sin. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor wit! 
Copies, Box loo, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

1876. (History of the United States of Amer 
ica. In three parts, i2mo. Chicago. Offic 
of the "Scandinavian Periodical," 1874 iSy^ 
With a map of the United States.) 
This historical handbook is written by a Noi 
wegian in the Danish language, in a succinct an 
very readable style, and is divided into three part; 
each of which treats of one of the great historica 
periods through which our country has passec 
The first volume embodies the time of the cole 
nization of the country and the revolutionary Avai 
together with statistical remarks on the sever? 
States of the Union down to the present timt 
The second volume describes the events that oc 
curred from 1783 to the commencement of th 
civil war, and carefully records all the const; 
tutional changes of the Union as well as of th 
States, the struggles of the political parties an 
the gradual increase of foreign immigratior 
Only the third volume bears the name of it 
author, David Monrad Schoyen, on the title pag( 
This part treats only of the civil war, and is pei 
haps the most fascinating of all the three for th 
general reader, and as Mr. Schoyen does not sid 
with one or the other party there is truth an 
impartiality throughout his book. On the whoh 
this History, of about 200 pages each volume, is 
fair attempt to popularize our history in the mind 
of a northern people which annually sends to on 
shores over 2,000 of the most industrious and thrii 
ty laborers, mainly employed in mining an 
farming. For them this handbook is a welcom 
gift to instruct themselves after working hours i 
the wondrous developments of our broad lane 
and to acquaint them with the peculiarities of th 
Anglo-American mind. 


Monument Association during the Firs 

Century of the United States of Amej 

ICA, by George Washington Warre> 

With illustrations. 8vo, pp. 42. James F 

Osgood & Co. Boston, 1877. 

After the noble oration of Daniel Webster i 

1825, when Lafayette was one of the audiencf 

and again in 1843, there would not seem to b 

much left to be said about the battle of Bunke 

Hill, or the glorious dead who lie beneath th 

granite obelisk which recalls the famous sever 

teenth of June, 1775. The purpose of the pres 

ent elegant volume is to preserve every thing c 

minor interest connected with the event itself, an 

its various commemorations, including the h 

mous centennial celebration, which opened th 

new century with an exuberance of nations 

Settlements on the River Delaware, by 
Israel Acrelius, Provost of the Swedish 
Churches in America. Translated from the 
Swedish, with an Introduction and Notes, by 
William M. Reynolds, D. D. 8vo, pp. 458. 
Publication Fund of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1876. 
This volume, the eleventh of the series, is a 
translation of the " Description of the Former 
and Present Condition of the Swedish Churches 
in what was called New Sweden, afterwards New 
Netherland, but at the present time Pennsylva- 
nia, together with the adjacent places on the River 
de la Ware, West Jersey, and New Castle Coun- 
ty, in North America," published at Stockholm 
in 1759. The translation of this simple narrative 
of the early beginnings of the Scandinavian em- 
igration to America, which has of late years in- 
creased in such vast proportion, is the realization 
of a long expressed desire of American histori- 
cal students. This first Swedish colony in the 
Western World was the conception of Gustavus 
Adolphus in 1624, when, as the introduction to the 
work before us informs us, this far-seeing, saga- 
cious monarch sought to found in the New World 
a free State, where the liberty of conscience, 
then imperilled in the Old, should be forever se- 
cure ; new wars, however, diverted the great 
soldier from his purpose, and it was not till after 
his death that his prime minister, wise councillor 
and friend, Axel Oxenstiern, carried his plans to 

The right of settlement on the Delaware was 
a subject of dispute between the Swedes and the 
Netherlanders, who had already visited the coun- 
try, while the English also put in a formidable 
claim of priority of discovery. On the decline 
of Swedish power, the Swedish settlement fell 
under the sway of Holland, but the interest of 
the Swedish people in their far distant colony 
outlived the severance of political bonds, and 
close relations were maintained for a long period. 
It is of the history of these relations that the 
narrative of the pastor mainly treats, although 
there are numerous interesting descriptions of 
the early ha])its of the colony, and of the first 
establishment of iron furnaces and steel works 
on this continent. The list of books in the 
Swedish language, sent out at the king's expense 
for the use of the mission, is of bibliographic 
value. It is needless to say that the volume is 
edited with conscientious care. 

T(^rie, Tre delarne, i2mo. Chicago, 1874- 



pride and patriotic sentiment, which was of hap- 
piest augury to tlic peace and harmony of tlie 
Republic. Many of the illustrations are orig- 
inal ; some of them admirable. 

Galley Period. By Foxhall A. Parker, 
Commodore, U. S. Navy. 8vo, pp. 235. D. 
Van Nostrand. New York, 1S76. 
This volume, dedicated by the gallant Com- 
modore to his brother seamen of every clime, is 
tho result of an effort to bring together in a con- 
nected form the annals of the naval combats of 
the world, grouped in a manner to convey a 
clear idea of the progress of naval architecture 
and marine warfare. This the initial volume 
takes up the galley period, from the primitive 
junk of the Chinese to the heavy oared ships of 
the Spanish Armada, which, tossed by storms 
and harried by the English lighter fleet, came 
to grief on the Channel coast in 1558. In this 
rapid sketch the classical student will find a sea- 
man's review of the great sea fight off vSalamis, 
when the Grecian Triremes utterlv destroyed 
the vast fleet of Xerxes, and saved Greece from 
the Persian invasion ; and here also the story of 
the not less famous engagement of Actium, when 
Octavius wrested from Antony the dominion of 
a world. In these interesting pages we learn 
what manner of crafts were those, with dragon 
prows, with which the Norse Vikings carried 
terror up every stream in Western Europe, and 
perhaps first explored our own hemisphere. 

We heartily commend this volume to youthful 
readers. Books conveying picturesque views of 
continuous interest are invaluable to the stu- 
dent, impressing the memory through the imag- 
ination. The style of the Commodore is grace- 
ful, his technical judgment seems to us just, and 
the general handling of the subject attractive. 

Providence in 1676. Defense of the Rhode Is- 
land System of the treatment of the Indians, and 
of Civil and Religious Liberty. An Address de- 
livered before the Rhode Island Historical 
Society, April 10, 1876, by Zachariah Al- 
LEE, LL. D. 8vo, pp. 34. Providence, 1876, 
This is a very pretty fight as it stands, in which 
we feel no disposition to take a hand. The 
learned author draws a strong contrast between 
the different systems of polity of the Massachu- 
setts colony and the little Rhod.e Island settle- 
ment. The one he styles an attempt by the 
hard Puritans of Plymouth Rock " to establish 
a Jewish caste and system of combined ecclesi- 
astical and civil laws for the government of man- 
kind in the New World ;" the other as "the 
Mission of Roger Williams to carry out practi- 

cally the Christian's doctrine of peace and good 
will to men, not only to the Indians, but to all 
his fellow men on earth." 

The comparison is just ; but in justice to the 
Jews, it should be remembered that the severity 
of their law was absolutely necessary to their 
self preservation, surrounded as they were by 
hostile nations. Only by sternest law, and most 
vigorous application, have such small races as 
the Hebrew or Spartan been able to preserve 
their autonomy. The Puritans had no such excuse. 
The pages of the early history of New England 
are stained in blood. The treacherous capture 
of Miantinomo, his trial and conviction by 
the Convocation of Ministers at Boston, and his 
death by what Dr. Allen calls their " clerical de- 
cree," are related and condemned. 

Centennial Address to the Citizens of 
Providence, R. I., by Hon. Samuel Greene 
Arnold. With a Poem, by George William 
Pettes. Delivered July 4, 1876. (City doc- 
ument No. 33.), 8vo, pp. 55. 
This is a rapid summary of the history of the 
Rhode Island capital, from the time when, in 
June, 1636, Roger Williams and his five com- 
panions crossed the Seekonk to Slate Rock, and 
sailing up the Moshassuck, gave the name of 
Providence to a sheltering cove, near which he 
landed. The centennial student will note with 
satisfaction the glorious part played by the Rhode 
Island Colony in the struggle for lilDcrty. The 
people of Providence were first among those 
who displayed a spirit of resistance ; and of all 
the Governors only one, Samuel Ward of Rhode 
Island, utterly refused to take the oath to sus- 
tain the Stamp Act. To the honor of Provi- 
dence, be it forever remembered, that while she 
remembered her own rights, she did not forget 
those of others, and that as early as 1774 her 
people voted in town meeting that the General 
Assembly be petitioned to declare that " all ne- 
groes born in the Colony shall be free after a cer- 
tain age, and to prohibit any further importa- 
tion of slaves." 

We cannot assent, however, to the claim of the 
distinguished historian, that to "Providence is 
due the honor of priority in recommending a 
Continental Congress (May 17, 1774). Four years 
before (June 2, 1770), the New York Committee 
of Correspondence, dissatisfied with the unequal 
observance of the non-importation agreements, 
addressed circular letters to the cities of all the 
neighboring colonies, inviting them to send depu- 
ties to Norwalk, Connecticut, on the iSth of same 
month ; " the deputies to be empowered by their 
different constituents to communicate without 
reserve their respective sentiments, and to adopt 
one general system for the benefit of the whole." 



This was the germ of the American Union. Mr. 
Pettes must excuse our silence. We are not judges 
of poetry. 

Clark Jillson, Mayor of Worcester, 
delivered before the City Council December 
29,1876. 8vo., pp. 19. Charles Hamilton, 
Worcester, 1876. 

This account of the progress of Worcester is 
a satisfactory testimonial to the intelligence and 
activity of its people. The honorable gentle- 
man, the author, is more widely known as the first 
President of the Sons of Vermont, in which ca- 
pacity he delivered an address to that Society in 

OF Worcester, Mass., of the Centennial 
Anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, July 4, 1876, to which are added 
historical and chronological notes. 8vo., pp. 
146. Printed by the order of the City Coun- 
cil. Worcester, 1876. 

The centennial contribution of Worcester to 
our national history. No man could have been 
more appropriately invited to deliver the oration 
on this interesting occasion than the gentleman 
to whom we owe the scholarly and elegant ad- 
dress which is the interesting feature of this 
volume. The name of Thomas is indissolubly 
connected with Worcester, and Judge Benj. F. 
Thomas is a worthy descendant of that vener- 
able author, printer, publisher and antiquarian, 
Isaiah Thomas, whose name is a household word 
with historians and bibliophiles. Besides pas- 
sages of brilliant and lofty thought, the student 
of our institutions will find philosophic opinions 
on the origin, nature and future of our govern- 
ment, the natural result of mature wisdom and 
judicial study, which give to this oration a merit 
and value beyond that which we are accustomed 
to hear on such occasions. 

The New York reader will find with pleasure 
the opinion of Judge Thomas that it is to her 
Legislature and probably to her great statesman, 
Hamilton, that the country was indebted for the 
" first suggestion of a national government with 
sovereign powers," and the success of the exper- 
iment of 1789 after the failure of the Confedera- 

Series, No. i. Reminiscences of the 
Texas Republic. Annual Address delivered 
before the Historical Society of Galveston, 
December 15, 1875, by Ashbel Smith, with a 

preliminary notice of the Historical Society of 

Galveston. 8vo., pp. 82. Published by the 

Society, Galveston, Texas, 1876. 

The generation now passing from the stage 
remember well the day when the annexation of 
Texas was the one all important question. In- 
deed the act itself was the beginning of a policy 
of continental expansion which, appalling as it 
appeared to those who then believed that our 
State system would not endure such a strain, is 
now the accepted irrevocable policy of the people 
of the United States, and the government, of the 
weakness of which there were many complaints, 
has proved, as was quaintly remarked by a 
rival and friend of Mr. Ashbel Smith (the late 
Andrew J. Hamilton), "strong enough for com- 
mon uses." 

As Mr. Smith was immediately connected, di- 
rectly or indirectly, with the annexation, his state- 
ments will be read with interest, and even those 
who care nothing for the merits of the old con- 
troversy will find in the perusal of this inaugural 
pamphlet of a society (to which we wish all suc- 
cess,) instruction and profit. 

the Vermont Association of Chicago, 
January 17, 1877, by John Mattocks. 8vo., 
pp. 23. Beach, Barnard & Co., Chicago, 


The Vermonters carry their spirit with them; 
the spirit born in the pure ether of the blue 
hills. The present is quite a dashing sketch of 
the sti-uggles between New York and New Hamp- 
shire for jurisdiction over the New Hampshire 
grants, as the territory of Vermont was called 
until it assumed its present name in 1778. In 
1 78 1 the hardy Green Mountain boys, who seem 
to have cared nothing for man nor devil, for New 
Hampshire men or New Yorkers, their British 
neighbors or the Continental Congress, enlarged 
her boundaries by a bold extension of her terri- 
torial line. New York and New Hampshire 
resisted the encroachment, and in the words of 
Mr. Mattocks, "Vermont prepared for war." 
Then was the occasion for the song — 

" Ho all to the borders ! Vermonters come down 
With your breeches of deer skin, and jackets of brown, 
With your red woolen caps and your mocassins come 
To the gathering measures of trumpet and drum. ' 

On our South come the Dutchmen, enveloped in grease, 
And arming for battle while canting of peace ; 
On our east crafty Mesheck has gathered his band 
To hang up our leaders and eat out our land. 

We cannot follow tlie rest of this independent 



TiQUARiAN Society at the Annual Meet- 
ing, HELD AT Worcester, October 21, 1876. 
8vo, pp. 75. Charles Hamilton. Worces- 
ter, 1876. 
' This pamphlet, No. 67 of the series, includes 
the reports of the Council, Librarian and Treas- 
urer of this well endowed Society. Our worthy 
friends have no thought of hiding their light un- 
der a bushel, as may be seen by the remarks of 
one of their number on the present attitude of 
the Verrazzano controversy. "The time," it was 
said, " seems not yet to have arrived when this So- 
ciety should attempt a judicial decision upon the 
claims made in behalf of John Verrazzano to the 
distinction of being the discoverer of a large 
portion of the North American coast in the year 
1524, nor have the arguments on the one side 
and the other yet been fully submitted." Pen- 
dente lite, the Antiquarian Society modestly re- 
serves its opinion, but the hope was expressed 
that " Mr. Deane (Charles) will close the whole 
case by a judicial decision, which, like all his 
final decisions of historical questions, shall be 
subject neither to error nor appeal." This 
brings vividly to memory the account, of mete- 
oric coruscation about the head of this dis- 
tinguished gentleman, in the report of 1 869. 
When the day of judgment in the Verrazzano 
case shall be set by the Society, may we be there 
to hear and see. There are some other ques- 
tions we should like to have finally settled by 
this court of last resort. 

We cannot pass unnoticed the approbation 
given to the famous clause in the Body of Liber- 
ties, which is termed the Magna Charta of New 
England. It reads : " There shall never be any 
bond slavery, villinage or captivity amongst us, 
unless it be laivful captives taken in just wars, 
and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or 
are sold to us." A narrow code of personal freedom. 
Those who would understand the real spirit 
which governed New England with regard to 
the Indians and blacks, must consult the exhaus- 
tive volume of Dr. George H. Moore, in whose 
pages we find satisfactory evidence that our 
I'uritan friends were no better than their neigh- 

NIAL. The Address of Governor Cheney; 
the Oration of Professor E. D. Sanborn, 
of Dartmouth College ; and an account of the 
other exercises on New Hampshire Day at 
Philadelphia, October 12, 1876. Compiled by 
J. Bailey Moore. 8vo, pp. 54. John B. 
Clarke. Manchester, 1876. 
The first of the accounts of the proceedings of 

the State representations at Philadelphia which 

we have seen. There cannot be too many of 


Society in the Interest of a Method in 
Genealogical Studies, and for the Pub- 
lication OF Family Pedigrees and His- 
tories. Centennial issue. Vol. I, Nos. 7-8. 
8vo, pp. 14. David P. Holton, M. D., Edi- 
tor and Publisher, 19 Great Jones street. New 
York, 1877. 
The purpose of this enthusiastic genealogist 

seems to be to gather together material for a 

Register of the descendants of each and every 

Pilgrim Father to the present time. 

PERS, Vol. Ill, No. 2, February, 1877. Rev. J. 
William Jones, D. D., Editor. Richmond, Va. 
This issue contains quite a number of valu- 
able articles, among which we notice General R. 
H. Anderson's Report of the Battle of Gettys- 
burg, and a number of letters on the treatment 
and exchange of prisoners. The Confederate 
Roster is also continued, and will prove a valu- 
able reference table for the personel of the Con- 

byterian Church, Auburn, N. Y. A dis_ 
course delivered on successive Sabbaths, July 
2d and 9th, 1876, in accordance with the 
recommendation of the General Assembly in 
the observance of the nation's centennial, by 
Charles Hawley, D. D., Pastor. 8vo, pp. 
75. Auburn, 1876. 

A modest and faithful record of this organiza- 
tion, including notices of its eminent pastors, 
among whom Theodore Spencer and Dr. Lan- 
sing bore names of note in the annals of the State^ 

dletown, R. I., from its Organization in 
1743 to the Centennial, 1876, by Hon. 
Samuel Greene Arnold. 8vo, pp. 48, and 
Appendix, pp. xiv. John P. Sanborn & Co. 
New York, 1876. 

Still another of the Centennial sketches. The 
reader need hardly expect to find much of inde- 
pendent interest in this history of this little 
town, which is essentially that of its more im- 
portant and dominant neighbor, New York, nor 
need he look to find many new facts. The style 
and manner of arrangement are of course ex- 



OF THE Slave Power in America, by Hen- 
ry Wilson, Vol. III. 8vo., pp. 774. James 
R. Osgood & Co. Boston. 1877. 
This, the closing volume of Mr. Wilson's 
history, the preparation of which was interrupt- 
ed by his death, has been carried to completion 
by the Rev. Samuel Hunt, who has been the 
associate of this distinguished author from the 
inception of the work. 

It opens with the insuiTcctionary movements 
in the Southern States on the election of Lin- 
coln as President of the United States on the 6th 
November, i860, and closes with the final strug- 
gle between the opposing forces in the last great 
acts of the irrepressible conflict ; the adoption 
on the 30th of March, 1870, of the Fifteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, which guaran- 
teed every citizen against any abridgement of his 
electoral rights on account of race or color or 
previous condition of servitude, and the passage 
on the 22d of May, 1874, of the Civil Rights 
bill, providing that there should be no discrim- 
ination in civil rights on account of the condi- 
tions already named. 

These two grand acts of legislation have 
placed the black before the law in a position of 
entire equality, civil and political, with the white 
race. Whether practical equality has been se- 
cured is quite another question. No philanthro- 
pist or friend of the black race but would have 
preferred a settlement of the terrible question of 
slavery by other than a military proclamation as 
a war necessity. Sagacious statesmanship would 
have devised a more gradual change of the rela- 
tion of master and slave ; the application of the 
most liberal laws in States where they were less 
liberal, the arrest of the separation of families, 
and perhaps a form of serfdom as an intermed- 
iate step to the final perfect freedom. No one 
can doubt but that the interest of the black 
would have been better served in some such 
gradual plan. The moderate men of both sec- 
tions hoped for such action, but they formed a 
small and narrow belt between the vast numbers, 
who on the one side believed that slavery was an 
unmitigated good, on the other an unmitigated 
evil ; a blessing or a curse. The war made that 
acceptable which was surely undesirable, and to- 
day few can be found who do not heartily accept 
the entire emancipation of the slave. But this 
acceptance by no means involves an acquiescence 
in the granting of equal political rights. It can 
not be doubted that every body politic has a right 
to decide for itself what shall be the rule of its 
increase, and may properly discriminate by leg- 
lation against those whom it does not desire to 
receive into its membership. But this right was 
again set aside in the necessity of giving protection 
to those who, though by general law free from 
the authority of their masters, were yet under a 

moral and social domination. The choice was 
to be made between the protection of the national 
arm through military occupation, or the self pro- 
tection which it was supposed the ballot would 
confer. We can not follow the author through 
the history of this momentous contest. There is 
no thought of compromise with the moral ques- 
tion in the tone of this sturdy and consistent 
abolitionist. The struggle is not at an end, and 
the end is not near. Volumes will yet recite its 
incidents. Words are not things. We predict, 
however, that the solution will be peaceful, and 
that it will be in accord with the interest of both 
races, and that it will be found in the labor of 
the South. Labor oimiia vincit is most true of 
this question, though in a sense which the strict 
Latinist may not accept. When the freedom of 
the West India islands opens to the colored race 
a field of labor, the most profitable upon earth, 
in the magnificent and exuberant richness of its 
soil, our Southern friends will find it hard to 
check the emigration which, stimulated by Amer- 
can and European enterprise and capital, and 
protected by the power of United States citizen- 
ship, will surely at once begin. 

Record of Pioneer Life in California ; to 
which is annexed footprints of early navigators 
other than Spanish in California, with an ac- 
count of the voyage of the schooner Dolphin, 
by T- D. B. Stillman (with plates). 8vo., 
pp. 352. A. Roman & Co., San Francisco. 
II Howard street. New York, 1877, 
This pleasing and charmingly printed volume, 
dedicated to the Argonauts of California who 
sought a golden fleece amid vicissitudes and 
trials to which the mythical Greeks were strang- 
ers, will give satisfaction to many a disappointed 
as well as to many a fortunate digger \\\ the 
Pactolian sands. Well do we remember the ex- 
citing days in 1848, when the Tarolinta and the 
Cristobal Colon, deep freighted and carrying as 
passengers the flower of our youth, tempted the 
terrors of the Cape Horn passage. Many a gay 
frequenter of metropolitan ball rooms turned his 
broad shoulders and well trained limbs to sterner 
duties, and carried trunks or drove carts through 
the streets of San Francisco for bread without but- 
ter. The inconveniences of the passage are vivid- 
ly recited in a journal written on board the ship 
Pacific at sea. The captains were not popular in 
those days. Passengers were exhorbitant in 
their expectations, and their claims were often 
met with the indifference of those who never ex- 
pected or wished to see them again. We predict 
for this sketchy volume a lively demand from the 
" Pioneers," to whom Dr. Stillman is well known. 
The illustrations though unimportant are neatly 





This eminent patriot was born in the city of 
Bayamo, in the Eastern Department of the Is- 
land of Cuba, the 23d June, 1821. 

His parents were Senor Don Antonio Maria 
Aguilera, Colonel of the disciplined militia of 
Cuba and Bayamo, and Senora Doiia Juana Fa- 
mayo, both belonging to wealthy and distin- 
guished families. 

He received his primary and secondary train- 
ing in the city of Santiago de Cuba, made part 
of his studies of philosophy and jurisprudence in 
the Seminary College of San Basilio el Magno 
in that city, and completed his education at the 
Colleges of Carraguao and of San Carlos in Ha- 
vana, in which latter university he obtained the 
degree of Bachelor of Laws in the year 1842. 

He made a voyage to the United States, 
and attracted by its institutions, concluded to 
abandon his career as a lawyer in Havana and to 
return hither to make a more complete study of 
them, and later to visit some of the countries of 
• Europe. But the whole plan fell to the ground 
upon the death of his elder brother, who, after 
the decease of his father, which happened about 
the year 1834-5, h^d managed the extensive es- 
tates belonging to their mother and themselves. 
Aguilera found that to take his place he must 
relinquish his studies, and abandon his profes- 
sion and his subsequent plans. Thenceforward 
he devoted himself to the care of his aged moth- 
er and the administration of the property which, 
from its magnitude, required all his time and at- 
tention. On the death of his brother he also 
assumed the charge of perpetual Regidor of the 
Council of Bayamo, which he later abandoned 
in favor of the Treasury. 

In the year 1848 he married in Santiago de 
Cuba the Seiiorita Donna Ana Kindelan, one of 
the most beautiful heiresses of the city, and be- 
longing to a noble and respected family. Her 
ancestor, Senor Don Sebastian Kindelan, had 
been Governor of Florida and Captain-General of 
the Island of Cuba. Of this marriage were born 
sons, of whom several died on the battlefield, strug- 
gling for the independence of their native land. 

By popular vote, Aguilera was chosen Chief 
Alcalde of the city of Bayamo, in which position 
he showed noble sentiments of heart, and a gen- 
erous and conciliatory spirit. After repeated 
entreaties by his friends, he accepted the post 
tendered him by the Governor of Commander of 
the Militia of Bayamo, displayed in the exercise 
of his functions his administrative qualities, in- 
troduced a discipline greatly wanting in that 
body, and lifted it from the degradation into 
which it had fallen : he imbued it with those ideas 
of decorum and self-respect, which should be the 
attribute of every soldier to whom it is given to 

defend the interests of his country. This object 
accomplished, he resigned his charge a few 
months later. 

Although Aguilera enjoyed a large fortune, 
greatly increased by the death of his mother in 
1862, and although occupying a position which 
commanded the respect of all the authorities of 
the Eastern Department, he could not witness with 
indifference the oppression and tyranny to which 
his countrymen were subjected. The Cuban 
revolution was fomenting in his brain. 

The apparent moderation with which the Cap- 
tains General Don Francisco Serrano and Don 
Domingo Dulce treated the Cubans during their 
respective terms of office, the toleration 
of the meetings of their juntas to discuss 
these questions, and the appointment by the 
Spanish Government of an investigating com- 
mittee, as a preliminary to the liberal concessions 
demanded, leading them to expect such conces- 
sions, they withheld all expression of their senti- 
ments. But when upon the return to the island of 
the persons elected to take part in \.\{\% junta, the 
nomination of General Don Francisco Lersundi 
(a man opposed to every liberal idea) as Captain- 
General of the Island, the establishment by him 
of Military Commissions to inquire into civil 
complaints, and the enormous direct tax of ten 
per cent, laid upon property, professions, indus- 
try, and commerce, made it clear that the 
liberties of Cuba could not be reached by any 
other than an armed revolution, Aguilera at 
once looked about him to see in what way to 
reach this end. 

The 2d of August, 1867, he met with two 
friends to discuss the subject, and a scheme of 
revolution was formed ; he set to work with 
great earnestness, but while occupying himself 
with gathering money resources for the purchase 
of material of war, the conspiracy was discovered, 
and before the chiefs even were notified, the revo- 
lution broke out with a limited quantity of arms 
and amunition. This took place the loth Octo- 
ber, 1868. 

Aguilera was that day in the district of Caban- 
iguan, all the lands of which were his own ex- 
clusive property ; here he had several breeding 
and cattle farms : the purpose of his visit being 
to assemble all his hands and the natives of the 
country to take part in the struggle at its open- 
ing. There he learned by a special messenger 
that the revolution had been declared the loth 
October, and that the day had been anticipated 
to avoid the calamity of the arrest of the princi- 
pal leaders, which had been ordered by the gov- 
ernment officials of Bayamo and Manzanillo. 

He at once set out with three hundred picked 
men, all well mounted, armed with cutlasses, 
some with fire arms, all of which had been man- 
ufactured at the cost of Aguilera. On the 20th 
of October he entered Bayamo, the capital of 
the new Republic. 



While these events were transpiring, Aguilera 
had already informed his favorite slave, Fran- 
cisco, in whom he placed entire confidence, that 
he and his companions were now wholly free, 
but that he would not announce it to them until he 
could go in person to his estates. As soon as he 
could find leisure from his pressing duties he went 
to his several estates, and assembling his slaves 
upon each, he gave them their freedom papers, 
and added these words : " The revolution which 
we have commenced is not only to free ourselves 
from the yoke of Spain, but one of its principal 
objects is to perform an act of justice and repar- 
ation by proclaiming the absolute emancipation 
of the black ; know therefore that you are wholly 
free, and may dispose of your persons as you may 
choose." Six hundred slaves were from this mo- 
ment free. 

The greater number of them, after expressing 
their delight at this act of generosity on the part 
of their master and of all the Cubans, told 
Aguilera that they wished to follow him and 
share his fortunes, and they obeyed his orders up 
to the time that he ceased to be General of the 
Army of the East. 

At the outbreak of the revolution the memorable 
Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, who in October had 
unfurled the banner of freedom and proclaimed 
the independence of the Island from Spain, 
was chosen its head. Aguilera was chosen second 
in command, and on his arrival at Bayamo 
entered upon his duties. 

The 25th October the Chief of the Provisional 
Cuban Government was informed that Colonel 
Campillo had left Manzanilla with a column of 
seven hundred men and was marching upon Ba- 
yamo ; General Aguilera received orders to stop 
his advance, and with eighty men, of which only 
forty-five were provided with fire arms, he posted 
himself close to the bridge which spans the river 
Babatuaba, and not only prevented its pas- 
sage by Campillo's column of over seven hun- 
dred men, but he forced them to retrace their 
steps to their quarters at Manzanillo, which they 
did not again leave till a long time after. 

On the establishment of the Republican 
Government on the loth April, 1869, Ces- 
pedes was nominated President and Aguilera 
Secretary of War. A month and a half later 
he was elected Vice President, with orders 
to cross over to the State of the East, in the 
capacity of General-in-Chief, to organize the 
forces of that State. His courage, energy, tem- 
perance and self-abnegation, acquired for him the 
respect and admiration of the army. 

Never in the most difficult situations through 
which the revolution passed, even at the period 
when the Cuban army was without arms, ammu- 
nition and even provisions, did Aguilera despair, 
although he had to confront an army of over one 
hundred thousand men, well disciplined, armed 
and supplied. He always said to his soldiers: 

"Be of good cheer, countrymen, liberty is only 
purchased at the cost of blood and sacrifice ; let 
us persevere in the sacred work we have under- 
taken, and never doubt one moment ; our cause, 
which is that of justice, must inevitably triumph." 
And the distinguished general was not mistaken. 
Five years have passed, and the Cuban revolution 
seems about to draw to its close with the com- 
plete triumph of the Cuban arms. 

In June, 1871, he was commissioned by the 
Government to visit the city of New York, accom- 
panied by the Secretary of Foreign Relations, 
Senor Ramon Cespedes, upon an important mis- 
sion. On his assumption of the foreign agency 
of the Republic, Senor Aldama, who had occu- 
pied this important position, resigned his charge. 
Aguilera did all in his power to fulfill his 
mission, and he won the approval and con- 
sideration of his countrymen residing here His 
mission terminated, he made the most strenuous 
efforts to return to Cuba and to his post, but the 
natural hazard of war prevented. 

In his last attempt he contracted a mortal dis- 
ease, from which, during four months, he suffered 
acute pain, and of which he died at half-past ten 
o'clock the 2d of February last. His mortal re- 
mains lay in state for twenty-four hours in 
the Governor's Room in the City Hall of 
New York, a distinguished honor, which 
shows the appreciation in which the charac- 
ter of this illustrious Cuban was held by the 
city authorities. 

The 26th of the same month of February, at 
ten o'clock in the morning, followed by more 
than three thousand persons, his body was car- 
ried to the " Marble Cemetery," there to remain 
until Cuba, free from her tyrants, shall transfer 
them to to the City of Bayamo, where they may 
rest in the tomb of his ancestors. 

In reviewing the life of this philanthropist 
and patriot, not the least sad reflection is that it 
was not permitted him to see the result of his 
sacrifice and labor in the freedom and regenera- 
tion of his native land. After a struggle marked 
by untold atrocity on the part of the mother 
country, in which the best blood of Spain has 
been recklessly and unprofitably wasted, the 
day of Cuban triumph seems to be near at hand. 
With the Antilles free and the slave trade wholly 
broken up, a field will be found for black labor 
which may present a solution to the most difficult 
question of the day. 

The black population of Cuba has been es- 
sentially maintained by direct importation ; the 
policy of the slave trader being to import males 
only, there has been no natural increase. The 
void which will occur when peace is established 
and the slave trade becomes piracy, must be filled. 
The island, which in 1869 contained 1,400,000 
souls, nearly equally divided between free and 
slave, is capable of maintaining an enormous 


Vol. 1 MAY 1877 No. 5 



THE Campaign of Burgoyne, with its attendant circumstances, has 
had so much light thrown upon it by skillful writers that its 
review at the present time may seem unnecessary — even pre- 
sumptuous. Yet, as artists of greater or less capacity are encouraged 
to repeat a theme, made familiar by the works of great masters, so, per- 
haps, may be justified this attempt to portray again the great historical 
drama that opened so exultingly in June, 1777, near the banks of the St. 
Lawrence river, and terminated amid so many tragic elements in Octo- 
ber of the same year, on the banks of the Hudson. 

Few important events have occurred in the history of the world, 
which, in unity of purpose and culminating interest, are more intensely 
dramatic ; and few have occupied so vast a theatre. For its northern 
boundary we must enter Canada at the Three Rivers, where the British 
and German winter encampment was deserted ; on the west we find the 
famous carrying place of the Indians between the head waters of the 
Oswego and the Mohawk, where stood Fort Stanwix, an important 
point in the action ; on the east were the Hampshire Grants, just mould- 
ing themselves into an organized government, where the British met 
their first repulse ; and toward the south, in the Jerseys, those momentous 
manoeuvres took place that formed a huge side-play to the stirring 
events further northward ; the main armies there were but holding each 
other in check, while the over-confident English forces from Canada 
poured through that unhinged gateway of the north, Ticonderoga, and 
swept on southward to meet their final fate in the picturesque region of 
Old Saratoga. 

We, of the present time, can easily picture to ourselves the magnifi- 
cent stage on which these events took place ; we, who so often traverse 
this region by land and water; passing through the lovely valley of the 


Mohawk from Albany to Lake Ontario ; thence skirting the great north- 
ern wilderness, as we sweep around it by water into the borders of Can- 
ada, and from there returning through the great river-like Lake Cham- 
plain to Whitehall, the old Skenesborough. Again we pass over fair 
hills, and by the historic Wood Creek to Fort Edward, and thence by 
romantic carriage rides, or on the lazy canal, to the mouths of the Mo- 
hawk, and to Albany again. Here, resting on the tranquil waters of the 
great Hudson, our sumptuous boat is soon borne onward past the High- 
lands, where Putnam stood guard at Peekskill ; and lower down, where 
we look for the sites of Forts Montgomery and Clinton, and the fire- 
ravaged town of Kingston. We are stirred by memories of the anxie- 
ties, the hopes, the fluctuations of despair and joy that swayed our 
countrymen of that time ; and we are not unmindful of the agony of 
longing with which the ambitious Burgoyne listened for one sound of 
victory, or of hearty cooperation from this region, while he clung to his 
last foothold before the victorious army of the Patriots. Landing at 
New York, our imagination still filled with these visions of the past, we 
naturally turn to the western shores of the bay ; there the names that 
float so vaguely in our minds — Morristown, Middlebrook, Quibbletown, 
and Brunswick — seem suddenly vivified, and resolve themselves into a 
hieroglyphic that reads: "Remember Washington! " It was his grasp 
of large events, his steadfastness of purpose, and his firm directing rein, 
that brought into harmony and effect the conflicting and seemingly 
inefhcient forces that made the closing scene of this spectacle a triumph 
that astonished the world. 

The importance of this triumph upon the fortunes of the American 
struggle for Independence is undisputed. The Battle of Saratoga is 
declared upon high authority to be one of the fifteen decisive battles of 
the world. The reactionary feeling it called forth in the Colonies, after 
the disasters and anxieties of the campaign of the previous year in Can- 
ada, strengthened public sentiment in favor of the patriotic cause, and 
filled the depleted ranks of the army. It led directly to the indispensa- 
ble assistance received from France, and thus to the later recognition of 
other foreign Governments. As in the last French and English war, 
the campaign of 1759, which embraced the rocky heights of Quebec, 
the great water line of New York, and the western posts on the great 
lakes, was the decisive campaign; so by this one of 1777, similar in 
construction, it was proposed by the English King and his American 
Minister, Lord Germaine, to divide and crush the Colonies, and ter- 
minate the war. 


General Burgoyne, who had witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, 
and had watched with critical judgment the cautious movements of Sir 
Guy Carleton during the year 1776, had in the latter part of that year 
returned to England and held long consultations with the King and 
Germaine. Burgoyne brought his military knowledge and experience, 
and his brilliant intellectual powers into play in depicting to them the 
wisdom .and efficiency of Amherst's campaign of 1759. May he not also 
have held in his fervid imagination some picture of himself in the near 
future receiving such honors as had been awarded to Amherst ? We 
know the result of those consultations ; how a definite and explicit plan 
was formed in England by which every particular in regard to the move- 
ment of troops in Canada was specified, even to the number that should 
garrison each successive post ; how Sir Guy Carleton was ignored, and 
ordered to hand over the army of invasion to General Burgoyne ; and 
how, upon leaving the Canadian boundaries, that army was to be wholly 
independent of Carleton. Orders were also forwarded to Sir William 
Howe, at New York, to cooperate with this enterprise by proceeding 
up the Hudson river to join Burgoyne at Albany. These orders do not 
appear to have been so peremptory as those which were to control the 
northern division of the army ; at least Lord Howe interpreted them 
very freely. He not only sailed south, toward Philadelphia, with the 
main army, while Burgoyne was pushing toward him frorti the north, but 
he left Sir Henry Clinton at New York with purely discretionary pow- 
ers in regard to such cooperation. 

It was also arranged by Lord Germaine that an expedition should be 
sent to Fort Stanwix by way of Lake Ontario, which should make its 
way thence through the Mohawk valley to Albany ; and St. Leger was 
designated as the proper person for its command. The New England 
Colonies were also to be threatened with invasion ; upon this order Gen- 
eral Burgoyne based very strongly his defense, before the Parliamentary 
Committee, of his disastrous movement upon Bennington. 

It is thus seen that the culmination of this great scheme was directed 
against the very heart — the vital existence of the great province of New 
York, even then the most important, the most vigorous of those thirteen 
young giants who stood so sullenly, defiantly, and yet reluctantly at bay 
to receive the blow that would decide whether they should submit to 
the unreasonable demands of a tyrannical parent, or remain free for the 
development of a full manhood. 

When Burgoyne arrived at Quebec, in May, he found Carleton ready 
to aid him with alacrity, and in a very short time the troops that had 


been in winter quarters and the newly arrived reinforcements — the Ca- 
nadian Provincials and the Indian allies — were in readiness for a forward 
movement. Burgoyne ordered the sick and the baggage to be left at 
Three Rivers, and the whole army to concentrate at St. Johns. This 
was accomplished by the 12th of June, and here, on that day, around a* 
sumptuous dinner, sat Sir Guy Carleton, Generals Burgoyne, Riedesel, 
Phillips, Frazer and other officers of rank. While still at the table a 
message was brought informing General Riedesel of the long anticipated 
arrival of his wife, the Baroness, at Quebec, and announcing to General 
Carleton the approach of reinforcements for the army in Canada. Hearty 
congratulations were exchanged, the wine flowed freely, and amid great 
hilarity and exultation General Carleton took leave of the army of inva- 
sion. A brilliant scene was presented by this trained and disciplined 
army of two nations, equipped with all that power, wealth and genius 
could devise and procure, and accompanied by artillery unparalleled at 
that time for efficiency and splendor. As the guns roared out their 
farewell salute, and the different corps moved back and forth in their 
preparations to embark, the earth shook as though she would hasten 
their departure ; and as they floated towards the great Lake its waters 
quivered under the light of a hazy mystery that seemed to entice them on 
to unimagined glories. What wonder if the poet-soul of Burgoyne 
reveled in enchanting fancies that clothed the end in brightness. We 
have been accustomed to think of him in disgrace, as he yielded his 
sword to his victorious enemy — or to dwell on his pompous proclama- 
tions, his grandiose follies. Another view may be taken of this hero of 
misfortunes. He made undoubted and serious sacrifices in an attempt to 
control and humanize his savage allies ; his high sense of honor cannot 
be questioned ; his calmness and discretion under unjust public oppro- 
brium and censure are worthy of admiration and imitation. The bril- 
liancy of his hope, the persistency of his efforts to accomplish the de- 
sired end, his unflinching assumption of entire responsibility, and the 
quiet dignity with which final disaster was faced and borne, render him 
one of the most picturesque and pathetic objects that fill for a moment 
the kaleidoscope of our revolutionary epoch. 

We have a graphic description of Burgoyne's army on Lake Cham- 
plain, given by Anburey, a young officer who accompanied the expedi- 
tion, in one of his delightful letters to a friend. " Let me just relate," 
writes he, " in what manner the army passed up the lake, which was by 
brigades, generally advancing from seventeen to twenty miles a day, and 
regulated in such a manner that the second Brigade should take the 


place of the first, and so on successively, for each Brigade to fill the 
ground the other quitted ; the time of departure was alwa} s day- 

In another letter he writes : "I cannot forbear portraying to your 
invagination one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever beheld. When 
we were in the widest part of the lake, whose beauty and extent I have 
already described, it was . remarkably fine and clear, not a breeze was 
stirring, when the whole army appeared at one view in such perfect 
regularity as to form the most complete and splendid regatta you can 
possibly conceive. In the front the Indians went with their birch-bark 
canoes, containing twenty or thirty each ; then the advanced corps in 
regular line with the gun-boats, then followed the Royal George and 
Inflexible, towing large booms — which are to be thrown across two points 
of land — with the two brigs and sloops following ; after them Generals 
Burgoyne, Phillips and Riedesel in their pinnaces ; next to them the 
second Battalion, followed by the German Battalion ; and the rear was 
brought up with the sutlers and followers of the arm3\ Upon the ap- 
pearance of so formidable a fleet you may imagine they were not a little 
dismayed at Ticonderoga, for they were apprised of our advance, as 
we every day could see their watch-boats." 

While the main army from Canada was thus advancing towards 
Crown Point and Ticonderoga, St. Leger, with nearly a thousand men, 
regulars and Canadians, and Sir John Johnson Avith the Royal Greens, 
whose homes all lay in the beautiful valley they now wished to ravish 
and conquer, moved up the St. Lawrence and through Lakes Ontario 
and Oneida into Wood Creek, by which to approach Fort Stan- 
wix or Schuyler. This fort was garrisoned by seven hundred and fifty 
Continental troops, and was under the command of the brave Colonel 

Earl)7' in the 3'ear 1777 General Philip Schuyler, commanding the 
northern division of the Continental Army, had been actively engaged 
in preparations for the summer campaign in his Department. At that 
time he had informed General Washington that it would be necessary for 
him to have ten thousand additional troops to garrison Fort Ticondero- 
ga and its adjacent defences, and two thousand for important points on 
the Mohawk. He was making arrangements, under the direction and 
with the assistance of Washington, to collect and provide for as large a 
portion of this force as possible, when, early in April, it became neces- 
sary for him to go to Philadelphia. This was in consequence of the in- 
trigues of his enemies, who had determined that he should relinquish the 


command of the Northern Department. Congress had just before this 
sent General Gates to resume the command at Ticonderoga, and while 
General Schuyler was absent the control of the Department devolved 
upon Gates. 

General Schuyler, as second officer in rank in the Continental Army^ 
commanded the defences of Philadelphia while in that city, and was 
energetically engaged in that capacity ; he was also a delegate to Con- 
gress from New York. About the last of May resolutions were passed 
in Congress affording him an entire vindication from all charges brought 
against him, and he was given " absolute command over every part of the 
Northern Department." 

On the 3d of June he arrived in Albany and resumed his command. 
During his absence little had been done to carry forward his plans of 
defence, or to increase the little army that garrisoned the widely 
separated posts of the command. The Mohawk valley, always an 
object of especial care and solicitude to Schuyler, had been wholly 

Upon his arrival in Albany he immediately wrote to General Herki- 
mer to hold the militia of Tryon county in readiness to repel any attack 
from the west ; and he renewed his efforts to quiet and conciliate the 
Indians of the Six Nations, with whom he had great influence. 

He was soon informed of the movements of Burgoyne. His first 
impression was that Burgoyne would only make a feint upon Ticonde- 
roga, while his main army would march from St. Johns toward the 
Connecticut river, and make an attempt upon the New England States^ 
who might receive a simultaneous attack on the sea coast from Lord 
Howe. He gave no time to idle surmises, however, but hurried to 
Ticonderoga to inspect its defenses. The additional works, projected at 
Mount Independence, opposite Ticonderoga, were incomplete for want 
of troops and artizans. Schuyler, therefore, went to Lake George, 
whence he forwarded workmen and provisions to Fort Independence, 
and then returned to Albany, to hurry forward reinforcements that were 
hourly expected from Peekskill. 

Hearing at this time of Burgoyne's certain and speedy approach 
toward Ticonderoga, he wrote most urgently to the Governor of Con- 
necticut, the President of the Council of Massachusetts, and the various 
Committees of Safety, and to Washington, informing them of the im- 
pending danger, and asking for assistance. He also used every exertion 
possible to collect the militia of New York, with which he might 
advance at once to aid St. Clair, whom he had placed in command of 


Fort Ticonderoga. General Gates had refused to remain in the Depart- 
ment after Schuyler's return, and had obtained a leave to return to 

Schuyler's appeal for reinforcements met with a languid response. 
Washington alone seemed to understand the urgency of his need, and 
he could do little to augment Schuyler's insignificant army. He, how- 
ever, appealed also to the New England States, urging upon them the 
danger to their own boundaries if Burgoyne should gain any foothold 
in the Northern Department. He also ordered Putnam at Peekskill to 
reinforce Schuyler with four Massachusetts regiments. 

At this time the main army under Washington consisted of but 
seven thousand five hundred men, many of them militia, whose terms of 
service would soon expire. With this small force, Washington, from 
the heights at Middlebrook, watched and baffled the movements of Lord 
Howe, whose army, assembled at Brunswick, " had not its equal in the 

Howe's main object was to entice Washington into a general engage- 
ment, in which the British would have greatly the advantage. Such a 
victory would not only insure possession of Philadelphia, the principal 
aim of Howe's campaign, but would enable him to cooperate with Bur- 
goyne, which he was willing to do, if such a movement could be made 
conformable to his own plans. 

Washington was greatly perplexed, and in much anxiety, from his 
inability to solve the designs of Howe. Yet, with undisturbed self-pos- 
session, he continued to hold the shifting army of the enemy in check 
It had advanced and retreated ; advanced again, and had endeavored to 
outflank him ; but finally, by his untiring vigilance, his inflexible adhe- 
rence to his original purpose of maintaining his strong position on the 
heights, and by the harrassments to which he subjected the ease-loving 
Lord Howe, he compelled that commander on the 30th of June to evac- 
ate the Jerseys with his whole army. 

Washington had written to Schuyler : ''If I can keep General Howe 
below the Highlands, I think their schemes will be entirely baffled." 
Even when Howe was known to have sailed southward, Washington 
surmised that it might be a feint to draw him toward Philadelphia, when 
Howe would return and ascend the Hudson. 

It is evident that the situation of the Northern Department con- 
stantly occupied the attention of the Commander-in-Chief. When he 
was assured that Howe was in the capes of the Delaware, and there was 
no further doubt that Philadelphia was the point of attack, although 


himself in great need of troops and efficient officers, lie parted with 
Morgan's Corps of five hundred picked men, and sent Arnold, of whose 
abilities as a General he entertained a high opinion, to assist the Army 
of the North. He also directed General Lincoln, then in New England, 
to repair to Schuyler's command, and advised that he should attempt a 
flank movement upon Burgoyne toward the east. He also addressed 
circulars to the Brigadier-Generals of Militia in Western Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, urging them to march with a large part of their com- 
mand to Saratoga, or other rendezvous designated by General Schuy- 
ler. To the latter he wrote, warning him against collecting large quan- 
tities of ammunition and other stores in forts and lines of defense. " I 
begin to consider lines," he writes, " a kind of trap, unless they are in 
passes which cannot be avoided by the enemy." 

We will see how the imperfect lines of defense at Ticonderoga came 
near being ''a trap," in which St. Clair and his little army of three 
thousand men would have been captured but for the prompt and well- 
considered plan of retreat adopted by St. Clair. If this retreat was in 
some particulars disastrous, this misfortune should not reflect upon the 
commander, but on the subordinates, who, through negligence and 
officiousness, marred his plan, and upon the ill fortune that sometimes 
attends the best laid schemes. 

The importance attached to the occupation of Ticonderoga appears 
to have been traditionary, and without sufficient foundation. Being 
considered of such importance, there seems to have been strange neglect 
and want of foresight in the various officers who succeeded each other 
in its command. The scattering and imperfect defenses were extended 
over more than two miles. Sugar Hill, '' the key of the position,"- was 
not occupied. There had been repeated discussions among the officers 
as to the feasibility of fortifying this commanding point. Colonel Trum- 
bull, and Generals Wayne and Arnold had climbed the hill, which was 
difficult of ascent, to satisfy themselves that a battery could be placed 
upon it. Major Stevens, the energetic officer. who commanded the 
artillery at Ticonderoga, and later all the artillery in the northern de- 
partment, had proved by a practical experiment with one of his guns 
that it should be occupied. 

Washington, upon a report of the defenses in the Northern Depart- 
ment, had condemned Fort Independence, on the opposite shore of the 
Lake, as entirely useless for the purpose of checking an enemy's pro- 
gress toward^ the south, as it did not command the road to Lake George. 
Yet Wayne, Gates, Schuyler, and St. Clair were equally agreed in con- 


sidering it necessary to hold Ticonderoga and strengthen Mount Inde- 
pendence, and were equally negligent in leaving Sugar Hill exposed to 
the adversary. The scantiness of the garrison, the contentions among 
its commanders, and the final unexpected rapidity of Burgoyne's ad- 
vance, may -partly explain the apparent want of sound military judg- 
ment that caused this fortress to fall hke ripe fruit into the hands of the 

An old entrenchment on the road to Lake George was also neglected 
by the Americans ; and when Burgoyne made his appearance before 
Ticonderoga on the 4th of July, this position was immediately seized 
upon by General Frazer, and named Mount Hope, as significant of 
future success. 

Burgoyne had lingered a few days at Crown Point, and there on the 
30th of June he issued the famous order, containing these words : 
" This army must not retreat^ On the following morning he moved for- 
ward in battle array. The German battalions formed the left wing, and 
advanced on the east side of the lake until they camped in front of Mount 
Independence. General Frazer led the right wing on the west side, and 
the floating batteries moved in unison between. On the 4th of July, 
when Frazer had occupied Mount Hope, General Phillips took posses- 
sion of the mills at the outlet of Lake George, and on the same day sent 
Lieutenant Twiss to reconnoitre Sugar Hill. Satisfied from his report 
that a battery could be placed upon it, he only waited for darkness to 
carry out his design. The guns were then hoisted from tree to tree 
with heavy ropes, and, writes Anburey, '' General Phillips urged the 
work forward with the same vehemence with which he drove his artil- 
lery at the battle of Minden, when he is said to have broken fifteen canes 
over the horses." 

On the morning of July 5th St. Clair awoke to see, in the early dawn, 
the red-coats busy on the summit of Sugar Hill, planting a battery seven 
hundred feet above him, from which point they could observe every 
movement within the fort. He recognized the danger, and immediately 
called a council of officers. They unanimously agreed that the evacua- 
tion of Forts Ticonderoga and Independence was imperative, or a sur- 
render would soon be inevitable. 

St. Clair, quietly and expeditiously, made arrangements to begin the 
retreat on the same night. The troops Avere permitted to believe that a 
sortie Avas intended, and firing was continued through the day to deceive 
the enemy. Above the floating bridge that connected the forts a boom- 
had been placed to obstruct the navigation of the lake. It was sup 


posed that this would delay the British gunboats, so that the American 
batteaux might reach Skenesborough in safety. As soon as darkness 
rendered it discreet, the wounded and women, together with the stores 
and ammunition, were embarked on two hundred of these batteaux. 
They were escorted by five armed galleys and six hundred men, under 
the command of Colonel Long. It was a bright moonlight night, but 
they got under way in safety ; as they proceeded leisurely up the lake, 
they indulged in much merriment and exultation over their quiet and 
expeditious escape. 

St. Clair, with the main body of the troops, also passed safely and 
undiscovered over the floating bridge, where they were joined by the 
garrison from Mount Independence. All were under full retreat, when, 
most unfortunately, the house that had been occupied as head-quarters 
by General de Fertnois, who commanded Independence, was fired, and the 
brilliant flames lighted up the entire columns of the retreating forces. 
The British sentinels immediately gave the alarm. By day-break the 
British flag floated over both forts, and in a few hours General Frazer 
was in close pursuit of the Americans. 

On the morning of the 7th Frazer's Indian scouts came upon the rear 
guard of St. Clair's army, under Colonels Warner and Francis, at Hub- 
bardton. General Frazer made an impetuous attack, which Warner 
resisted with great spirit. He was nobly seconded by Colonel Francis, 
who three times charged the enemy at the head of his regiment. On 
one of these occasions his men came into action singing the hymns 
familiar to them in their village churches. This induced the British to 
believe that reinforcements had arrived ; they were yielding ground 
when General Riedesel, who had been awaiting the arrival of his grena- 
diers for two hours with great impatience, now brought them forward 
with colors flying, while they sung the resonant battle hymns of the 
Germans. Under the first onslaught with their bayonets. Colonel 
Francis fell, fatally wounded, and the exhausted Americans were com- 
pelled to leave the field. They had crippled the enemy sufficiently to check 
further pursuit, and had caused them heavy losses of men and officers. 
Among the wounded was Major Ackland, whose painful walk after- 
wards down the steep, wooded hill, upon which the battle was fought, 
is touchingly related by the officer who assisted him. It was in conse- 
quence of this wound that Lady Ackland shortly afterward joined him 
at Skenesborough. 

While the contest was in progress at Hubbardton, St. Clair ordered 
Colonel Hale with his regiment to reinforce Warner and Francis. Hale 


disobeyed orders, and with his men was soon afterwards captured by the 
enemy. St. Clair, hearing now that Burgoyne had possession of Skenes- 
borough, pushed into the woods eastward, and made a circuitous route 
to Fort Edward, where he arrived on the 12th. 

The batteaux of the American flotilla from Ticonderoga, had just 
touched at Skenesborough, when heavy firing was heard in their rear. 
The British had speedily disposed of the obstructing boom and follow- 
ed the flotilla up the, lake. The Americans, confused and panic-stricken, 
abandoned all the stores they had brought with so much care, and fled 
towards Fort Anne. Before leaving they set fire to the houses, mills and 
other buildings at Skenesborough ; the flames spread into the pine for- 
ests, on the surrounding hills, which, as the British approached, present- 
ed a scene of unsurpassed grandeur and desolation. 

The retreating force separated, one party making its way through 
Wood Creek, and the remainder, under Colonel Long, pushing through 
the woods to Fort Anne, where he determined to make a stand. When 
the British approached he returned to meet them, and posted his reg- 
iment on a narrow pathway near Wood Creek. As the British advanced 
he opened fire upon them, and shifting his troops from side to side of the 
creek, so harassed and confused them that they were forced to take refuge 
on a hill to the right. Here they were closely besieged for two hours. 
Several of their officers were wounded and carried into a log house 
whose walls were frequently penetrated by the American rifle balls ; 
while lying there these officers commented with surprise upon the dar- 
ing and endurance of the rebels, whose courageous spirit they here en- 
countered for the first time. When Colonel Long's little band was upon 
the very verge of victory, there suddenly sounded through the forest, 
on every side, the terrible war-whoop of the savages as they advanced 
by hundreds to reinforce the British. The Americans hurriedly secured 
their prisoners, and taking their wounded, left the hill and continued 
their retreat to Fort Edward. 

During the first days of July, General Schuyler had waited in Albany, 
with great impatience, the arrival of reinforcements from the Highlands. 
On the 7th they had not arrived, and leaving orders for them to follow, 
he started north with the small force he had collected, about fifteen hun- 
dred men. At Stillwater he was met with the astounding intelligence 
that St. Clair had abandoned Forts Ticonderoga and Independence 
without striking a blow in their defense, and hurrying on to Fort Ed- 
ward he met Long, who could give him no account of St. Clair and his 
army. Fears were entertained that he had been overtaken and compelled 


to surrender. After a mysterious disappearance of seven days, St. 
Clair joined Schuyler at Fort Edward, his men haggard and worn with 
their exhausting march, but safe and resolute for further service. 

These misfortunes in the beginning of the campaign involved a heavy 
loss of artillery, small arms, and stores of all kinds ; the consternation of 
the people who fled before Burgoyne seemed still more disastrous, and 
Schuyler's fortitude and composure were most severely tried. He was 
sustained and encouraged by constant despatches from Washington, who 
writes at one time, " We should never despair. If new difficulties arise 
we must only put forth new exertions," and again he expresses an earnest 
sympathy for Schuyler amid these thickening difficulties, and manifests 
his unwavering confidence in his ability to overcome them. With un- 
flagging energy Schuyler exerted himself to delay the enemy while en- 
deavoring to collect a sufficient force to meet him with some reasonable 
prospect of success. 

Burgoyne now had his headquarters at the house of a noted loyalist, 
Colonel Skene ; the victories he anticipated appeared to fall into his 
hands as the natural result of his well laid schemes. The frightened 
patriots trembled at his approach, and Colonel Skene assured him that 
hundreds of loyalists were waiting for an opportunity to join his advanc- 
ing army. Skene was an old resident, a large land owner, and was sup- 
posed to exert an extended influence ; much weight was therefore attach- 
ed to his opinion. 

Burgoyne was greatly elated, and on the tenth of July ordered a 

Thanksgiving service to be read ''at the head of the line, and at the 

head of the Advanced Corps, and at sun-set on the same day, a feu de 

joye to be fired with cannon and small arms at Ticonderoga, Crown 

Point, Skenesborough and Castleton." 

He had now reached the close of the '' first period of this campaign," 
as he divided it in his " State of the Expedition," written after his return 
to England. These three divisions we may appropriately consider, from 
an artistic point of view, as the three acts in this great drama. The sec- 
ond one extended from this time to Burgoyne's passage across the Hud- 
son river, near the Batten Kill, on the thirteenth of September. 

General Schuyler remained at Fort Edward until he had effectually 
obstructed the pathway from Skenesborough, where Burgoyne now ling- 
ered. Huge stones were rolled into Wood Creek, and trees felled across 
it ; bridges were destroyed, and the forests leveled aross the roads. The 
surrounding country was stripped of forage and the cattle driven off, so 
that the enemy would be compelled to rely upon his base of operations for 


provisions ; this proved a serious obstacle to Burgoyne's advance. Hav- 
ing accomplished these purposes, Schuyler fell back to Fort Miller, on the 
east side of the river, and again paused to destroy the road over which 
he had just passed. He then retreated to Stillwater, and reinforcements 
coming in but slowly, he finally encamped his little army near the mouths 
of the Mohawk, but maintained his headquarters at Stillwater. 

At Skenesborough Burgoyne first faced the difficulties of his position. 
His force was reduced in order to garrison the forts already taken, Carle- 
ton having refused to send troops for that purpose. In preparing to 
march through an unfamiliar wilderness, he found that the necessity of 
carrying provisions and dragging artillery, while engaged in cuttmg a 
passage and constructing roads, would seriously retard his progress. 
He was not discouraged, but pushed on vigorously. The troops suffer- 
ed greatly during their severe labors from the excessive heat and innum- 
erable insects. It was, therefore, with a feeling of intense relief that 
they arrived at Fort Edward on the thirteenth of July. Both officers 
and men were inspired with enthusiasm upon thus obtaining their first 
sight of the Hudson River, so long the object of their desires and 

Burgoyne remained here, and at Duer's House, not far distant, until 
September loth, his difficulties and perplexities constantly increasing. 
His requisition for horses and wagons, upon which his arni}^ was so de- 
pendent, had been imperfectly filled. It seemed impossible to accumu- 
late sufficient provisions for a long and rapid march. Instead of the 
friendly and helpful inhabitants who he imagined would flock to his 
quarters, there was absolute coldness on the part of the inhabitants, or the 
desolation of deserted homes. His Indian allies were insurbordinate and 
troublesome, and soon the murder of Jane McCrea by a party of these 
savages aroused and intensified the hostile feeling of the Colonists. His 
own humane and honorable sentiments were shocked and disgusted by 
this incident. It was impossible for him to dispense with the services of 
these wild creatures, from whom so much was expected by the Home 
Government. He satisfied himself by imposing stringent orders upon 
their movements. This created a general discontent, and they soon be- 
gan to desert him by hundreds. In the midst of these anxieties he re- 
ceived intelligence of the- arrival of St. Leger before Fort Stanwix. 

According to his original plan, he must now move immediately down 
the river to cooperate with St. Leger, or at least make a diversion in his 
favor. An expedition was therefore proposed that, it was thought, 
would answer many important purposes. Burgoyne was informed by 


Colonel Skene that at Bennington the Americans had collected many 
horses, and large stores of every kind for the use of the northern army. 
Skene also reiterated his assurances concerning the loyalists, who 
would, by such a movement, secure the opportunity for which they 
waited to join the British army. So confident were the officers of the 
truth of these statements of Skene, that when the Americans of Stark's 
command came creeping around the flanks of the British at Benning- 
ton for their first attack, they were allowed to advance under the 
impression that they were loyalists, who thus sought access to the Brit- 
ish camp. This expedition was also intended to mislead Schuyler into 
the belief that New England was the object of Burgoyne's efforts. 

Colonel Baum was sent with a body of German grenadiers, English 
marksmen, Canadians and Indians, to make an attack upon Bennington, 
and secure the much needed horses and provisions. He set out on 
the 13th of August, and so eager was General Burgoyne in regard to 
the success of this enterprise that he rode after Baum to impress his 
orders upon him verbally. 

The people of Bennington were apprised of Baum's approach. It 
happened, fortunately, that General Stark had refused to leave his 
neighborhood and join General Schuyler at Stillwater, having recently 
received a slight from Congress, which seems indeed to have had a 
disposition to ignore or wound the most active officers of the Conti- 
nental Army. Stark immediately called out the militia, and rallied his 
brigade ; he also dispatched a message to General Lincoln, at Manches- 
ter, to forward reinforcements. On the morning of the 14th he marched 
out of Bennington. When about six miles on the road, he encountered 
the British, and a sharp skirmish took place, in Avhich several of the 
enemy were killed and wounded. Baum now posted himself on a hill, 
and began to entrench his camp, while he sent a messenger to Burgoyne 
for reinforcements. A heavy rain prevented an engagement on the fif- 
teenth, but there was constant skirmishing. The New Englanders, now 
thoroughly aroused to the danger of invasion, flocked hurriedly and in 
large numbers to the American camp. 

On the morning of the i6th a bright sun dispersed all threatening 
clouds, and Stark, although without artillery or bayonets, prepared to 
attack Baum in his entrenchments. He sent a detachment to the rear 
of the enemy's left, and another to the rear of his right. Simulta- 
neously with the attack from these divisions, Stark, at the head of his 
column, exclaimed : " There are the red-coats ; before night they must 
be ours, or Molly Stark 's a widow," and rushed upon the entrenchments 


with impetuous fury. The Germans defended their works steadily and 
bravely, but the Canadians and Indians were soon driven in upon them ; 
and the Americans, pressing- up to the very mouth of the cannon, con- 
tinued the contest with a frenzied determination. They captured the 
i^uns, and forced the Provincials and Indians to retreat precipitously. 
The Germans had now exhausted their ammunition ; they resorted to 
their bayonets and broad-swords, and attempted a retreat through the 
woods. The Americans pursued hotly ; many of the enemy were killed 
and wounded, among the former Colonel Baum. All who survived were 
taken prisoners. 

At this critical moment Colonel Breyman came upon the ground 
with his Germans, and renewed the attack upon Stark's exhausted 
forces. Colonel Warren now arrived from Bennington with his regi- 
ment, fresh and vigorous. It was late in the afternoon when this sec- 
ond action began ; it was continued until dark, the enemy retreating 
slowly, and making a stand from place to place. Stark followed up 
his victory as long as there was a ray of light to expose the enemy. 
''Another hour of daylight, and he would have captured the whole 
body." Breyman continued his retreat under cover of the night, leaving 
his baggage and artillery in the hands of the Americans. 

This victory, so complete and inspiriting to the Americans, was 
equally disastrous . and disheartening to the British. Like the glori- 
ous sunshine of that summer day, it ripened the growing fruit of pa- 
triotism in the hearts of the colonists ; and like the dreary night that 
followed it, shadowed the despondency of the English, and made 
darker the forebodings that began to cluster around the anxious heart 
of Burgoyne. Its practical results were an acquisition of one thousand 
stand of arms, and many field-pieces. Nearly six hundred privates and 
thirty-tw^o officers were made prisoners of w^ar. 

In the meantime, on the 3d of August, St. Leger had appeared before 
Fort Stanwix and demanded its surrender. Colonel Gansevoort pay- 
ing no attention to this summons, St. Leger began to fortify his 
camp, and bring forw^ard his artillery through Wood Creek, preparatory 
to a regular siege. He also sent detachments in various directions to 
cut off the garrison from the surrounding country. 

General Herkimer, acting under Schuyler's orders, was advancing to 
the relief of Colonel Gansevoort ; he sent messengers to apprise that 
commander of his approach, and directed that signal guns should be fired 
upon the arrival of the men in the fort ; a sortie was to be made at the 
same time, and under this diversion he would hasten forward. The mes- 


seng-ers were delayed many hours on the road, and the officers under 
Herkimer became impatient for an advance. Herkimer urged the neces- 
sity of waiting for the preconcerted signal, but in vain; the officers 
continued their unreasonable appeals, and finally taunting him with cow- 
ardise or disloyalty, impelled him to a movement that his judgment did 
not approve. 

Brant, who led the Indians under St. Leger, was informed by his sis- 
ter of Herkimer's approach. An ambuscade was planned. While 
Herkimer's van-guard was crossing a ravine on a narrow causway, 
near Oriskany, the concealed Indians suddenly assailed them on 
either side, and a desperate contest ensued. It lasted several hours, the 
Americans defending themselves with resolute bravery, and the Indians 
killing the wounded and prisoners like veritable demons of the forest. 
Herkimer was seriously wounded, but had himself propped against a 
tree and continued to give his orders and urge on his troops. British 
regulars were brought on the field, who repeatedly charged with the bay- 
onet, but were steadily repulsed. 

A heavy rain checked the contest, but it was soon renewed more des- 
perately than ever, and became one of the most terrific hand to hand 
fights of the war. Johnson's Royal Greens found opportunity to gratify 
many long-cherished animosities, as their opponents were their old neigh- 
bors of the Valley, and the Indians were excited to unusual ferocity. 
These last were finally driven back, and fled, and their supporters hearing 
firing in their rear returned to their camp. 

While this contest was in progress, the messengers had reached Gan- 
sevoort, who ordered a sortie upon the enemy's camp. This was suc- 
cessful, and the whole camp equipage and stores of the Loyalists were 
secured and brought into the fort. 

Congress had just adopted the Stars and Stripes as the National 

One of the officers at Fort Stanwix now made an American flag of a 
white shirt and some bits of red cloth ; the blue field was made of an over- 
coat belonging to Captain Swartout of Dutchess County. This uncouth 
emblem was the first American flag that waved over a British standard ; 
the colors just captured at the British camp being placed in this ignoble 

St. Leger now caused exaggerated accounts of the American losses 
at Oriskany to be sent into the fort, and again demanded a surrender. 
Gansevoort again treated the summons with contempt, when St. Leger 
pressed the seige and advanced his lines. 

?,A'l ri.K OF SARATOGA 289 

On the tenth two officers were dispatched by Gansevoort to make 
their way through the lines, and obtain assistance from Schuyler. At 
great risk, and after enduring many hardships, they reached Stillwater, 
Schuyler wished to respond immediately to this demand, but many of 
his officers objected ; they urged the imprudence of lessening the force 
with which Burgoyne's army must be met. Schuyler felt justly indig- 
nant with this selfish disregard of the critical situation of the heroic 
Gansevoort. He assumed the entire responsibility of forwarding a de- 
tachment, and Arnold volunteered his services for its command. He 
was soon in the valley of the Mohawk with eight hundred men ; his 
progress was not rapid enough to satisfy his impatient spirit, which reach- 
ed forward in eager devices to foil the enemy, and encourage the be- 
sieged. He dispatched messengers to Gansevoort, assuring him of 
relief, and with great adroitness caused rumors of the advance of a 
large force to be circulated in St. Leger's camp. These rumors were 
repeated and exaggerated, until the Indian allies became alarmed and 
ungovernable. They seized upon the blankets and other effects of the 
British officers, and commenced a hasty retreat. St. Leger, believing 
the Americans were close upon him, left his camp, and followed his 
retreating allies, abandoning his guns and baggage to the exultant patri- 
ots, who were now relieved of all apprehension. Arnold was forty miles 
from Stanwix at this time, and upon hearing of the ignominious flight 
of the British, retraced his steps to join the army under Schuyler. 

This army was rapidly increasing; the long expected regiments 
from the Highlands had arrived ; the New York Militia had rallied 
nobly ; and the New Englanders, excited by the victory at Bennington, 
were on their way to the camp with their jubilant brigades; Arnold, 
with an aumented division, was approaching. The country was buoy- 
ant with hope, an exaggerated reaction after the depression of the earl}^ 
summer. Schuyler was at last in a position to begin offensive operations ; 
he might now see the development of his well laid schemes ; he would 
soon be able to point exultantly to the result of his toil, his patience, to the 
unappreciated difficulties now conquered. Such we may imagine General 
Schuyler's thoughts, as he sprang on his horse one bright morning in 
August, at the door of his stately mansion in Albany, when about to 
meet his officers for a consultation in regard to an advance movement 
of his army. As his charger moved restlessly under the rein, an officer 
approached w^ith an official document. Schuyler, ever on the alert, 
checked his horse to examine the dispatch. It contained the resolutions 
of Congress that deprived him of his command. This, in the face of the 
enemy, and at the turning point of his fortunes ! 


A momentary movement of the lip, and a lifting of the eyebrows — 
then a deepening of the firm lines about the mouth, were the only signs 
of suppressed emotion. . With a graceful bow to the waiting officer, the 
deeply injured Commander rode quietly on to his head-quarters. When 
surrounded by his officers he explained the dispatch, and simply said : 
'' Until the country is in safety, I shall stifle my resentment." He kept 
his word, and with unremitting energy continued to perform the ardu- 
ous duties of his command, until his successor arrived. In a few days 
this successor, General Gates, appeared at head-quarters, where he was 
received and entertained by General Schuyler with unexampled mag- 
nanimity and dignity. 

Kosciusko, the Polish engineer, was sent by General Gates to recon- 
noitre and select a position for the proposed advance camp of the Amer- 
icans. He decided that Bemis Heights, four miles above Stillwater, 
was the most favorable point. The army was soon afterward encamped 
at that place, and a line of entrenchments constructed for its 

The defeat of Baum, and the failure of St. Leger, by successive 
strokes, had paralyzed the right and the left arms of Burgoyne's force, 
and he now struggled forward with the maimed body of his army, amid 
ever thickening danger. Yet undismayed, he assiduously endeavored 
to carry out his original design, and obey the orders of Germaine and the 
King. Having collected provisions for a thirty days' march, he dispatched 
a messenger to New York with entreaties for a movement to be made 
from that direction. He then left Duer's House, and moved his army 
steadily forward to the Batten Kill, where he encamped on the night of 
the twelfth of September. Finding that his officers were reluctant to 
cross the river, he assumed the entire responsibility himself, and on the 
13th and 14th passed the whole army over the Hudson on a bridge of 
boats, enforcing his order, " This army must not retreat." They con- 
tinued their march down the river, and encamped on the north side of Fish 
Creek. Here, in sight of Old Saratoga, which lay on the south side of the 
stream, closed the " second period of the campaign," and with dramatic 
propriety the curtain falls upon another act, which in its progress has 
already indicated the direction of coming events. 

Here also, on the night of the 14th of September, Burgoyne's 
encampment rested on the very spot where, a few weeks later, his sur- 
render took place. This place was several miles above the battle-field of 
Bemis Heights. From a hill on the east side of the Hudson, Colonel 
Colburn, of the Continental Army, reconnoitred this camp. Perched in 


the forks of a tall tree, he counted through his field-glass eight hundred 
tents ; watched the army prepare for and start on its forward march, and 
then hastened to Stillwater to make his report to Gates. 

Burgoyne's orders at this time prove the intensity of his anxiety, his 
constant anticipation of an attack, and his determination to press on at 
all hazards. On the fourteenth of September, they read, " During the 
next marches of the army, the corps are to move in such a state as to be 
fit for instant action. It is a standing order for the rest of the campaign, 
that all pickets and guards are under arms an hour before daylight, and 
remain so until it is completely light." 

On the hfteenth he says, '' The army are to march in three columns, 
after having passed Schuyler's house — The provisions to be floated down 
under the care of Captain Brown — The hospitals to move as quick as 
carts can be provided for them — The bridge to be broke up and floated 
down immediately after the army is marched." And later in the day, at 
Dovogat, " The whole line to lie accoutred to-night." 

Here, at Dovogat, he remained two days, while his working parties 
repaired bridges and otherwise cleared the way for his artillery and 
baggage. Quietness and gloom hung about the heavy columns of his 
army. No drums were beat, or trumpets sounded ; mysteriously, labori- 
ously and persistently this strictly disciplined army was held to its course 
by the dogged determination and the impulsive will of its commander. 
Orders were rigid and imperious. '' The first soldier caught beyond 
the advance sentries of the army will be instantly hung. The baggage 
will remain loaded, as the army will march as soon as the bridges are 
repaired," and at Sword's house on the seventeenth, his orders read, 
"■ The whole army to lie accoutred, and be under arms before daybreak, 
and continue so until it clears up." 

The position chosen for the American camp, where Gates had 
determined to await an attack, was on a spur of hills that "approached the 
river bank. At their base, on the river, stood Bemis' house, used by 
Gates as head-quarters for a few days ; he afterwards moved on the hill. 
Earthworks were thrown across the narrow meadow between the hill 
and the river ; they covered the old road, and the bridge of boats com- 
municating with the east side of the Hudson. The heights were to the 
north and west. Breastworks were projected toward the north, in a 
semi-circle, for three-quarters of a mile. Redoubts were established at 
intervals. A barn built of heavy logs, belonging to the Neilson farm, 
which lay within the works, was converted into a rude but strong forti- 
fication. A thickly wooded ravine formed a natural defense along the 


front of the camp, and Mill Creek swept through a deeper ravine, a little 
to the north. Gates occupied, with the right wing, the river hills and 
the defile between these and the river ; Morgan, of Arnold's division, the 
left wing, camped on the heights nearly a mile back from the river, and 
Learned occupied the elevated plain as centre. 

Arnold, with fifteen hundred men, was now constantly skirmishing 
with the enemy, and doubtless gave occasion for many of the sharp, con 
cise orders issued by Burgoyne, who was constantly harassed, and ofter 
compelled to use a whole regiment to protect a small working party 
On the seventeenth he was at Sword's house, where he encamped 
and prepared for battle. 

At eleven o'clock on the morning of the nineteenth of September 
General Burgoyne advanced towards the American camp with his arm) 
in three columns. The left commanded by Riedesel, and composed o 
the German regiments, with Phillips and his artillery, moved on the rivei 

Frazer, with his own and Breyman's corps, made a detour far to th( 
west, and Burgoyne, with the English regiments, took the centre anc 
marched toward the heights on the right. 

The main object of Burgoyne was a union of his own and Frazer'; 
divisions in the rear of the left wing of the American camp. The Cana 
dians and Indians were to engage the attention of the Americans in front 
while Frazer would get in the rear of the iVmerican left by his circuitou; 
route through the woods ; at a preconcerted signal, Burgoyne wouk 
make a simidtaneous attack in the front ; Riedesel and Phillips wouk 
occupy Gates on the American right ; thus it was hoped they would cu 
off and destroy the x\merican left wing, and at the same time gain an ad 
vanced position. 

Gates was told of the near approach of the enemy, but gave no order 
to meet or prepare for them. Finally 3delding to the urgent importuni 
ties of Arnold and others, he consented to allow the hovering Indians t( 
be driven back. But for this permission, which led to the repulse of th( 
British, Burgoyne's plan might have been successful. 

The American regiments behind their works were restless and cage 
for the contest, and no sooner were they permitted to move than the] 
assailed the enemy with resistless impetuosity. Morgan led the waj 
with his riflemen, who drove the advancing forces with such rapidity 
that, for a moment, their commander lost sight of them. His shrill whis 
tie soon recalled them to calmer work. Now following Arnold wit! 
Learned's brigade, they attempted to cut off the detachment of Fraze: 


from the main army ; Frazer at the same time was endeavoring to reach 
the American rear. Both striving for the same object, and their move- 
ments screened by the heavy forest, they met unexpectedly near Mill 
Creek, a few yards west of Freeman's cottage. A furious contest followed. 
Arnold led with his usual spirit, while Morgan seemed endowed with 
the strength and ubiquity of a forest demi-god ; with his active, intelli- 
gent corps, he struck blow after blow, his men scattering like leaves of 
the autumn before a gust of the British bayonets, only to close again and 
follow up their advantage. Assailing Breyman's guns, they captured 
a cannon, and were carrying it from the field when Morgan's horse was 
shot under him; heavy reinforcements came to relieve Frazer; Gates 
still withheld assistance, and they were scattered once more. Arnold 
and Morgan now made a rapid counter march against Frazer's left, and 
in this movement encountered the whole English line under Burgoyne. 

They were now reinforced with four regiments, and made so vigor- 
ous and resolute an attack that they were on the point of severing the 
wings of the British army, when Phillips came forward with his artill- 
ery, and the Americans were forced back within their lines. It was 
now three o'clock, and a lull occurred in the contest. The two armies 
lay each upon a hillside, that sloped toward a ravine, which separated 
them. With the reinforcements conceded to Arnold, his force did not 
exceed three thousand men ; yet, with this number, for four hours, he 
sustained an unequal conflict with the choicest English regiments, in- 
spired by every sentiment that ambition or desperation could suggest, 
and commanded by many of the most accomplished and brave officers 
of the English Army, 

Steadily the Patriots received charge after charge of the dreaded 
English bayonets ; then, emboldened by their own endurance, they 
pushed upon the enemy in a fierce attack, to be driven again toward 
their own lines. While victory seemed thus to sway back and forth 
over the little stream, which hid its crystal waters under the crimson flood 
that now crept over it, and while the Americans held the ascendancy, 
Riedesel came over the field at double-quick with his heavy Germans, 
and pressed the exhausted Americans back once more. It was now 
dark; they gathered up their wounded and prisoners, and retired to 
their camp. 

The American loss in killed and wounded was about three hundred, 
and the British nearly double that number. The latter held the field, 
and claimed a victory ; it was worse than barren to them. Foiled in 
their main object, they were now burdened with many wounded ; they 


had tested the strength of the Americans, and were convinced that 
their own advantages of discipHne and bayonets were perfectly coun- 
terpoised by the enthusiasm and courage of the Patriots. The British, 
who bivouaced on the field, were harassed until midnight by large 
skirmishing parties of the Americans, and were under arms in expecta- 
tion of an attack in force. 

Arnold urged the importance of this attack with such vehemence 
that Gates took serious offense, although he failed to tell Arnold that he 
was short of ammunition — the reason afterwards given for his refusal 
to follow up the advantage of the previous day. In his report of the 
battle to Congress, he refrained from mentioning Arnold's name. This 
led to a further quarrel, and Arnold was deprived of his command.. 
Gates continued to strengthen the defenses of his camp, while his army 
daily increased in numbers. 

Burgoyne encamped his whole army on the ground he had gained on 
the nineteenth, and protected it with strong entrenchments. Four re- 
doubts were constructed on the river hills, at the place now called Wil- 
bur's Basin. This was the northern extremity of a narrow alluvial flat 
that extended to Bemis House, two miles below ; it widened in the cen- 
tre, and narrowed again at this point, where the hills lay very near the 
river. On its banks were the hospitals ; they and the batteaux were 
covered by a battery and earthworks ; similar defenses were extended 
toward the west for nearly a mile to Frazer's camp, which was posted 
on the heights near Freeman's farm. North of that again a strong 
semi-circular redoubt was occupied by Breyman's artillery ; this pro- 
tected the right flank of the entire camp ; the north branch of Mill 
Creek formed a ravine along the left front of the camp, which thus, as 
in other particulars, resembled the entrenched camp of the Americans. 

Strongly and skillfully posted, the two armies lay face to face from 
the twentieth of September until the seventh of October. 

" The hum of either army stilly sounds, 
That the fixed sentinels almost receive 
The secret whispers of each other's watch. 
Fire answers fire; and through their paly flames 
Each battle sees the other's umbered face. 
Steed threatens steed, in high and boastful neighs 
Piercing the night's dull ear; and from the tents, 
Rise dreadful note of preparation." 

Our army was exultant, hopeful ; scarcely to be checked in its rest- 
less desire to drive the invader from the fruitful fields and deserted 
homes he desecrated and destroyed. Rushing out from their entrench- 


ments under every plausible excuse to skirmish with the outposts of the 
enemy, or capture his pickets, the eager militia could with difficulty be 
restrained by the cautious Gates from bringing on the general engage- 
ment that he seemed quite willing to avoid. 

The other camp seemed oppressed by the overhanging cloud of its 
impending fate. The British officers, perpetually on the alert, Avere un- 
able to secure a single night of undisturbed repose ; the men bore with 
quiet but sullen fortitude the privations and hardships of short rations, 
hurried snatches of sleep under full accoutrements, and constant calls to 
arms. More and more vivid to all grew^ the vision of that impassable 
wall of difficulties that enclosed them on all sides, leaving but one nar- 
row pathway to the north ; and even that was being closed by an active 
detachment of Americans from Lincoln's command. They had sur- 
prised the British garrisons at Lake George and Ticonderoga, and had 
regained all the outer defences of the latter place ; had captured gun- 
boats and batteaux, and taken three hundred prisoners. 

News of this calamity soon reached Burgoyne, yet he had some 
compensation in a gleam of hope that reached him from the South at the 
same time. A letter from Sir Henry Clinton was received, informing 
him that on the twentieth he would attack the forts below the High- 
lands, and attempt a further ascent of the river. Tw^o officers in dis- 
guise were immediately dispatched in return to inform Clinton of the 
critical position of Burgoyne's army, and urge him to hasten to its 
assistance. Clinton was also assured that Burgoyne would endeavor to 
hold his present position until the twelfth of October. 

Lincoln, who, with a large body of militia, now joined the army at Bemis 
Heights, was placed in command of the right wing. Gates took command 
of the left, of which Arnold had been dispossessed. The latter had remain- 
ed in camp, waiting patiently for a collision between the hostile armies. 

As Burgoyne's situation become day by day more critical, and he 
received no news from Clinton, on the fourth of October he called Gen- 
erals Riedesel, Phillips and Frazer together in council. Riedesel was 
strongly in favor of a retreat to Fort Edward, and Frazer conceded the 
wisdom of such a movement ; Phillips declined to express an opinion, 
and Burgoyne finally declared that on the seventh he would make a recon- 
noissance, and if he then found the enemy too strong to be attacked, he 
would immediately retreat to Fort Edward, and await the cooperation 
of the army below. 

On the sixth he had five days' rations distributed, and arranged for 
a reconnoissance in force on the following day. As he could not leave 


his camp unprotected, he only took fifteen hundred men. They 
were selected from the corps of Riedesel, Frazer and Philhps. Led by 
these officers in person, and Burgoyne as Commander-in-Chief, they 
marched out of camp at eleven o'clock on the morning of the seventh, 
and entered a field within three-quarters of a mile of the American 
left. Here, in double ranks, they formed in line of battle. 

On the left Williams' artillery and Ackland's grenadiers were posted, 
on a gentle hill in the edge of a wood that fronted on Mill Creek. Bal- 
carras' light infantry and other English regiments formed the right : 
the Hessians held the centre. Frazer, with five hundred picked men, 
was posted to the right and front of Balcarras, where a hill skirted the 
meadow ; he was ready to fall upon the rear of the American left at the 
first attack in front. 

Foragers were at work in a wheat field, while the English officers 
reconnoitred the American left with their glasses from the top of a 
cabin near the field. An aid-de-camp conveyed this information to 
Gates, who said : '' Order out Morgan to begin the game." 

Morgan had already discovered Frazer's position, had divined his 
design, and formed his own plan. Ordering an attack to be made on 
Balcarras in front, he made a circuit in the woods to fall upon Frazer 
from the heights above. It was also arranged that General Poor should 
assail the grenadiers on the British left simultaneously with Morgan's 
attack. Learned was to check the Germans in the centre. 

As the great Hudson, when suddenly loosened from his winter 
chains of ice, rushes with resistless force over all obstructions, so from 
their restraining earthworks the impetuous Americans poured furiously 
upon their adversaries in the front, while Morgan, like a mountain torrent, 
swept down the height upon Frazer's heroic band. So terrible was the 
onslaught that in less than twenty minutes the British were thrown into 
confusion. Frazer, in his brilliant uniform, on a splendid war horse, 
rode from side to side of the right wing, encouraging and rallying the 
bewildered troops, and protecting every point with his flexible five 

Burgoyne, seeing the right wing in danger of being surrounded, now 
ordered Frazer to form a second line to cover a retreat. In attempting 
this manoeuvre Frazer fell mortally wounded, and was carried from the 

The division under Poor, with the same impulsive vigor, dashed up 
the hill upon the artiller}^ and grenadiers of the British left, and drove 
them from their guns. Ackland brought them back, and recaptured the 


guns, which again fell into the hands of the Americans, who rapidly 
turned them upon the enemy, and drove them flying from the field. 
Ackland was wounded in both legs. He was a large, heavy man, but 
an officer took him on his back, and ran some distance with him. The 
pursuit was close, and the officer, fearing he would be captured, drop- 
ped his friend, and hurried on. Ackland now called out to the flying 
men that he would give fifty guineas to any man who would carry him 
into camp. A tall grenadier took him on his shoulders, but had not 
proceeded many steps when he and his helpless burden were taken 

The Hessians still held their ground in the centre. At this moment 
Arnold, maddened by his injuries, and excited into frenzy by the clash 
and roar of the battle, dashed like a meteor on the field, followed in the 
distance by Armstrong, Gates' aid-de-camp, carrying orders to compel 
his return. Stop the bison on his native plain ? the swallow on its 
flight? More easy this than Armstrong's task. The genius of war 
thrilled Arnold's soul, as epic metres stir the poet, as rugged landscapes, 
shadowed under sunset lights, influence the artist's brain. Genius ever 
lives and conquers ! It may be desecrated and destroyed, as Arnold 
buried his in ignominy ; but while it lives and inspires its own peculiar 
work, it rules and is supreme. Men bow before it, or lie crushed be- 
neath its poAver. Thus, when Arnold waved his sword, and shouted his 
brief commands, the genius within him rung through the tones of his 
voice, glanced from the quivering flash of his sabre, and the regiments 
followed where he led — one strong will, one palpitating force. 

With two brigades he rushed upon the Hessian centre, who stood 
the shock bravely for a time, but as he dashed upon them again and 
again with a fury they had never witnessed, they turned and fled in dis- 

Burgoyne now took command in person, and the conflict became 
general along the whole line. Arnold and Morgan, uniting to break a strong 
point in the British ranks, would again separate to dash from one place 
to another, where orders or encouragement were necessary. Burgoyne 
succeeded Frazer as the conspicuous figure on the opposing side, and was 
seen in the thickest of the melee, under the heaviest fire. Several shots 
tore his clothing, and his aids implored him not to expose himself, but 
resolute and daring, he endeavored skillfully, but vainly, to rally his 
army, and hold his ground. He could more easily have checked a hur- 
ricane on the great prairies ; his whole force was driven before the 
storm, and swept into their entrenched camp. Here they made a deter- 


mined stand. Arnold now took Patterson's brigade, and assailed Fra- 
zer's camp, where Balcarras and his light infantry had taken refuge. 
Charging with renewed vigor again and again up the embankment, he 
led the way over a strong abattis ; driven back from this, he attacked 
the entrenchments connecting this redoubt with Breyman's flank defence. 
Here he succeeded, and leaving the Massachusetts regiments to follow 
up the advantage at that point, he encountered a part of Learned's brig- 
ade, and dashed upon the strong works of the Hessian camp. Here, 
too, he drove everything before him. Capturing the cannon, the artill- 
erists fled in consternation, and Breyman was killed on the spot. Ar- 
nold's horse was shot under him ; it fell on him, and his leg was severely 
wounded. He was carried from the field. 

The whole British camp now lay exposed to the pursuing Americans. 
Night and silence fell upon the scene. The groans of the wounded, the 
muffled words of command given for the burial of the dead, and the 
dirge-like wailing of the autumn wind in the tall pines, were the only 
sounds that followed the roar of artillery and the shouts of the victors. 

" A thousand glorious actions, that might claim 
Triumphant laurels, and immortal fame, 
Confused in clouds of glorious actions lie, 
And troops of heroes undistinguished die." 

Ah, yes! the field of Saratoga is rich with the blood of heroes. 
What are the few names we have recorded compared with the unnum- 
bered hosts who lie under the placid hills of the Hudson — or who per- 
formed upon this field unnoticed deeds of valor, and passed through life 
unregarded and unnamed. 

While the battle raged on the heights, confusion and sorrow reigned 
in and around the British camp near the river. The Baroness Riedesel, 
who, with her little children, had joined her husband at Fort Edward, 
and remained with the army, Avas living at Taylor's house, above Wil- 
bur's Basin. She had breakfasted with her husband at his camp on the 
heights, and having returned home, was awaiting his arrival with Gen- 
eral Frazer and other officers, who were to dine with her. These pleas- 
ant anticipations were supplanted by grief and terror, when, at about 
two o'clock, General Frazer was brought in on a litter, desperately 
wounded. The table, which had been spread for dinner, was hastily 
put aside, and a bed prepared for him. He asked the physicians to in- 
form him truly of his condition, and when told he could live but a few 
hours, he exclaimed : '' O, fatal ambition ! Poor General Burgoyne ! 
My poor wife ! " These brief words express forcibly the desires, the 
thoughts, and the affections of this brave man. 


The Baroness, with her children and servants, and the wives of Ma- 
jor Harnage and Lieutenant Reynell, clustered despairingly together in 
one corner of the room where the dying General lay. The whole house 
was now filled with the wounded, and Madame Riedesel soon recov- 
ering her composure, was actively engaged in relieving their suffer- 
ings and comforting her afBicted companions. Information had been 
brought that Major Harnage was wounded, and that Lieutenant Rey- 
nell had been killed. Lady Ackland occupied a tent near by, and was 
soon informed that her husband was mortally wounded and a prisoner. 
Frequently during the succeeding night the Baroness left her sleeping 
children, and went to the tent of her friend, to tell her of more encourag- 
ing rumors ; and she finally advised her to obtain permission to join her 
husband in the American camp. 

At daybreak Madame Riedesel was informed that General Frazer 
was in his death agony ; she wrapped her children in the bedclothes, and 
carried them in the hall, until the last sad scene should close. Then, re- 
turning to the room, she and her companions were all day long in the 
presence of the sheeted dead. 

After midnight General Lincoln from the American camp marched 
on the battle field with a large body of fresh troops, to replace the ex- 
hausted victors of the previous day. Burgoyne, aware of his danger if 
attacked in his exposed position, now moved his whole army hurriedly, 
but in good order, to the river bank. Here, in gloomy desperation, they 
were crowded together under the redoubts, on the morning of the eighth. 

The whole of this day was spent in heavy skirmishing between the 
hostile armies, and General Lincoln, who had not been on the field dur- 
ing the seventh, was now slightly wounded. At six o'clock in the 
evening. General Burgoyne, with Generals Riedesel and Phillips and 
Mr. Brudenell, the chaplain, accompanied the remains of General Frazer 
to a large redoubt on one of the river hills, where they buried him, ac- 
cording to his dying request. The ladies at Taylor's house witnessed 
the funeral, and saw the cannon balls thrown by the Americans tear 
up the earth around the grave, while the funeral service was being read 
In a few moments the balls ceased their flight, and the cannon only, 
bellowed forth the melancholy roar of the minute guns. Gates had 
been informed of the sad office in progress ; a graceful token of a sol- 
dier's sympathy. 

Soon after this sad scene. Lady Ackland, with the Chaplain, her maid 
and her husband's valet were placed in a small boat and rowed down the 
river to the American camp, where she was soon united w^ith her hus- 
band, whose wounds, though serious, were not fatal. 


Burgoyne now gave orders for a full retreat of his army, to begin at 
nine o'clock that same night, the wounded and all heavy baggage to be 
left behind. General Riedesel was ordered to lead the van-guard, and 
push on until he crossed the Hudson at the Saratoga ford, and there take 
a position behind the hills at the Batten kill. A drenching rain poured 
upon the weary, plodding army the whole night. At Dovogat a halt 
was made. Burgoyne wavered and countermanded his orders. His last 
chance of retreat escaped him. 

" In helpless indecisions lie, 
The rocks on which we strike and die." 

The imperious commander, who had led the forward march with un- 
flinching resolution, pushing to his end without fear or hesitation, when 
foiled and sent back, for a moment shuddered, and refused to accept his 
fate. He still held his panic-striken army under his will, and he deter- 
mined once more to wait for the coming of the army from below ; it might 
yet bring him relief. Starting from Dovogat at daybreak, the British 
moved again, but only to encamp during the day on the heights north of 
the Fish kill. The handsome residence of General Schuyler was burned 
on the way. During this time Colonel Fellows, with the American 
artillery, had planted his guns on the hills on the east side of the Hudson, 
opposite the British camp. General Stark had also taken possession of 
Fort Edward above. On the tenth General Gates, having waited for fine 
weather, followed Burgoyne to Saratoga and encamped on the south 
side of the Fish kill. His delay greatly endangered the detachment of 
Colonel Fellows, who could easily have been surrounded and captured ; 
in fact, some of Burgoyne's officers were anxious to make the attempt, 
but failed to obtain permission. On the morning of the eleventh, while 
the autumn mist hung heavily over Fish kill and the adjacent grounds, 
Gates, believing that Burgoyne had continued his retreat, ordered his 
whole army to advance and cross the stream in pursuit. Without a 
reconnoissance or van-guard, the army was set in motion. The vigilant 
Burgoyne, having now staked his chances on delay, was waiting eagerly 
for any mistake on the part of his adversary. Aware of the proximity 
of Gates, and of his intention, he drew up his army, under cover of the 
dense fog in battle array, on the north side of the stream, to receive him. 
The American regiments under Nixon passed over and were instantl}^ 
attacked ; a severe contest followed, and Nixon soon discovered the British 
in force ; using his own judgment, and disobeying orders, he retreated, 
and checked the further progress of the army until communication could 
be had with Gates. 


Morgan had crossed the creek towards Saratoga Lake and, screened 
by the woods, posted his riflemen on the heights in the rear and 
flank of the British camp. This was strongly intrenched on the hill near 
the river, but was now entirely surrounded by the Patriots, and all com- 
munication destroyed either with the north or south ; and it was soon 
found by the British that their camp was exposed in every part to the 
fire of cannon or riflemen ; no approach to the river was permitted, and 
there was much suffering for want of water. The sick, wounded and 
women were huddled together in a house where cannon balls tore through 
the walls, and rolled across the floor, often wounding the helpless 
men who lay within. Madame Riedesel, with her children, and the other 
ladies took refuge in a cellar, where hours of horror were endured 
with uncomplaining misery. 

Sir Henry Clinton, having obtained reinforcements from England, at 
last came storming up the Hudson as though he would annihilate all ob- 
stacles between himself and Burgoyne. He obtained possession of Forts 
Montgomery and Clinton, although they were most courageously defend- 
ed by Gov. George Clinton and his brother James, who very skillfully 
saved their garrisons. The British easily destroyed the obstructing 
boom across the river, and Putnam, deceived and alarmed by their 
manoeuvres, left the enemy to sail unmolested to Albany. Satisfied with 
the destruction of the American vessels, and having burned Kingston, 
the seat of the Government, and ravaged the stately manor houses of 
Livingston and other aristocratic republicans, the Englishman returned 
to New York, and left Burgoyne unassisted in his perilous position. 

He had now only five days rations for his army, and not a spot where 
he could hold a council of officers in safety. On the 13th he called them 
together to consider their desperate condition, and there '* General Bur- 
goyne solemnly declared, that no one but himself should ansAver for the 
situation in which the army found itself." Three questions were then 
submitted for their consideration. '^ ist. Whether military history fur- 
nished any example of an army having capitulated under similar circum- 
stances. 2d. Whether the capitulation of an army placed in such a situa- 
tion would be disgraceful. 3d. Whether the army was actually in such a 
situation as to be obliged to capitulate." These w^ere answered in the 
affirmative, and there was an unanimous declaration in favor of capitu- 
lation. The terms of surrender were then discussed. A messenger was 
sent to Gen. Gates, who agreed to an immediate armistice. A meeting 
of officers to represent the commanders of the respective armies, was ar- 
ranged to take place on the spot where Gen. Schu^der's house had stood. 


There seemed a poetic justice in this, considering the magnanimous spirit 
of Schuyler, the relentless destruction of Burgoyne, and the humilia- 
tion of the destroyer on the site of the ruin he had wrought. 

The terms proposed by Burgoyne required that his army, upon its 
surrender, should be marched to Boston, and from there be shipped to 
England. Gates refused this proposition, and demanded an unconditional 
surrender as prisoners of war. Burgoyne rejected these terms indig- 

The armistice ceased. Burgoyne prepared for the worst. 

Gates now heard of Sir Henry Clinton at the Highlands. His fears 
were aroused ; he despatched a message to Burgoyne, in which he agreed 
to almost every article of the first proposition. Burgoyne gave his as- 
sent to these terms. Some further negotiations were in progress in re- 
gard to points of minor importance. News of Sir Henry Clinton's expe- 
dition now reached Burgoyne. Again delusive hopes awoke in his heart. 
He hurriedly called his officers together to consider whether they could 
honorably withdraw from the agreement to surrender. It was decided 
that honor held them fast, although the papers were not signed. On the 
17th of October the capitulation, or convention, as Burgoyne stipulated 
it should be called, received the signatures of the two commanders, 
Gates and Burgoyne. 

The British army were now marched out of their camps, under their 
own officers, to a plain near old Fort Hardy, where the Fish kill empties 
into the Hudson. Here, in the presence of only one American, an aid- 
de-camp of Gates, they laid down their arms. Generals Burgoyne, 
Riedesel and Phillips now passed over the Fish kill to the head-quarters 
of Gates, who rode out to meet them, accompanied by his aids. When 
they met, Burgoyne said, '^ The fortunes of war, General, have made me 
your prisoner," to which Gates replied, ''I shall ever be ready to bear 
testimony that it has not been through any fault of your excellency." 

The American army were drawn up in ranks on either side of the 
road. The whole army of British prisoners, preceded by a guard bear- 
ing the stars and stripes, and a band playing Yankee Doodle, were 
marched between the files of their victors. 

Gates and Burgoyne stood contemplating the scene. In the presence 
of both armies. General Burgoyne stepped out, and drawing his sword 
from its scabbard, presented it to General Gates ; he received it, and 
silently returned it to the vanquished General. 




It is commendable that each generation in our Republic should be 
solicitous for preserving' a recollection ot the achievements of a re- 
nowned ancestry. The authors of our independence will ever deserve 
the highest rank in the veneration of posterity. Philip Livingston was 
descended from an illustrious family in the State of New York. His 
great-grandfather, John Livingston, was a celebrated divine in the 
Church of Scotland, who emigrated to Rotterdam, where he died in 
1672. His grandfather, Robert, about 1680 came to America, and ob- 
tained a grant for the manor of Livingston. His father, Philip, was 
heir to this manor, as the eldest son, and Philip, the subject of this 
sketch, himself the fourth son, was born at Albany, New York, on the 
15th day of January, 1716. Institutions of learning Avere then few, and 
those could be easily counted in the entire Colony who had enjoyed the 
advantages of a collegiate education. By virtue of his exalted family 
station, Philip was sent to Yale College, Connecticut, where he gradu- 
ated in 1737. He turned his attention to commercial pursuits as a young 
man, and a career of extraordinary prosperity attested the wisdom of 
his choice of occupation. 

His first appearance in public life was in 1754, when he was elected 
Alderman in the City of New York, which place then contained a pop- 
ulation of only ten thousand, and for nine years he was annually elected 
to this post by the free suffrages of his fellow-citizens. He was elected 
from New York City to the new House of Assembly for the Colony, 
which convened on January 31st, 17S9, at the City of New York, and 
consisted of twenty-seven members. At this time Great Britain was at 
war with France, and Philip Livingston, in his legislative capacity, with 
patriotic loyalty, rendered illustrious service to the mother country in 
the raising and the equipment of the quota of New York for the subju- 
gation of Canada. Before the death of King George II., a new 
General Assembly of the Colony was chosen, which convened on the 
loth of March, 1761, in the city of New York, to which Philip Liv- 
ingston was again returned as a member. At a meeting thereof on the 
nth of September, 1764, Mr. Livingston, in his legislative capacity, re- 
ported an answer to the Lieutenant-Governor, Cadwallader Colden, 


which, in the following passage, may be said to have politically fired the 
first gun of the American Revolution : '' We hope," said Livingston, 
" your Honor will join with us in an endeavor to secure that great 
badge of English liberty, of being taxed only with our own consent, to 
which we conceive all his majesties subjects, at home and abroad, 
equally entitled to." He was elected Speaker of the new General As- 
sembly that met on the 27th of October, 1768, and herein, the whig party 
being in the ascendant, opposition was soon manifested by speeches and 
resolutions against the assumptions of Great Britain, which was the 
germ of that great Revolution which was soon to follow. This Assem- 
bly was in consequence thereof dissolved by the Royal Governor, Sir 
Henry Moore, on the 2d of January, 1769. To the new General Assem- 
bly, which convened April 4th, 1769, Philip Livingston was returned 
again, this time not from New York, but from the Manor of Liv- 
ingston. On account of his opposition to the usurpations of the Eng. 
lish Parliament, which opposition now became frank and outspoken, he 
was marked for ministerial vengeance, and was expelled from his seat 
in the Assembly on the frivolous ground that he was a non-resident of 
the Manor of Livingston ; and thus terminated forever his legislative 
career in the General Assembly of his Province while under the British 

Mr. Livingston was chosen as a member from New York to the first 
Congress, that met at Philadelphia on the 5th September, 1774; was agair 
returned by a Convention held in New York City on the 22d of April, 1775. 
In this Congress, at Philadelphia, on the 4th day of July, 1776, Philip 
Livingston, on behalf of the Province of New York, together with his col- 
leagues, Wilham Floyd, Francis Lewis, and Lewis Morris, declared hi.^ 
adhesion, and together with the other delegates at a later period affixed 
his signature to the Declaration of Independence; and for the success oi 
the political principles he then and there endorsed, pledged his life, his 
fortune, and his sacred honor. On the 13th day of May, 1777, he was 
re-elected to the Continental Congress. But his engagement in this na- 
tional body did not release him from legislative employment at home. 
On the 20th of April, 1777, the Constitution of the State of New York 
was adopted, and Mr. Livingston was chosen a State Senator by its au- 
thority, and as such attended the first meeting of the first Legislature oi 
the State of New York. On the 2d of October, 1777, with four others, 
viz : James Duane, Francis Lewis, William Duer, and Governeur Mor- 
ris, he was elected by the State Legislature to Congress, they being the 
first delegates chosen under the State Constitution just adopted. 


This veteran in the cause of the people died on the 12th day of June, 
1778, at York, Pennsylvania, where Cong-ress was then assembled, the 
British being- in possession of Philadelphia. He died at his post of duty 
and of danger with his harness on. He devoted the last hours of an 
illustrious life to the service of his country, then literally passing 
through the "■ valley of the shadow of death." 

Congress promptly adopted the usual resolutions of respect to the mem- 
ory of the deceased. The political character of Mr. Livingston was fitly 
supplemented by traits of marked benevolence. As early as 1754 he was 
prominent in an effort to establish a public library, which was finally 
incorporated in 1772. He was one of the first governors of a hospital in 
New York City, chartered in 1771, also among the founders of the 
Chamber of Commerce in 1770, and was a leading spirit in the birth 
of King's, now called Columbia College. In many, if not all, of 
these enterprises he was associated with, and aided by, his brother, 
William Livingston, afterwards Governor of the State of New Jersey ; 
by his cousin, Robert R. Livingston, the celebrated jurist, and the son 
of Robert, the uncle of Philip; and by another cousin. Dr. John H. 
Livingston, one of the most eminent clergymen of his day, and the son 
of Gilbert, also an uncle of Philip. These men were all giants in their 
day, and gave to the name of Livingston a celebrity that it has retained 
through a century. Colonel Dierck Ten Broeck was the father of 
Christina, who became the wife of Philip Livingston, and who survived 
him, after having shared with him the honors and trials of nearly half a 
century. Philip Livingston was not a brilliant man, but as a guide and 
counselor he was a safe man. He was not a great orator, but still 
he moved men by a power greater than eloquence — a conviction 
in the sincerity of his motives. He was born for a generation that 
needed him, particularly for that unswerving and unpurchasable fidel- 
ity which illustrated his life more than did any aggressive force of 
character or any bold execution of his or of the plans of others. 
He was a faithful and firm patriot, a cool and sagacious representative, 
a generous and unselfish citizen, an avowed and tried christian, and an 
honored and an honest man. The labors of himself and of his asso- 
ciates in the cause of independence demand and receive our grateful 
homage. For the grand results of their lives, see the progress — for their 
epitaphs, read the annals of the Republic. The nation stands to-day, 
at once their monument and their eulogy. 


Note.— A sketch prepared for the Congress of Authors, which met at Independence Hall, 
Philadelphia, Saturday, July 2, 1876. 





Part III 

(Copyright reserved) 

I left therefore with the purpose of 
travelling, as comfortably as possible, the 
hundred and twenty miles which sepa- 
rated me from the army. My route was 
through a glorious country and over an 
excellent road. I was alone with two 
valets, so that nothing forbade me from 
indulging in my own reflections. I con- 
sidered with pleasure this new-born peo- 
ple and their country. From time to 
time I passed points from which the view 
was imposing. I traversed immense for- 
ests whose numerous products attested 
the fertility of the soil. At every two or 
three leagues I met with villages, well- 
built, where no trace of poverty was. vis- 
ible. The inhabitants well clad, tall, 
strong, already proud of the liberty 
which they had regained, completely de- 
cided me in favor of a country which 
seemed to nourish them so thoroughly, 
and the sight of a great number of very 
pretty female faces in no ways spoiled 
the picture. Such were the pleasant 
thoughts and agreeable sights which fill- 
ed up all my journey. 

I stopped to dine and to spend the 
night, and everywhere I was received 
with genuine hospitality. I liked to con- 
verse with the masters of the house- 
hold. They were too polite to notice 
the imperfect manner in which I spoke 
their language. We dined together with- 
out ceremony, and whenever the hostess 

was pretty I kissed her, without waiting 
for the husband to formally request me 
to do so. These little caresses, and the 
careful courtesy, which I always used in 
speaking of political affairs and public 
papers with my hosts, generally obtained 
for me the best chamber in the house, 
and also, what is very rare here, I was 
given for my bed fresh sheets which had 
been used by no other gentleman, and I 
exhibited so much aversion for sleeping 
in company, that I obtained the further 
privilege of not being awakened during 
the night by some unknown arrival. 

All these little performances, of which 
in France we make no account, are great 
favors in America, where neatness is not 
as yet as well established as freedom. 

From this short account of the man- 
ner in which my days were spent, I hope 
that even those folks who take a per- 
sonal interest in me, need give them- 
selves no anxiety about my lot during 
the four days which I took to reach the 
Hudson. I went through Bristol, Tren- 
ton, Princeton, Somerset, Morristown, 
Brompton and some other cities, for 
every hamlet is called " city " in Amer- 

I passed the Hudson River at King's 
Ferry with a pretty high wind, and al- 
though the bark which had been given 
me for my horses and myself was con- 
sidered very staunch, yet as it shipped 
an immense (Quantity of water I was de- 
lighted to quit it. This majestic and 
superb river is about six hundred feet' 
(French) broad in this place. Its bed 
is hemmed in by high mountains, which 
by the variety of their forms offer views 
wild but imposing. Ships of seventy- 
four guns ascend the river to Stoney 



Point, near to King's Ferry, where there 
are bars which permit vessels of only 
sixty-four guns to pass. Vessels of this 
last draft can, with the aid of good 
pilots, go up the Hudson to within 
ten miles of Albany to a place called 
Red Hook, where there is a bar which 
stops even frigates. Only sloops can 
pass this bar and go about twenty miles 
further up. The source of the Hudson 
is somewhere to the west of Lake George, 
and it empties into the sea at New 

On landing, I found the American 
army camped in a place called Ver- 
plancks' Point. It consisted of about 
six thousand men, who for the first time 
since the beginning of the war were de- 
cently uniformed, well-armed, properly 
equipped, and camped in tents of a reg- 
ular model. I passed through all the 
camp with pleasure, astonishment and 
admiration. All the soldiers seemed to 
me well looking, robust and well-chosen. 
The sentinels were well equipped, very 
attentive, sufficiently well disciplined in 
the use of their arms, and so strong was 
the contrast with the incorrect notions 
I had formed concerning these troops, 
that I was obliged frequently to say to 
myself, that I beheld in this army the 
same which formerly had no other uni- 
form than a cap, on which was written 

I noticed on a little hill which looked 
over the camp an assemblage of tents, 
which I recognized easily as the quar- 
ters of General Washington. Despite 
the natural impatience which I had to 
see this famous man, yet as I knew no 
one who could present me to him, I con- 
tented myself with approaching as near 

as possible to his establishment, for the 
purpose of beholding him in case he 
came forth. I continued my route to 
present myself at the camp of the French 
army distant about fourteen miles, that 
is about five French leagues. I arrived 
at Crampond about four o'clock in the 
afternoon and I found the Generals 
[French] at table. 

On the morrow I was received in the 
brilliant post of " Second-Colonel," and 
as there was nothing to do, I soon found 
myself as well informed and as well up 
in my work as any of the warriors of 

I begged General de Rochambeau, 
who received me with great kindness, to 
have the goodness to present me to Gen- 
eral Washington. He promised to do 
so, and the second day after my arrival, 
he took me to dine with that distin- 
guished gentleman. I handed him a 
letter from my Father, and was re- 
ceived with a gracious " shake-hands," 
accompanied by many polite and flatter- 
ing things kindly spoken. 

I give his portrait, which I have drawn 
from what I saw myself, and what I heard 
from others concerning him. 

The General is now about forty-nine 
years of age. He is tall, nobly built and 
very well proportioned. His face is much 
more agreeable than represented in his 
portrait. He must have been much 
handsomer three years ago, and although 
the gentlemen who have remained with 
him during all that time say that he 
seems to have grown much older, it is 
not to be denied that the General is still 
as fresh and active as a young man. 

His physiognomy is mild and open. 
His accost is cold although polite. His 



pensive eyes seem more attentive than 
sparkling; but their expression is benev- 
olent, noble and self-possessed. In his 
private conduct, he preserves that polite 
and attentive good breeding which sat- 
isfies everybody, and that dignified re- 
serve which offends no one. He is a 
foe to ostentation and to vain-glory. 
His temper is always even. He has 
never testified the least humor. Modest 
even to humility, he does not seem to 
estimate himself at his true worth. He 
receives with perfect grace all the hom- 
ages which are paid him, but he evades 
them rather than seeks them. His com- 
pany is agreeable and winning. Always 
serious, never abstracted, always simple, 
always easy and affable. without being 
familiar, the respect which he inspires is 
never oppressive. He speaks but little 
in general, and that in a subdued tone, 
but he is so attentive to what is said to 
him, that being satisfied he under- 
stands you perfectly, one is disposed 
to dispense with any answer. This 
behaviour has been very useful to him 
on numerous occasions. Nobody has 
greater necessity than he to act with 
circumspection, and to carefully weigh 
his words. 

To an unalterable tranquility of soul 
he joins a most exact judgment, and 
the utmost with which he has been re- 
proached is a little tardiness in his de- 
termination and even in the execution of 
his decisions, when once he has made 

His courage is calm yet brilliant, but 
to appreciate in a satisfactory manner 
the real extent of his talents and his 
ability as a great and warlike captain, I 
think one should have seen him at the 

head of a greater army, with greater 
means than he has had, and opposed to 
an enemy less his superior. 

At least one cannot fail to give him 
the title of an excellent patriot, of a wise 
and virtuous man, and one is in fact 
tempted to ascribe to him all good qual- 
ities, even those that circumstances have 
not yet permitted him to develop. 

Mr. Washington's first military serv- 
ices were against the French in the War 
for Canada. He had no opportunity for 
distinguishing himself, and after the de- 
feat of Braddock, the war having crossed 
the river St. Lawrence, and the Virginia 
militia of which he was Colonel having 
been sent home, he was not kept in act- 
ive service ; whereupon he retired to his 
plantation where he lived like a philoso- 

His estate was quite distant from the 
seat of the English government, the real 
hot-bed of the insurrection ; and his wise 
character withheld him still further from 
mixing in its movements, so that he had 
but little share in the first troubles. 

On the breaking out of hostilities with 
the mother-country, every body wished a 
chief who joined a profound sagacity to 
the advantage of having had military ex- 
perience. All eyes turned toward Wash- 
ington, and he was unanimously called to 
the command of the army. The course 
of events justified the choice. Never 
was there a man better fitted to com- 
mand the Americans, and his conduct 
throughout developed the greatest fore- 
sight, steadiness and wisdom. 

Mr. Washington received no pay as 
General; refused it as not needing it. 
The expenses of his table only are paid 
by the State. Every day he has about 



thirty persons to dinner. He gives good 
military fare, and is very civil towards 
all the officers admitted to his table. It 
is ordinarily the moment of the day 
when he is the. most cheerful. 

At desert he eats an enormous quan- 
tity of nuts, and when the conversation 
is entertaining he keeps eating through a 
couple of hours, from time to time giv- 
ing sundry healths, according to the 
English and American custom. It is 
what they call " toasting." They always 
begin by drinking to the United States 
of America ; after that to the King of 
France, then to the Queen of France, 
then to the success of the allied armies, 
after which, what they call a sentiment 
is sometimes given ; for example, to our 
success over our enemies and with the 
beauties — to our triumphs in war and 
in love. 

I toasted very often with the General, 
and amongst others on one occasion I 
proposed to drink to the Marquis de La- 
fayette, whom he regards as his own 
child. He accepted with a benevolent 
smile, and had the politeness to respond 
by proposing the health of my father 
and my wife. 

General Washington appeared to me 
to maintain a perfect demeanor towards 
the officers of his army. He treats them 
with great politeness, but they are far 
from attempting any familiarity with 
him. All of them, on the contrary, ex- 
hibit towards their General an air of 
respect, of confidence and of admiration. 

General Gates, famous for the capture 
of Burgoyne and for his reverses at 
Camden, commanded this year one of 
the wings of the American army. I saw 
him at the house of General Washing- 

ton, with whom he had had a misunder- 
standing. I was present at their first 
interview after the disagreement. To 
narrate the details of this variance 
would be to long for insertion here. 


MAY 15, T786, TO JUNE 5, 1787 

Part HI 

September i — Rode down this small 
branch of Licking to its mouth 8 or 9 
miles and crossed the South Branch of 
Licking River. Breakfasted at one 
McClellans at about 11 o'clock, 15 miles 
from Grants. Arrived at Main Licking 
which is about 15 miles further, crossed 
it and stopped at Col Lyons who lives 
here and boils salt at the Big blue lick 
which is close by the river side in a 
great bend of the river — the south branch 
of this river has very little water in it 
but this is a very pretty stream — forded it 
— there are only four or five cabins here 
which people occupy to boil salt — at pre- 
sent there are about 100 kettles boiling 
but the spring is large enough to afford 
water to boil 1000 kettles or more I sup- 
pose. The water issuing from the spring 
is very blue ; that and the boiling of the 
kettles has a very particular effluvia aris- 
ing from it which smells like the salt 
marshes on the sea shore, but stronger — 
they have their kettles fixed in kind of 
furnaces in a place underneath to keep 
fire in, and 8 kettles in each furnace, two 
and two — Col Lyon says it will take about 
four men to supply [oo kettles with wa- 



ter and fire and about as many more to 
keep them in wood if it is pretty conveni- 
ent, himself boils 32 kettles and makes 
from 3 to 3I bushels of salt in the 24 hours; 
they boil night and day except Sunday 
and he sells this salt from 3 to 4 dollars 
a bushel — upon a Calculation it takes 
about T20 Gallons of this water to make 
one Gallon of Salt — his kettles hold 10 
or 12 Gallons of water each. The Salt 
when made is very white and fine and 
better they say to preserve meat than 
the imported, owing to the quality of 
Nitre in it. 

September 2 — Staid to eat Breakfast 
with Col Lyons, who is a gentleman from 
the lower parts of Virginia and treated 
us with a great deal of Politeness and 
attention — told us many extraordinary 
stories of the numbers of Buffaloes that 
formerly resorted to this Salt Spring. 
That one man enumerated 500 head in 
one view at the Spring, and suppose he 
did not reckon one fourth he saw adja- 
cent to it — Shewed us large roads cut 
Several feet in the earth and as large as 
common highways made by Buffaloes 
coming to the Springs — and what few 
trees there are on the hills close by the 
Spring ready to fall down by the Buffa- 
loes taking shelter under them from the 
sun and treading the earth from their 
roots. These reports he has from peo- 
ple who have been here before him, and 
dont doubt it has been a great resort for 
these animals on account of the Salt 
Water, and a number of them has been 
killed here as appears by the number of 
their skulls now strewed about the place. 
Here a very severe Battle was fought in 
the year 1779 or 17 80 between a few of the 
Militia of Kentucke and a superior num- 

ber of Indians in which the Militia was de- 
feated and lost near one hundred men 
killed — Col Lyons bid us beware of 
Indians between this and Limestone as 
there was a boy and two negroes taken 
off by them the night before last 
from a Station within a few miles of the 
road we are to go and about ten miles 
from Limestone — but the people all thro 
Kentucke telling us our danger all along 
the road makes this kindly caution very 
familiar to us — Crossed the North Fork 
of Licking about 15 miles from the Blue 
Licks — little or no water in it — 4 miles 
further we came to. a quite nice village 
called Washington within five miles of 
Limestone — These people first began 
to build this place entirely in the Woods 
last Christmas and now I suppose there 
is 40 houses in it, chiefly indifferent Log 
ones and rather scattered, have sunk 
some wells here with success — Dined 
and arrived at Limestone at 5 o'clock 
where we found our Boat in waitings 
having got here this morning — from Lex- 
ington to the Blue Licks is reckoned 40 
miles, and to Limestone 23 further — 
making in the whole from Louisville to 
Limestone, the road we came, about 183 
miles, pretty good waggon road all the 
way; there is a nearer road to Louisville 
by 30 miles to turn off to the right of 
Lexington and go by Leestown, but more 
dangerous and not so good a road. 

What is called Kentucke^ and what a 
number of settlers is now endeavouring 
to obtain a separation from the parent 
state Virginia and be Independent, I un- 
derstand is to be bounded by Big Sandy 
river and the Cumberland Mountains on 
the East, by the South boundary line of 
Virginia on the South and by the Ohio 



river on the North and West. In the latter 
end of the year 1779 this whole extent 
of country only contained 170 souls and 
now they say there are 30,000 in it; how- 
ever from the best calculation I can 
make and the accounts I get from differ- 
ent people in the country I cant think 
there exceeds 25,000 souls of every des- 
cription, a great many of them negroes 
and transient trading persons, so I sup- 
pose there is not more than 5,000 fight- 
ing men that can be depended on. It at 
present is divided into seven counties viz 
Jeffcj'son,, Nelson^ Mercer^ Madison^ 
Lincoln, Fayette and Bourbon. The 
people in General are better than ever 
I knew to settle in a new country. There 
are some from every state in the Union 
particularly from North Carolina, Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania; Vir- 
ginia gave great encouragement for the 
settling this country — every man who 
raised corn here in the year 1780 held by 
right 400 acres and la p7-c'emption for 1000 
more, but what are now called Capital 
Land holders in this country own from 
100 to 120 thousand acres The people 
in general are very indolent in respect 
to cultivating their land, perhaps it is 
owing to their holding too great a quan- 
tity or the disturbance occasioned by the 
frequent incursions the Savages make in 
their country. What they chiefly raise 
is Indian Corn which they make their 
bread of — some Wheat, Rye, Oats &c. 
Tobacco they raise a good deal and 
would raise a great deal more if there 
was any consumption for it,- also Hemp 
flax &c. They seem generally to have a 
most excellent breed of Horses, which 
they take great pains in Raising ; all kinds 
of stock is easily raised and comes to 

great perfection. They raise great 
abundance of Hogs, as you will see 100 
or 150 in a drove running apparently 
wild in the woods. The town of Louis- 
ville is rather unhealthy particularly in 
August and September when a kind of 
fever and ague rages and makes the 
countenances of all the people appear 
yellow and wan, which I imagine gen- 
erally arises from the badness of the 
water they drink. The Land on Bear 
Grass and as far as Sullivan's old station 
is very fine, chiefly bottom and timbered 
with very large Beach, some Oak and 
Elm; from this station the land is very 
Ridgy and a thin gravelly soil to Bards- 
town, all cut to pieces with water courses 
without any water in them except standing 
pools, which I saw the people drinking 
after it was perfectly green — dont wonder 
they are all sick; even Salt River which 
we crossed had scarcely any running 
water in it — but the least showers of rain 
cause a torrent in all these courses — 
some good bottoms but small on Salt 
river. The Land middling good just 
about Bardstown, and until you get near 
Danville is much the same as before you 
get to Bardstown; most miserable water- 
ed — about Danville it is very good and 
some well improved farms near it. The 
waters of Kentucke which you now 
come on is much more steady than the 
other streams and the land better. Some 
cane grows on the land near Danville 
and on. You would imagine the coun- 
try in general very low till you come to 
Dick's river and the Kentucke which has 
amazing stupendous banks and very rap- 
id; from Kentucke river to Lexington 
the land is very fine indeed; well water- 
ed, timbered and a great deal of cane, 



people looks and is a great deal more 
healthy in and near Lexington. The 
land continues very fine till you get on 
the waters of Licking river; some pretty 
good I understand on the south Fork and 
a good many settlers on it but there is not 
scarcely an acre fit for cultivation at the 
Blue Licks, and Col Lyons tells me the 
Land generally on Licking river is very 
indifferent all the way to its mouth and no 
settlers on it. On the North Fork of Lick- 
ing, where we passed, is some fine 
Cane Land and so on to Limestone; 
some good stations and well improved 
farms round Limestone 8 or lo miles. 
Stations is the manner in which the 
country was first settled ; that is a num- 
ber of families collected in one place, 
built their huts adjoining each other 
and stockaded them in for their common 
defence and improved only all together 
3 or 400 acres of Land just enough for 
their bare subsistence. It is only since 
the conclusion of the war they have 
scattered themselves in the country. A 
stranger must not judge of the number 
of the Inhabitants from those he sees 
settled on the road side; for the road is 
carried thro the most high and hilly part of 
the country which is not so fit for cultiva- 
tion as the more interior part. A great 
inconvenience the settlers at present un- 
dergo is the want of mills to grind their 
grain, owing in some parts of the settle- 
ments to want of water and in general the 
country being too young; however in Vil- 
lages they have generally Horse mills 
which grind for the community. In 
private families they have hand mills 
with which they grind their corn &c as 
they want it. At Lexington we had the 
account confirmed of the Indians carrying 

off the Boy and two negroes, by the Boy's 
father who has just returned from making 
every search after the savages; he is a Mr 
Clarke who appears amazingly distressed 
for the loss of his favorite child and of- 
fers one hundred pounds to any person 
who will restore him, which from his re- 
sponsibility and respectability, he is very 
able to pay. 

Septe?nber 3 — After detaching the Cor- 
poral and one man we had extra in 
our boat to return with our horses to 
Louisville, we set off ourselves in our 
Boat at 12 o'clock and lay all night near 
the third Island 20 miles above Limestone. 

Septe77iber 4 — Rowed on to the mouth 
of Sciota opposite which we lay all night 
on the Bar that puts of from S E shore. 

Septejnber 5 — Went 

about 30 miles to- 

day and anchored out. 

Septei?iber 6 — Arrived at Guyandot 
this evening and lay all night off its 
mouth in rapid water — obliged to make 
fast to a sawyer. 

September 7 — Pushed hard this day 
for Great Kenhawa, in the afternoon 
found our provisions almost exhausted 
and put every man on board to allow- 
ance — In the evening the men begged 
to go on and arrived at Great Kenhawa 
about 10 o'clock. 

Septe??tber 8 — Left Kenhawa 10 o'clock 
and lay all night about 6 miles below the 
little falls. 

September 9 — Passed the little falls 
which is now very perceiveable as the 
water is very low — only one small pitch, 
and on the whole they are very trifling. 
Lay all night about 6 miles below Devil 
hole Creek. 

September 10 — Got to Flynns station 
a little before 12 o'clock and Breakfasted 



— lay all night at the lower end of the 
large Island just below little Kenhawa. 

September 11 — Arrived at Alusking- 
ham between one and two o'clock where 
we found every person happy to see us — 
and I never had a more agreeable tour 
than this I experienced in company with 
Maj North — found that Col Harmar has 
detached Capt Hearts Company to join 
Maj Hamtramck with the Surveyors and 
that they have been a good deal sur- 
prised here by an Indian coming in and 
saying that the Indians were all collected 
in the Shawness towns and intended a de- 
scent on this place — The Colonel to pre- 
vent a surprise has ordered the two com- 
panies to parade every morning at re- 
veille beating and remain one hour un- 
der arms in occupying the fort — Mrs 
Harmar and Dav McDowell and his 
Lady have arrived in my absence, also 
one six pounder, one 5^ inch Howitz 
and a little wrought-iron three pounder, 
have got some of the Bastions with plat- 
forms to mount them in. 

September 17 — Left Muskingham with 
Maj North about 2 o'clk and went to the 
head of the first Island about 5 miles 
and lay all night. 

Septe?nber 18 — Lay this night on the 
ist Island in the long reach, our men be- 
ing from Captain Strongs Company did 
not row well. 

September 19 — Got this day a little 
ways above Fish Creek and lay all night. 

September 20 — Stopped a little while 
at Grave Creek — went to see the Bisj 
grave found all the houses evacuated, ap- 
parently in great disorder, leaving their 
furniture .See all distributed about, which 
made us apprehensive they were drove 
off by the Indians; went 6 miles above 

here, lay all night at a house which had 
very lately been left — staid ourselves 
and kept sentries all night. 

September 21 — Halted at Wheelin 
where we found the people from below 
all assembled being much surprised by 
some Indians appearing among them a 
few days ago at their settlements — 
building a Fort here to defend them- 
selves. jNIany rumours of a great num- 
ber of Indians speedily expected to at- 
tack them — Lay about 10 miles above 
Wheelin all night. 

September 22 — Stopped at a small 
Block house to-day on the Indian shore 
which Maj Hamtramck had built for the 
security of his provisions while he was 
out protecting the Continental Survey- 
ors. Saw here Capt Mills the Commissary 
and Mr. Hoops a Surveyor, who told us 
that they expected the troops and all 
the Surveyors in, on account of an alarm 
they had received from the Indian towns. 
Arrived to-night within about three 
miles of Yellow Creek. 

September it^ — Lay to-night about 7 
miles below Mcintosh. 

September 24 — Breakfasted at Mcin- 
tosh where we found the chief of Capt 
Fergusons Comp'y (a few being at Fort 
Pitt) and himself. Maj Hamtramcks 
command, consisting of his own com- 
pany, Capt Hearts, Capt Mercers, and 
Capt McCurdys — Mrs McCurdy is here 
and in a very bad state of health; left 
here and went about halt way to Fort Pitt. 

September 25 — Sett out early in the 
morning, arrived at Fort Pitt at 2 o'clock, 
where Capt Ashton commanded with a 
few men of Capt Fergusons Comp'ny; a 
very tedious passage, the men not being 
accustomed to the business fatigued them 



very much — Stayed here some days to re- 
cruit my horse which I found in very 
bad order at Wheelin, on my way up I 
had him sent across to Fort Pitt with my 
boy — Pittsburgh is a very dissipated 
place as usual, chiefly owing I believe to 
the number of strangers continually pas- 
sing and repassing, yet the lower class of 
people in this place scarcely does any 
thing else but drink whisky. No depend- 
ence to be put on any tradesmen, altho 
very indifferent in their professions, 

September 30 — Agreeable to my orders 
from Col Harmar, to set out for New 
York as soon as possible on public busi- 
ness, left Pittsburgh this day in company 
with Maj North and got to Harmars 
town at night —to Bridges the next night 
— to Andersons next night — stayed some 
time in Bedford and went to Juniata 
next night, breakfasted at McDonalds 
foot of Sidehng hill next morning where 
Maj North and I parted, myself regret- 
ting much the want of his company, as 
he and I had traveled some time and a 
great ways together, and I never in my 
life experienced a more agreeable travel- 
ing companion ; from the great fund of 
humor, good sense, pertinent remarks, 
and volubility of words, he made himself 
agreeable to all around him, and passed 
away the tedious days in coming up 
the river all the way from the falls of 
Ohio in perfect pleasantry. I being 
obliged here to go thro the Big Cover he 
could not accompany me but appointed 
a day to go into New York together; 
soon after I left Major North, a young 
country fellow but meanly dressed over- 
took me, accompanied by a very hand- 
some young girl dressed very genteel, I 
did not at all understand this phenom- 

ena, to see so well dressed a girl in this 
country among the mountains, riding a 
good horse, saddle, &c, and gallanted by 
such a dirty looking fellow ; it looked 
strange, but he soon unveiled his story 
by telling me he lived in a cabin I had 
seen on the road side two or three miles 
back, and this was his sister who had 
come on a visit to him from the uppei 
parts of Conogocheague where she lived 
with a relation, and as he had not time tc 
accompany her all the way home begged 
if I was going that road to wait upon her; 
I with pleasure agreed to his request and 
we all rode on together to Dickeys tavern 
10 miles from McDonalds, when here- 
turned, leaving his sister entirely in my 
charge. Eat my breakfast here and 
politely asked her to breakfast with me, 
but she said she had eaten with her broth- 
er at his house. Set off together, found 
her very sociable, which induced me tc 
ask her name which her brother had for- 
got to inform me off; that led me to in- 
quire where she came from &c all oi 
which she answered very candidly and 
good natured, said her name was Bella 
Barclay, that she was only about twc 
years from Ireland and lived with hei 
uncle in Conococheague I endeavored 
then to sport with her good nature and 
ignorance, as I conceived, but soon found 
that she did not deserve the character I 
had formed of her, but seemed very well 
informed of her country she had so lately 
left, had received a tolerable education 
which her own genius had much improved 
by reading a great many Authors; I was 
foiled in every attack upon her and that 
with a great de-al of humor and good 
nature — then I wished for my old com- 
panion Maj North who would have en- 



joyed her company with tenfold the sat- 
faction that I could, and have been 
much more pleasing to me — In either 
religion, Philosophy, or History — she 
got the better of me. The day being 
warm I found myself a good deal fa- 
tigued in walking over the lone moun- 
tains altho much improved by the In- 
habitants on the N W Side, and we 
stopped at the Thorns tavern which is 
just at the foot of the mountain. After 
getting over it, where I endeavoured to 
treat her very genteel with plenty of 
good Toddy and Grog — but her prudence 
would not suffer her to drink more than 
was of service to her, and not any to 
me, altho she was exceeding warm; rode 
a few miles further with her into Cono- 
cocheague often supporting a curious 
conversation till she was obliged to part 
from me by going off the main road to 
her uncles. She seemed much to regret 
the loss of my company as well as I did 
of hers. My curiosity was led to ask 
her a great many impertinent questions, 
during our being together, which she an- 
swered with very good nature and free- 
dom — and never once did she seem any 
way concerned who I was, where I was 
going &c — Stopped at Mr McDowells 
expecting to see Ens McDowell but as 
he was not at home only staid to dine 
and rode to Chambersburgh — Rained 
exceeding hard last night and still con- 
tinued; set off early to cross a branch 
of Conococheague before it rose — got 
over it with difficulty. Breakfasted at 
Sheppersburgh and dined waiting for the 
rain to stop, which seemed to abate; about 
two o'clock, set out but soon rained as 
hard as ever ; got to Alexanders tavern 
exceeding wet again — staid here all 

night — Rode to Carlisle this morning to 
breakfast; staid here all day; in the after- 
noon Maj North came up who had been 
detained one day in the Horp Valley by 
the high waters. I being obliged to go 
thro Yorktown Maj North set out for 
Harrisburgh, to go by the way of Reading 
to New York, without calling at Phila- 
delphia. Stayed all night at Yorktown, 
set off early the next morning and arriv- 
ed in Lancaster at 2 o'clock where I found 
Major North at dinner, having altered 
his mind. My business detained me 
here all day — Maj North set off imme- 
diately after dinner. Next morning I 
set out in company with Gen Hand 
and lodged all night at the Sign of the 
Ship and the next evening 

October 11 — Arrived at Philadelphia. 
Much detained in this journey by the 
excessive rains, which raised all the 
rivers surprisingly, carrying away bridges, 
mills, and every thing before it; had to 
swim my horse over a number of streams. 
Even the stone bridge over Codenes in 
the middle of Yorktown was swept away, 
along with many houses. Stayed in 
Philadelphia only two or three days: 
spent two days with my brother at 
Princeton and got to New York. 





In the possessiofi of Don Hilario Cisneros 

This year, on the day of St. John at five 
o'clock in the evening, appeared at Ha- 
vana the Mariscal de Campo, Conde de 



O'Reilly, in a frigate commanded by Don 
Juan Tomaseo, which had been fitted 
out with the greatest dispatch at Cadiz 
and sent to sea. As her arrival was 
wholly unexpected it created universal 
surprise, and all the more because of 
some orders which the Count sent in 
from sea as soon as he came in sight of 
the Castle Morro. 

He dispatched a gig on shore with 
his first adjutant, Don Miguel Knaves- 
brough, with orders to the Gene- 
ral in command of the post to call upon 
sundry persons and inform them in his 
behalf that he expected to meet them 
that night at the house of the General, 
when he would communicate certain in- 
telligence; he also advised Bucareli of his 
immediate visit and directed him to in- 
vite to a Junta at his house that very 
night, the General of Marine, Don Juan 
Antonio de la Colina and the Intendente 
Conde de Macuriges, and informed him 
that at the Junta he would show the or- 
ders whicli he brought from the King, to 
accomplish which arrangements must be 
discussed and settled without a moment 
of delay. The Adjutant came also to my 
house and gave me a verbal message, in- 
forming me that he had also to place in 
my hands a secret despatch from the 
Marquis de Grimaldi, Minister of 

O'Reilly had always been very popular 
in the Island. This news once spread, 
the whole population came down to the 
shore to witness his landing in such num- 
bers that it was difficult to open a way 
for him to reach the house of the Gov- 
ernor. The Junta met, and later the 
order, of which I have spoken was given 
to me; and we agreed together that I 

should go some morning early to his 
'house to take his views. 

The real object of his coming was 
disclosed in an order, of which copies 
were distributed, commanding him to stop 
at Havana, and afterwards at the King- 
dom of New Spain, to inspect the troops 
of each, on whom and their perfect 
condition the King relied for the security 
and defence of his dominions in any 

The aim of the expedition was New Or- 
leans ; his orders w^ere to punish four or six 
Frenchmen who had been the leaders of 
the insurrection of that Colony, which a 
few years previous had been ceded by the 
King of France to the Crown of Spain; 
to establish and secure peace there. It 
was of importance that this should not 
transpire, that the principal criminals 
might be surprised and seized by a coup- 

The Governor in Chief of the Colony, 
the Chief of the Squadron, Don Antonio 
UUoa, had fled from there to Havana, with 
his wife, his children, and as many as 
twenty persons of his family, all of whom 
I received in my house at the time, as it 
w^as in my power to give them a frank and 
friendly reception. A few days later he 
embarked for Spain, visited the Court to 
report what had occurred, and in conse- 
quence the sudden military operation 
was undertaken and very properly en- 
trusted to O'Reilly, because of his rep- 
utation and well known zeal. 

The Junta, in order to avoid inquiry, 
which always arises where many different 
orders are given to different officers, 
consented that the Conde de O'Reilly 
should have power to take such action in 
the Port and Bay as he saw fit ; to select 



the number of transports necessary ; to 
pick out the troops and detachments which 
should supply them ; artillery, powder^ 
balls, provisions and necessary stores; 
and in order that he should meet with 
no delay, appoijited a priv^ate conference 
with the Governor to smooth over any 
difficulty which might arise. 

The General commanding was delight- 
ed with this arrangement, because he dis- 
liked to give half way orders. The com- 
mandant of the Marine took upon him- 
self to select, equip and arm a frigate of 
his squadron, to take the head of the mar- 
itime expedition, with the assurance that 
(working night and day,) it would be 
ready the 15th of July, and that it should 
be of a draught to enter the Balize at the 
mouth of the Mississipi river, where the 
water is shallow, and the bottom ex- 
tremely dangerous because of the fallen 
timber and whole trees which the river 
brings down in its rapid currents. 

Bucareli, in his private conference, said 
to the Count that he was his friend, and 
that he could not refrain from informing 
him at least that he had received orders 
from the King to hold such troops, artillery 
and stores as he should deem necessary 
for the defence of his Post in the Island. 
That, on the assurance of this, he had 
pledged himself to the King to defend 
the Island; that the orders presented and 
read to the junta were not sufficient for 
him, and that in the present situation he 
could not hold himself responsible to his 
Majesty for his own defence, with the 
amount of information in his posses- 
sion, and that if he brought no more di- 
rect orders, the expedition could not be 
made, at least in so far as affected his 
command as Governor. 

O'Reilly was prepared for this. He 
presented another secret order addressed 
to the Governor by the Baylio, Don Ju- 
lian de Arriaga, informing him that the 
King expected him to give all requisite 
assistance to carry out his mission, which 
would be but of short duration; and 
that he looked to him beyond all others 
to supply the aid the Count should re- 
quire to achieve his purpose. 

This done, the next day the Count be- 
gan of himself to issue such orders as 
he deemed necessary; he gave notice 
that at the latest he must sail with 
every thing ready, in a month from his 
arrival; that is, on the 24th of July, early 
in the morning, at which time he should 
head his ship for sea. 

The Marquis of Grimaldi instructed 
me, in the order which O'Reilly delivered 
to me, to give to this General every aid 
possible from the mail vessels, their crews 
and supplies, and the money of the treas- 
ury. Its date was of the loth April. But 
that very night I received another secret 
order in the handwriting of that Minister 
himself, bearing date the 20th of the same 
month. In this he apprised me of the 
secret of the expedition to New Orleans, 
and informed me that he gave me the 
only information he could about it; that 
it must be understood that the King par- 
ticularly desired that no interruption 
should occur in the monthly maritime 
mails in all directions, and that in the 
assistance rendered, there should be no 
diminutions of the regular money remit- 
tances for his treasury at Coruna and the 
requirements of the Ministry. 

It is necessary to state here that from 
this port of Coruiia the mail vessel for 
May sailed to Havana, by which I re- 


ceived this last order; it crossed O'Reilly 
in the waters of Porto Rico, who fearing 
that the mail ship might arrive before 
him, as a faster sailer, and thinking that 
some word or notice of his expedition 
might go by it, ordered the captain to 
sail at his stern, and go ahead on no ac- 
count whatever. The captain, Don 
Antonio de Villa, refused to comply, and 
the Count repeated it to him; but he 
would not obey except under force. 
Two shotted guns were fired, when he 
yielded instantly and shortened sail. 

Thus he entered Havana after the fri- 
gate. The captain delivered his papers, 
and I, following the instructions received 
in the new order, governed myself by it 
in the conference with O'Reilly, taking 
prudential measures beforehand. 

The 25th of June O'Reilly despatched 
his adjutants to the Bay to embargo the 
greater part of the vessels there at anchor, 
large and small, whether loaded, dis- 
charged or half discharged. 

The active General was about in all 
directions, was everywhere to be seen, 
talked with everybody, and always with 
an inconceivable vivacity, with a demo- 
niac fire rarely met with. Every night 
there was a meeting of his adjutants at 
the house of the Governor, and there, in 
public, written reports were made (each 
separately), of all that each had done 
during the day; others gave him infor- 
mation by word of mouth, and to each 
he gave verbal orders as to what he 
should do the following day; each was 
approved or condemned in such things 
as he found them wanting in sufficient 
activity, and they went out each night 
with censure or approbation. 

This sort of thing went on for eight 
whole days and nights, until the begin- 

ning of July; and in the entire eight 
days nothing had been done ; the 
Bay and its shipping had been thrown 
into a turmoil absolutely incredi- 
ble, and everything was at a stand 

The Governor held his court every 
night before the Count began to hold 
his. He gave the health and retired to 
another room with two or three friends, 
so as not to interfere with him in any 
way. But from that room he could see 
all that went on in the other; he saw the 
disgust with which the temper and im- 
patience of O'Reilly were received, and 
he often saw that he was not at the end 
of his troubles. Bucareli let him run 
through his whole ecliptic with the sat- 
tellites he had chosen, and those who had 
connived with them. He wished no dis- 
cussions, quarrels, nor hard words, but 
he only wished that O'Reilly himself 
might be convinced by himself. 

Sleeplessness and activity are excel- 
lent things in a commander when 
the relative abilities, the order of com- 
mand, and the capacity of the per- 
sons commanded are in accord with 
that sleeplessness and activity. In truth 
it must be said that the extremely 
active and extremely useless labor of 
the aforesaid eight days was impeded by 
the number of persons therein engaged. 

There were ships laden with sugars 
and other products ready to sail for 
Spain, which were embargoed 2.x\A ordered 
to unload. Their captains complained 
aloud, claiming damages. There were 
ships unloading merchandise according 
to their Spanish manifests under the 
rights ol free commerce^ which were again 
e77ibargoed and compelled to unload at 



The captains and ship-masters repre- 
sented that their vessels needed ballast, 
to pay for which they had not a rial from 
their cargoes, adding that they had dis- 
charged the greater part of their crews as 
they were a heavy charge, and not need- 
ed for two or three months, until their 
return. Many vessels, even those which 
were without galleys, cables, rigging and 
other things were also e7?ibargoed. The 
owners represented this to the adjutants, 
and the adjutants informed their Gen- 
eral, but urged or threatened by their 
chief, they in turn urged and threatened 
the owners, and the owners took to 
flight to escape the adjutants; about 
eighteen or twenty good vessels were 
requisite, yet more than forty useless 
craft were embargoed^ none of them 
good and all by right free from any em- 
bargo; he ordered their owners to begin 
at once to fit them for sea; he threatened 
them with imprisonment, and in each 
ship posted an adjutant to hasten and 
superintendent the labor of each day, and 
arranged for a division for night labor. 

Then happened in this extremity pre- 
cisely what might have been expected. 
Many of the captains and nearly all the 
owners abandoned their vessels, took the 
right of asylum or concealed themselves. 
It was requisite that their keels should 
draw no more water than would be found 
on the Balize or in the river Mississipi, in 
order to enter; and yet, without making 
this practical examination, the useful and 
the useless were alike embargoed. Pro- 
per representations were made, but they 
were not, on this account, either exempted 
or any notice taken of the representations. 

Such was the condition of affairs in the 
first days of July. Bucareli, not to dis- 

turb his friend, had made no observation 
to him whatever; but matters had reach- 
ed such a pass that he felt it his duty to 
have an explanation with him, and he did 
so with military frankness. 

" Friend, with all that has been done 
up to this hour, I yet see no light. At 
the rate at which this is going on you can 
not get away from this place, as is neces- 
sary, the 24th of this month, nor do I be- 
lieve that you will be ready by the 8th of 
August. If you choose, I will come here 
every morning between four and five 
o'clock, and I will also visit the General 
of Marine, who is a good friend ; we will 
cross the bay; we will take along with us 
the Captain of the Port, with a list of all 
the vessels in it, their crews and actual 
condition ; with the Harbor master and 
such other intelligent persons as we re- 
quire, we will go over the whole bay and 
examine the ships, and they will inform 
us of the good and bad points of each, 
and action can be taken upon this infor- 

So it was done the following day, and 
such judicious, methodical diligence re- 
sulted from it, that the loaded ship, the 
useless from its poor condition, the un- 
serviceable, because of its draught of wa- 
ter being too great for the Balize, were all 
excluded and notice given to their cap- 
tains by the Clerk of the Governor that 
from that moment they were at liberty; 
that the other vessels, having been thor- 
oughly examined and measured in hull 
and hold by the Harbor master, such 
of them as were suitable selected, and the 
repairs necessary to be made upon 
them being agreed upon, their captains 
were notified to present themselves that 
same night at eleven o'clock at the 



house of- the Governor; at the hour 
fixed, there arrived at a junta the Gen- 
ral of the Commission, the General 
of Marine, the two Commissaries of 
the army and navy, Don Nicholas Jose 
Rapun and Don Bartholome de Monies 
(both men from head to foot). The Gov- 
ernor and Captain General of the Island 
presided in person over thisyV////^, enter- 
ed into agreement, with all the parties in- 
terested, with regard to the freighting of 
each vessel, according to its tonnage and 
the time it would take, the advances of 
money which the outfit required, its col- 
lection the very same day, and also charg- 
ed the two Government Commissaries 
to aid and facilitate in every possible 
way ; each within the limits of his own 
department. From this moment the sky 
was clear; those who had fled returned 
from their hiding places, sailors came 
forward ready and eager, all encouraged 
by the concessions made. All moved for- 
ward evenly from that day, without any 
obstruction whatever. 

When towards the middle of July the 
Governor saw the condition of forward- 
ness of affairs, he said to the General of 
the Commission : " As far as I am con- 
cerned, all will be ready by the 20th or 
2 1 St of this month, and the expedition 
can sail if you on your side make no 
hindrance ; and so I shall advise the 
Court, since I have nothing more to do, 
having done all that was asked of me. 
It was expected to set forth at the end of 
a month from your arrival, and now it is 
ready before the month is out." The 
General of Marine was also ready on his 
side, as he had promised. 

I had already held my conference with 
the General of the Commission. In it I 

gave him an approximation of what the 
mail Service could give him in aid of his 
enterprise; it was three vessels well fitted 
and manned, whose Captains understood 
how to enter and leave the waters of the 
Balize; forty thousand hard dollars, one 
hundred barrels with a thousand arrobas 
of flour, cables and rigging; assuring him 
that in eight days all would be ready if 
he would himself take the least pains and 
his adjutants less; and that the captains 
and pilots of the three mail vessels would 
take his orders either in writing or by 
word of mouth as he should prefer. He 
was very much pleased, and he replied to 
me with frankness : '' The money I do not 
7ieed, but everything else. The ocean mail 
vessels I shall send here with despatches 
for the Court ; and for everything else 
that may arise we shall have a friendly 
understanding, and henceforth I shall 
advise you of the progress of affairs and 
will avail of your kindness for whatever 
may present for the service of the King." 
We parted in friendship, and mutually 
pleased. From the moment when the 
Governor paid him the delicate compli- 
ment of the 15th, O'Reilly hastened, after 
his fashion, the embarkation of the 
troops ; he arranged his plans for the en- 
try and landing, taking with him on shore 
some of the fugitives to lay hold on the 
guilty parties. The expedition sailed 
the 2 1 St July; it was composed of twenty- 
one transports with a frigate, twenty-five 
hundred men and a corresponding force 
of artillery. All passed according to his 
wish. He seized the criminals and 
brought them to trial ; they paid the for- 
feit of their lives. He left the Governor 
with a suitable garrison. He returned to 
Havana, embarked immediately for Ca- 



diz and flew to the Court. His ser- 
vices were greatly praised. An article 
appeared in the Gazette, with a just 
panegyric upon the very active and suc- 
cessful General, taking no notice (as is 
usual) of the two Generals of Havana 
and the other persons who had served 
the King under his own eyes, and in a 
manner which could not have escaped 
his memory.* 

The Governor of Havana read this